Western Abenaki Verbs Emmon Bach
University of Massachusetts, Amherst / SOAS
work in progress: comments welcome
ebach at linguist dot umass dot edu
please do not reproduce without permission Last revision / update:

Foreword: The present file is meant to register everything I have been able to find and figure out about Western Abenaki verbal morphology. The file is written with an assumption of some technical linguistic knowledge on the part of the reader. Another discussion which is intended to bridge the gap for the general reader may be consulted: Sketch of Western Abenaki Grammar. At the moment the present file supersedes some of the information given there. The sources I build on and refer to are listed as References at the end of the document, and Acknowledgements are given just before the references. The file represents an ongoing research project. It is incomplete, and will be revised from time to time. Comments, corrections, and amplifications are more than welcome! My email address may be found above.

An important caveat: the sources used here cover a long time period, from roughly 1830 to roughly the present. I have not made a systematic attempt to reflect the historical dimension. Thus, many forms given may be archaic. EB.

These notes are divided into a general outline and a detailed listing of actual forms and examples and discussion. Clicking on the underlined items in the outline will take you to the relevant part of the detailed listings. The "back" directive of your browser takes you back to the outline.

Where the WA sources are meager or fail, I have included information from some other Eastern Algonquian languages. For more comparisons with some other Eastern Algonquian languages, click on this link Western Abenaki Grammar in its Eastern Algonquian Setting [may not be up as I continue to work on this file].

  1. Overview
    1. General
    2. Two Clitics
    3. Person and Number
    4. Obviation
    5. Tense
    6. Theme Signs
    7. Definite and Indefinite
    Note on spelling: generally I follow the spelling of the source. Readers should be aware of the following variations. Voiced and voiceless stops alternate: b - p, d - t, g - k, gw - kw. For discussion of the main differences in spelling in the sources see Sketch of Western Abenaki Grammar.

    Outline:

  2. *Independent Order
    1. Indicative
      1. Affirmative
        1. AI Independent Indicative Affirmative
        2. II Independent Indicative Affirmative
        3. TA indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
        4. TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
        5. TA Indefinite Subject Forms
        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go
        7. TA Theme Sign 2b -ga
        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me
        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you
        10. TI indefinite
        11. TI definite
        12. *TI indefinite subject
      2. Negative
        1. AI Independent Indicative Negative
        2. II Independent Indicative Negative
        3. TA indefinite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô
        4. TA definite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô
        5. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go Negative
        6. TA Theme Sign 2b: -egw / -go Negative
        7. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Negative
        8. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Negative
        9. TI indefinite Negative
        10. TI definite Negative
        11. *other
    2. Independent Subordinative/Subjunctive
      1. Affirmative
        1. AI Independent Subordinative
        2. II Independent Subordinative
        3. TA Independent Subordinative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
        4. TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
        5. Indefinite Subject Forms
        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go
        7. TA Theme Sign 2b: -ga
        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me
        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you
        10. TI Independent Subordinative indefinite
        11. TI Independent Subordinative definite
        12. *other
      2. Negative
        1. AI Independent Subordinative Negative
        2. II Independent Subordinative Negative
        3. TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
        4. TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
        5. Indefinite Subject Forms
          • *Independent Subordinative Negative Indefinite Subject Forms Present
          • *Independent Subordinative Negative Indefinite Subject Forms Preterite
        6. TA Theme Sign 2: -egw / -go
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2: egw/go Present
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2: egw/go Preterite
        7. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Present
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Preterite
        8. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Present
          • *TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Preterite
        9. TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative
          • *TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative Present
          • *TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative Preterite
        10. TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative
          • *TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative Present
          • *TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative Preterite
        11. *other
  3. Conjunct Order
    1. Conjunct Indicative
      1. *Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
        1. *AI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        2. *II Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS1 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        4. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2a Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2b Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS3 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS4 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. *TI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
      2. Conjunct Indicative Negative
        1. *AI Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        2. *II Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS1 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        4. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2a Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2b Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS3 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. *TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS4 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. *TI Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
    2. Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive
      1. *Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive Affirmative
        1. *AI Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        2. *II Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS1 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        4. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2a Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2b Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS3 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS4 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. *TI Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
      2. *Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive Negative
        1. *AI Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        2. *II Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS1 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        4. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2a Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2b Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS3 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. *TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS4 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. *TI Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
    3. *Participles
  4. *Imperative Order
  5. *Word Formation: Verbs
    1. Structure of Stems
    2. Initial Change
    3. Finals
    4. Paired Finals
  6. *Some Mysteries

Link to a templatic chart with examples for Western Abenaki Verb Inflections.

Actual forms
  1. Overview
    1. General
    2. We will generally follow traditional Algonquianist terminology. The overarching grouping of verb forms is that of the three (sometimes four) Orders, here Independent, Conjunct, Imperative. Within each order verbal forms are divided according to the membership of the argument categories of the verb to the big gender (noun-class) categories of Algonquian nominals: Animate and Inanimate. Taking this split together with the division between Intransitive and Transitive verbs we have the major distinctions of verbal morphology: Animate Intransitive (subject) (AI), Inanimate Intransitive (subject) (II), Transitive Animate (object), and Transitive Inanimate (object). Verb paradigms are divided into Affirmative and Negative patterns, and these in turn into two categories of basically syntactic (modal) import: Indicative and Subordinative. Within the transitive category, Western Abenaki (like other Eastern Algonquian languages) shows a difference -- not always explicitly registered -- between forms for definite and indefinite objects. Finally there is a split along the dimension of Tense into Present and Preterite. In addition there are special categories for impersonal or indefinite subjects. The fullest set of distinctions can be found in the Independent Order. In the Conjunct Order, not all cells are filled out with special inflections, particularly in the Negative paradigms. The imperative (by its nature) has fewer distinctions still. It includes not only imperatives proper but first and third person forms encoding ideas like "let's..." or "let him/her/them..."

    3. Two Clitics
    4. There are two second position clitics registering `future' and `conditional' type meanings (compare JL84: 119 with examples showing "transposition" of other elements around these items):

      1. -ji `future' (will etc.)
      2. -ba `conditional' (would, should etc.

      I have often separated them with a hyphen, to show the inflectional form of words more clearly. In Laurent they are written without space or hyphen.

    5. Person and Number
    6. Western Abenaki distinguishes the following person and number categories, and these notes will use the indicated abbreviations (1 2 2p etc.):

      1. 1 First Person Singular: I, me, my, mine
      2. 2 Second Person Singular: thou, thee, thy, thine
      3. We will often use these archaic English forms to signal a distinction lost in contemporary English.
      4. 3 Third Person Singular: she, her,.. he,..., it...
      5. 3' Third Person Obviative (indifferent as to number)
      6. See below for an explanation of obviative forms.
      7. 1p First Person Plural exclusive: we, us, our, ours
      8. Excludes the person spoken to: me and others, not you.
      9. 21 First Person Plural inclusive: we, us, our, ours
      10. Includes the person spoken to: you and me (and maybe others).
      11. 2p Second Person Plural: you, your, yours, (you all..)
      12. 3p Third Person Plural: they, them, their
      13. X (or 0 or PRO) Indefinite Subject

    7. Obviation
    8. When a clause has several third-person nominals, one of them may be marked as proximate and all the rest must be marked as obviative. The proximate is approximately the item under focus and the obviatives are out of focus or backgrounded. In Western Abenaki the forms are somewhat vestigial: the distinction applies only to animate nominals and does not register a difference in number. Thus an obviative nominal or cross-reference can correspond to either a singular or plural entity.

      One situation where there is obligatory obviative marking is when an animate nominal is in a possessive construction with a third person possessor. Here the possessed nominal must be in the obviative, and verbal agreements must register this fact. Here are illustrations from Laurent's nominal paradigms (JL84:46, 121), comparing sentences with possessed nominals:

      1. Wibguigoa w'-d-asoma. `His (her) horse is grey.' AI IndIndc 3' JL84:46
      2. Wibguigo n'-d-aasom. `My horse is grey.' AI IndIndc 3 JL84:46
      3. W'kaozema -ji ônkohlôna. `His cow will be sold.' JL84:123
      4. [fixed typo: ônkôhlôna EB]
      5. W'kaozemwô -ji ônkohlôna. `Their cow will be sold.' AI+O IndIndc Indefinite subject ["passive"] X-3' JL84:124

      Here the first example has an obviative form (`his horse') and the verb registers the obviativity in the form of the agreement, so we have -a in both words. In the second the nominal is proximate and there is no special marking on the verb. In the third example the nominal and the verb are again marked for obviativity, but in the fourth example the -a on the nominal has been "swallowed up" by the next affix, which registers the plurality of the possessor. Given the neutralization of number on the obviative forms, the obviative examples could also be translated as `his/her horses' or `his/her cows.'

      As in our lists of subject agreements above, we will follow Algonquianist tradition by indicating an obviative element with 3'.

      We will see that there are other affixes that register obviativity on a nominal or in agreements on verbs.

    9. Tense
    10. Within the Independent and Conjunct orders, there are generally two sets of forms, which I shall designate as tenses, one Present and the other I will call Preterite (called variously Imperfect and Past as well). Two sets of markers appear, distributed as follows:

      1. -b(an): two forms: -b and -ban
      2. Distribution: the long form (-ban occurs only when the affix is not in final position, in final position we see only -b (because of final devoicing often written with p.

        This tense marker is used only for Indicative forms, otherwise we see the other marker, that is in all subordinative and in all conjunct forms where a preterite exists.

        Check! this is inaccurate and still to be untangled. We do see conjunct forms with -b ( -p) and maybe -ban as well. They are hardly highlighted in JL84. Comparative evidence: Voorhis lists conjunct preterites? See separate files Eastern Algonquian Comparative and txt file conjfrms.txt.

      3. -za: has three principal forms -shan/-za/-ssa
      4. Like the suffix -ban, the first form -shan only occurs in non-final position. In practice this means that the only forms with the -shan form will look like this:

      1. ...shani with ending -V (obviative agreement)
      2. ...shanik with ending -VK (plural agreement)
      3. ...shana -a subordinative/subjunctive ending


      Addendum (08-01-11): In other Eastern Algonquian languages, these markers are assigned to different position classes. For discussion, see a separate file by EB [reference to be filled in].

    11. Theme Signs
    12. An inflected verb in WA (more generally in Algonquian) has potentially this much structure:

      Prefix...STEM - THEME-SIGN - inflections

      (For the time being we will ignore further layers of structure inside the STEM. Some discussion below in Section VI.A, Structure of Stems.)

      Theme signs are particularly relevant to the TA (transitive animate) verbs. To understand them we need to consider several different situations:

      Situation 1: the subject is a first or second person -- I, we, thou, you -- and the object is a third person -- her, him, them; or the subject is a proximate third person -- 3 or 3p -- and the object is obviative. Then we have what are sometimes called direct forms.

      Situation 2: the subject is a third person and the object is first or second or the subject is obviative (`other') and the object is third person (`proximate'). Then we have inverse forms.

      The inverse, Me-You, and You-Me forms are called `relative' by Joseph Laurent (JL84). Some modern writers (about various Algonquian languages), call all the same three sets of forms `inverse.'

      Situation 3: the subject and object are first and second person (I, we, you, you plural) then we have the socalled you-me forms. There are two possibilities: the subject is second person (you, you all) and the object is first person (me, us). Let's call these 2-on-1 -- or you-on-me forms: TS3 = -i. In the other case, with first person subject, we have 1-on-2 or me-on-you forms: TS4 = -el (-ol). This description pertains strictly to the Independent Order. For the conjunct, see below.

      Examples:

      Prefix... STEM THEME-SIGN INFLECTIONS example
      n wajôn TS1: -ô* -n(a) -na(w) n'wajônônana `(that) we may have'
      k- sagam TS2a: -(e)gw
      k'sagamegw. `he bites thee'
      nd- ilh TS2b: -(e)ga
      ndilhega `I am told'
      k- nami TS3: -i
      knamii `thou seest me'
      k- nami TS4: -el -b -na knamielbena `we see you'

      In the conjunct order, the Theme Signs carry a different import. Theme Sign 3 is used whenever the object is a first person form, and Theme Sign 4 whenever the object is a second person form, not just when we have you - me and me - you situations. Therefore with Theme Sign 2a, the only situations will be obviative on proximate forms (3' - 3 and 3' - 3p). The number encoded in the ending will pertain to the object, that is, the 3 or 3p form. The endings are then:

      1. -god (= -gw + d) obviative on proximate (singular)
      2. -go(h)odid (= -gw + V + d + id ) obviative on proximate (plural)
      3. The h appears in older texts (cf. remark above).

      [More to come!]

    13. Definite and Indefinite
    14. In the TA direct forms and the TI forms there are two sets, depending on whether the object is Definite or Indefinite. More on this below where we give the patterns. Definite forms are used with a noun object that is known already to the speaker (and hearer), where English would use the... or without such an object, often referring to a definite person or animate being in mind: him her them. Indefinite forms are used with an indefinite noun object, roughly where English uses a / an / some.

      Compare Goddard 1967, p. 77:

      Now the absence of inflectional cross-reference to the object is a characteristic of the absolute transitive paradigms whose reflexes in the Central languages have been discussed above. And in fact all the structural features which differentiate the reconstructed absolute and objective paradigms are used in Abnaki to differentiate the indefinite and the finite [definite]. The indefinite has P-endings, two prefixes, and does not mark the object; the finite has n-endings, three prefixes, and does have inflectional reference to the object.

      Not to be confused here are special forms for indefinite subjects (AI and TA), somewhat like "impersonal" forms in some discussions. These are variously labeled in the literature: X, 0 (zero), PRO.

  2. Independent Order
  3. The Independent Order is the most general order and has the fullest set of different forms. Independent Indicative forms are used in most plain statements not embedded as subordinate clauses. The independent order is the only order where person / number prefixes are used (though they are not used in all forms of the independent order). The prefixes and suffixes having to do with subjects are closely related to affixes that are used in possessed nominals (my house, my sister). Here are a couple of preliminary examples of verbs, a very short word and two longer forms:

    1. ndabi `I sit' nd- `I' abi (ab+i) `sit'
    2. Compare the possessed noun for `my horse': ndaasom. (the internal structure of the basic stem ab+i will not concern us yet)
    3. (O'da) w'wajônôwibani (not) `he had not the...' w- `he' wajônô `have' -wi `negative' -ban `preterite -i (-V) `3' ' (obviative third person) object' [O'da means `not'] JL84:149
    4. (again the internal structure of the stem is not reflected)
    5. (O'da) w'wajônôwiwwôbani (not `they had not the ' w- wajônô `have' -wiw `negative' -wô `plural subject' -ban `preterite' -i `3' (-V)' JL84:150*
    6. *I have corrected a typo in JL84, which has "e" for the second "ô."

    1. Independent Indicative
      1. Independent Indicative Affirmative
        1. AI Independent Indicative Affirmative
          • AI Independent Indicative Present
          • The schema for Independent Order verbs is: (Prefix) - Verbstem - (Suffixes). Historically the 3rd person mark was a suffix -w, which combines with the -i of abi type verbs into -o. There is no prefix in the AI 3rd person forms, this is one place where there is a difference from the possessive prefixes used with nouns, which use the w-/wd- prefix: wdasoma `his horse' (obviative).

            Inflections:

            1. n- / nd-* I, me 1
            2. k- /kd- you (singular) 2
            3. -o / -ZERO ** he/she 3
            4. [-oa / -ZERO he/she/it/they 3' (obviative)]
            5. n- / nd-... -bena (-bna)** we (exclusive) 1p
            6. k- / kd-... -bena we (inclusive) 21
            7. k- / kd-... -ba you (plural) 2p
            8. -oak / -ak they 3p
            9. -n indefinite subject: `there is ...ing'

              *The forms with d are used when the verb starts with a vowel. Hereafter in these notes, this predictable difference is usually not noted in lists or analyses with prefixes.

              **A frequent spelling variation: including or leaving out e (ə) between consonants, this optional variation not usually noted here.

              Examples:

            10. ndabi I sit 1
            11. kdabi thou sittest* 2
            12. abo he/she sits 3('?) [= ab+i+w ]
            13. [aboa he/she sits / they sit 3'] **
            14. ndabibna we (excl) sit 1p
            15. kdabibna we (incl) sit 21
            16. kdabiba you (pl) 2p
            17. aboak they sit 3p
            18. [ abin there is sitting, one sits X]
            19. *Again, we will often use the archaic forms "thou, thee, thy, thine" to signal first person singular form.

              **Compare the examples cited above:

              1. Wibguigo n'-d-aasom. `My horse is grey.' 3
              2. Wibguigoa w'-d-asoma. `His (her) horse is grey.' 3'
              3. W'meljassa wazabizoa . His (her) mittens are thin .' AI IndIndc 3' JL84:67

              The verb here is of the same type as abi / abo. Forms that are not actually attested are enclosed in square brackets as here, sometimes with !! to emphasize this fact.

            20. ndaloka `I work' 1
            21. kdaloka `thou workest' 2
            22. aloka `she/he works' 3/3'*
            23. ndalokabena `we work' (excl) 1p
            24. kdalokabena `we work' (incl) 21
            25. ndalokaba `you (pl) work' 2p(excl)
            26. alokak `they work' 3
            27. alokan `(there is) working'** X (indef subj)
            28. *contrasts with conjunct 1sg alokaa (see below)

              **alokan `working' AI isi (indefinite subject indicative) GDD. Many examples with -an or -in in GDD marked "isi" as here.

            29. nbaiô `I come' 1
            30. kbaiô `thou comest' 2
            31. baia `he/she it comes' 3/3'*
            32. nbaiôbna `we (excl) come' 1p
            33. kbaiôbna `we (incl) come' 21
            34. kbaiôba `you (pl) come' 2p
            35. baiak `they come' 3p
            36. [baiôn]** X `there is coming, someone comes'
            37. **Haven't been able to check the form for this verb. Evidence for the conjectured example: the forms here match the forms for TA with indefinite object, I have found one example: abitahôn `invitation' scl: an inviting' TA isi in GDD, from abitaha TAi `invite someone'

              These three verbs illustrate the three types of AI patterns, differing only in the third person -- he/she/they -- forms. This last type is identical in form to the patterns for TA's with indefinite object. (check this out below)

              Examples:

            38. N'nadonô. `I cut.' [at cards] AI IndIndc 1 JL84:50
            39. Nadona. `He (she) cuts.' AI IndIndc 3 JL84:50
            40. The last two examples establish that this verb is like baiô / baia.
            41. Wlôwigo. `He, she, it, is blue.' AI IndIndc 3 JL84:44
            42. Chowi spôzi tokin majimiwi. `One must always get up early.' JL84:102

          • AI Independent Indicative Preterite
          • The mark of the preterite is -b(an): -ban only if not final in word. (But see further discussion in Some Mysteries: Preterites.

            1. n- -b I, me 1
            2. k- -b you (singular) 2
            3. -ob he/she 3
            4. [-obani he/she 3']*??
            5. n- / nd-... -bnob we (exclusive) 1p
            6. [k- / kd-... -bnob we (inclusive) 21 ]
            7. k- / kd-... -bôb you (plural) 2p
            8. -obanik they 3p
            9. *For this hypothetical form to occur we would need to have an obviative participant (subject), most likely a third-person possessed noun as in the examples above about the grey horse. I have not yet found examples of this situation in the preterite. Parallel forms in the TA paradigms do occur, check below:

              1. O'da w'wajônewiwwôbani kaoza. `They had not the cow.'

              Examples from Laurent (JL84:128): note these are examples of intransitives meaning `have a cow,' there is no separate word for `cow' here.

            10. N'okaozemib. `I had a cow.' 1
            11. [ K'okaozemib. `Thou hadst a cow.' 2 ]
            12. Okaozemob. `He had a cow.' 3
            13. [ Okaozemobani.* ?? `He had a cow.' 3' ]*
            14. N'okaozemibenob. !! `We had a cow.' 2p
            15. [k'okaozemibenob. !! `We had a cow.' 21 ]
            16. K'okaozemibôb.!! `You had a cow.'
            17. Okaozemobanik. `They had a cow.' 3p
            18. *no examples in JL84, Mark, Kimzowi, Lagida, maybe in Masta?

              More examples:

            19. N'-d-aib kikônek môja padôgiiwik. `I was in the field when it began to thunder.' AI IndIndc preterite 1; II Conjunct O?? JL84:105
            20. N'wôbigib. `I was white.' AI IndIndc Preterite 1 JL84:131
            21. K'wôbigib. `Thou wast white.' AI IndIndc Preterite 2 JL84:131
            22. Môjob kizi paskuat nisômkipodak. `He started after twelve o'clock (noon)' AI IndIndc Preterite 3 JL84:101
            23. Pagadosab nguedôz kasômkipodak spôzowiwi. `He came back at six o'clock in the morning.' AI IndIndc Preterite 3 JL84:101
            24. Paiab nahnôwitebakka. `He (she) came at midnight.' AI IndIndc Preterite 3 JL84:102
            25. Wôbigob. `He was white.' AI IndIndc Preterite 3 JL84:131
            26. N'wôbigibenob. `We were white.' AI IndIndc Preterite 1p JL84:131
            27. K'wôbigibôb. `You were white. AI IndIndc Preterite 2p JL84:131
            28. 'Wôbigobanik. `They were white.' AI IndIndc Preterite 3p JL84:131

        2. II Independent Indicative Affirmative
          • II Independent Indicative Present

            1. -ZERO / -ol/-il
            2. wôbigen `it is white' (IN) final -n / -en (GDms1)
            3. wôbigenol `they are white' (IN)
            Examples:

            1. zahagad `it is difficult' II DayGrm
            2. psôn `it snows' II DayGr
            3. Soglôn, soglônji `It rains, it will rain.' II O 23 . Unipersonal verb. -- No infinitive. Soglôn, soglônji. `It rains, it will rain.' JL84:201
            4. zogelôn `it rains' II DayGr = last item
            5. Haw, haw, nidôbak! pozoldinaj! pita wlawiben. `Halloo, halloo, my friends! Let us embark! It is very calm.' Imperative??; II IndIndc O JL84:114
            6. Kizi adoji môjimuk [..mek], kizi kamôdiôguihla . `It is time to go, it grows late.' AI Conjunct isc Indefinite subj part 3; II IndIndc O JL84:107
            7. Mkuigen, mkuigenol `It is red, they are red ' II IndIndc O JL84:44
            8. wlôwbaga blue II IndIndc O JL84:45 N'-d-awighiganebim wlôwbaga. `My ink is blue.'
          • II Independent Indicative Preterite
          • ?? No examples found yet. On the basis of Delaware (Goddard 1979:170), we would expect forms with -b(an), such as ??wlôwbagab, ??wlôwbagabanil,

        3. TA indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
            1. n-...ô I...a/some...1-3(p)
            2. k-...ô you...a/some...2-3(p)
            3. -a he/she...a/some...3-3'[! obviative]
            4. n-...ôbna we (excl)...a/some...1p-3
            5. k-...ôbna we (incl)...a/some... 21-3
            6. k-...ôba you all...a/some...2p-3
            7. -ak they...a/some... 3p-3'[! obviative]...(p)
            8. [-(a)n/-ôn? indefinite subject??]

            More indef subject?

            Notice: there are no prefixes on the third person subject forms! In various sources forms like these (3rd person subject are given with prefixed w- , for example, in Masta's paradigms, but not in texts. Either these are mistakes, or in the time period of these sources, the prefix has spread by influence of the possessive forms and some of the verbal paradigms where the w- is historically there, for example, the independent indicative definite forms.

            Notice: the general pattern here is like with AI forms: no third person prefixes at all, instead something happening at the end of the word. Further, the 1p, 21, and 2p forms show the same endings as AI forms. There is no marking of plurality or obviation of the object. Also, the ends of the words are exactly like the patterns with AI words ending on -ô like baiyô `come' cf.:

            Examples (based on JL84: 139 f., lightly corrected by EB):

            1. N'wajônô ases. I have a horse.*
            2. K'wajônô ases. Thou hast a horse.*
            3. Wajôna asessa. ** He (she) has a horse.
            4. N'wajônôbena ases.** We have a horse.
            5. K'wajônôbena*** ases. We (incl) have a horse.
            6. K'wajônôba ases. You have a horse.
            7. Wajônak asessa.** They have a horse.
            8. * Same as definite form. **JL writes these with 'W.., I think a mistake or misanalysis. Compare the definite forms with w'w the subjunctive and definite forms (138, 140), as well as other paradigms with explicit w'w...: (p. 132 (as `subjunctive' form): W'wôbiginô. `That they m[ay]. be white.')

              *** the renditions with and without e -- ...bna / ...bena are optional spelling variants.

              As noted, with a plural object, there is no difference:

            9. N'wajônô asesak. I have horses. etc.
            10. As in this example:

            11. K'wajônôbena waligijik asesak? `Have we some good horses?' JL84: 70
            12. (see below for indefinite subject examples)

          • TA indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
          • (to be filled in)

        4. TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • Inflections:

            1. n-...ô I...him/her 1-3
            2. k-...ô you...him/her 2-3
            3. w-...ô he/she...him/her/them 3-3'(p)
            4. n-...ôna we (excl)...him/her 1p-3
            5. k-...ôna we (incl)...him/her 21-3
            6. k-...ôwô you all...him/her 2p-3
            7. n-...ôk I...them 1-3p
            8. k-...ôk thou...them 2-3p
            9. n-...ônawak we (excl)...them 1p-3p
            10. k-...ônawak we (incl)...them 21-3p
            11. k-...ôwôk you all...them 2p-3p
            12. w-...ôwô they... him/her/them 3p-3'(p)

            Examples from Laurent (JL84:139-40)

            1. N'wajônô ases. I have the horse.*
            2. K'wajônô ases. Thou hast the horse.*
            3. W'wajônô asessa. He has the horse(s).
            4. N'wajônônna ases. ** We have the horse.
            5. K'wajônônna ases. ** We (incl) have the horse.
            6. K'wajônôwô ases. You have the horse.
            7. W'wajônôwô asessa. They have the horse(s).
            8. *Same as indefinite form.
              **JL84 has here ` tases' which I take to be a mistake..
              I am not sure of the status of the double nn in these examples.

            9. ?? wdokimônô they awaken him 3p-3' Def Mark 04.38 et passim
            10. wdihlôwô they say to him 3p-3' Def Mark 04.38 et passim
            11. K'wawinawôwô na sanôba? `Do you know that man?' (plur.) TA IndIndc defn 2p-3 JL84:94
            12. Note: the first two words are identical to the corresponding forms in the indefinite paradigm.

              Plural object (constructed EB):

            13. N'wajônôk asesak. I have the horses.
            14. K'wajônôk asesak. Thou hast the horses.
            15. W'wajônô asessa. He has the horse(s).
            16. N'wajônônnawak asesak. We have the horses.
            17. K'wajônônnawak asesak. We (incl) have the horses.
            18. K'wajônôwôk asesak. You have the horses.
            19. W'wajônôwô asessa. They have the horse(s).
            20. Examples:

            21. K'-d-asamôwôk -ba alemossisak? `Would you feed the little dogs? -- the puppies?' JL84:71
          • TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
          • Examples from Laurent (JL84:140):

            1. N'wajônôb kaoz. `I had the cow.'
            2. K'wajônôb kaoz. `Thou hadst the cow.'
            3. W'wajônôbani kaoza. `He had &c.'
            4. N'wajônônnôb kaoz. &c. `We had &c.'
            5. K'wajônôwôb kaoz. &c. `You had &c.'
            6. W'wajônôwôbani kaoza. `They had &c.'

        5. TA Indefinite Subject Forms
          • TAIndefinite Subject Forms Present
            1. -ôn `they/someone... him/her (X - 3)'
            2. -ôn `they/someone... it (X - O)'
            3. -ôna `they/someone... him/her/them (X - 3')
            4. -ônak `they/someone... them' (X - 3p)
            5. -ônal `they/someone... them' (X - Op)
            Pattern: Stem TS1 -n with Endings agreeing with "subject" (underlying object)

            Examples: TA:

            1. N'kaozemji ônkohlôn. `My cow will be sold.' (JL84: 121)
            2. W'kaozemaji ônkôhlôna. `His cow will be sold.' (JL84:121)
            3. W'kaozemaji ônkohlôna. `His cows will be sold.'(JL84:124)
            4. N'kaozemakji ônkohlônak. `My cows will be sold.' (JL84:124)
            5. N'kaozemnawakba ônkohlônak. `Our cows would be sold .' AI+O IndIndc Indefinite subject ["passive"] X-3p JL84:124
            6. W'kaozemwôba ônkôhlôna. `Their cows would be sold .' AI+O IndIndc Indefinite subject ["passive"] X-3' JL84:124
            7. Nitta pmi sissa ôdokôlôn wiwniwi pabômiwi Galilee Mark 1.28 And immediately his fame spread abroad throughout all the region round about Galilee.

            Examples: TI:

            (see below for Theme Sign 2b)

          • TAIndefinite Subject Forms Preterite
            1. Mamagahôbanik weji pôbatamwôgan . `They have been ill treated for religion's sake .' TA IndIndc passive? indefinite subject preterite 3p JL84:96 ÿ

        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go
          • TA definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2a: egw/go Present
            1. Inflections:
            2. n-...-egw he/she...me 3-1
            3. n-...-egok they...me 3p-1
            4. k-...-egw he/she...you (sg) 3-2
            5. k-...-egok they...you (sg) 3p-2
            6. n-...-egonna he/she...us (excl) 3-1p
            7. n-...-egonnawak they...us (excl) 3p-1p
            8. k-...-egonna he/she...us (incl) 3-21
            9. k-...-egonnawak they...us (incl) 3p-21
            10. k-...-egwô he/she...you (pl)3-2p
            11. k-...-egwôk they...you (pl)3p-2p
            (Goddard 1967: 95)

            Examples:

            1. N'-d-amisji k'sagamegw. `My dog will bite thee.' TS2 (JL84: 125)
            2. K'kezalmegw. `He loves thee.' TA TS2 IndIndc 3-2 JL84:179
            3. N'kezalmegok. `They love me.' 3p-1 (JL84: 180)
            4. W'-d-amiswôji k'sagamegok. `Their dogs will bite thee.' TA IndIndc 3'p-2?? (inverse) JL84:126
            5. W'-d-amisaji k'sagamegok. `His dogs will bite thee.' TA IndIndc 3'p-2?? (inverse) JL84:126
            6. K'kezalmegok. `They love thee.' TA TS2 IndIndc 3p-2 JL84:179
            7. N'kezalmegonna. `He loves us.' (Ibidem.)
            8. N'kezalmegonnawak. `They love us.' (Ibidem.)
            9. K'kezalmegwôk. `They love you.' TA TS2 IndIndc 3p-2p JL84:179
            10. wgiktôgo and they (3') do obey him (3) Mark 1.27
            11. cf: GDD cites: ogiktôgo the other listens to him [!!]
            12. wdihlgo `he said to him' (3' - 3) Mark 1.40
            13. odilegon `he told him' (3' - 3) Day ms
            14. wdilhgon and said to him Mark 6.35
            15. owôwnemmihogon 3'-3 tempted of Satan Mark 1.13 GDD nemiha seduce, lead astray
            16. wdilgonô (wdilgon8) `he told them' 3' - 3p Masta 27
            17. wdihlgonô `he said unto them' 3' - 3p Mark 16.6
            18. wbalilawahogonô were offended at him / he (obv) offended them 3'-3p Mark 06.03
            19. wnodnegonô she ministered to them 3' - 3p GDD nodenômek AI serve nodena TAi Mark 1.31

          • TA definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2a: egw/go Preterite
            1. K'kezalmegob. `He loved thee.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3-2 JL84:179
            2. K'kezalmegobanik. `They loved thee.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3p-2 JL84:179
            3. K'kezalmegwôp. `He loved you.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3-2p JL84:179
            4. K'kezalmegwôbanik. `They loved you.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3p-2p JL84:179
            5. N'kezalmegonnop. `He loved us.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3-1p JL84:181
            6. N'kezalmegonnobanik. `They loved us.' TA TS2 IndIndc Preterite 3p-1p JL84:181
            7. One example with -za/-sa/-shan:??
            8. wzognebôlgonôssa he baptized them/him IndSub?/IndIndc Preterite 3'-3(p) Mark: 01.05 01.09
            9. [Check number!]

        7. TA Theme Sign 2b: -ga
          • TA definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Present
          • Indefinite subject forms for 1st and 2nd person participants (deep objects)

            Inflections:

            1. 1 n(d).... ga
            2. 2 k(d).... ga
            3. [1p n(d).... gabena]
            4. [21 k(d).... gabena]
            5. 2p k(d).... gaba

            Examples: Bracketed forms projected on basis of Voorhis (1979) on Penobscot from Speck

            1. kdali sazamhogaba `ye (shall) be beaten' X - 2p indef subj Mark 13.09
            2. N'-d-ilhega ali môjahlôg kwaskuai nônômkipodaga. `I am told that she leaves at five o'clock sharp.' TA IndIndc passive indefinite subject (th sgn 2b) 1; II Conjunct part?? O JL84:111
            3. ta kiuwô nodamakw kbaamiji msali milgaba. `and unto you that hear shall more be given' Mark 4.24 X - 2p indefinite subject
            4. K'kizi wlômawaldamikhoga. `You have been imposed upon .' TA IndIndc TS2b Indefinite subj passive / inverse JL84:93
          • TA definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Preterite
            1. look for ..gab ..gabani(k)
            2. N'-d-ilhegaab ali wibiwi mdala . `I was told it was only ten .' TA IndIndc pass (themesign 2b) 1 JL84:110

        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me
          • TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Present
          • Inflectionsÿ

            1. k-...-i you (sg)...me 2-1
            2. k-...-iba you (pl)...me 2p-1
            3. k-...-ibena thou/you...us 2/2p-1

            Examples:

            1. knamii `you see me'
            2. K'kezalmiba. `You (pl) love me.' (JL84: 180)
            3. K'kezalmibena. `Thou lovest us' (ibid.)
            4. K'kezalmibena. `You love us.' (ibid.)

          • TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Preterite
            1. K'kezalmib. `Thou lovedst me.' TA TS3 IndIndc Preterite YOU-ME 2-1 JL84:181
            2. K'kezalmibôp. `You loved me.' TA TS3 IndIndc Preterite YOU-ME 2p-1 JL84:181
            3. K'kezalmibenop. `Thou lovedest us.' TA TS3 IndIndc Preterite YOU-ME 2-1p JL84:181
            4. K'kezalmibenop. `You loved us.' TA TS3 IndIndc Preterite YOU-ME 2p-1p JL84:181

        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you
          • TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Present
            1. k-...-el I...you (sg) 1-2
            2. k-...-elba I...you (pl) 1-2p
            3. k-...-elbena we...thee/you (sg/pl) 1p-2/2p
            4. CW likes to use and write -ol in these forms. (This may just be a spelling difference.)

            5. Knamiolji saba. `I'll see you tomorrow.'
            6. Knamiolbaji saba. `I'll see you all tomorrow.'
            7. Knamiolbenaji saba. `We'll see you (all) tomorrow.'
            8. K'kezalmelbena. `We love thee.' (JL84:179)
            9. K'kezalme[l]bena. `We love you.' (ibid.)

          • TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Preterite
          • Examples:

            1. K'kezalmelob. `I loved thee.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Preterite 1-2 JL84:179
            2. K'kezalmelbenop. `We loved thee.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Preterite 1p-2 JL84:179
            3. K'kezalmelbôp. `I loved you.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Preterite 1-2p JL84:179
            4. K'kezalmelbenop. `We loved you.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Preterite 1p-2p JL84:179

        10. TI indefinite
          • TI indefinite Present
          • Examples from Laurent(JL84:141):

            1. N'wajônem awighigan. `I have a book.'
            2. K'wajônem &c. `Thou hast &c.'
            3. wajônem* &c. `He has &c.'
            4. N'wajônemebena &c. `We have &c.'
            5. K'wajônemebena &c.
            6. K'wajônemeba &c. `You have &c.'
            7. wajônemok* &c. `They have &c.'
            *JL has 'wajônem etc. but see Goddard loc.cit.

          • TI Indefinite Preterite
            1. 'Wajônemob paskhigan. `He (she) had a gun.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite 1 JL84:62
            2. N'wajônemebenob peza `We had some powder.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite 1p JL84:62
            3. K'wajônemebôb sasahlôgil. `You had some shot.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite 2p JL84:62
            4. 'Wajônemobanik wiguaol. `They had a bark-canoe.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite 3 JL84:62
            5. N'wajônemob pilaskw. `I had some paper.' TI IndIndc Indefinite preterite 1-O JL84:142 n- wajôn- em(w) -b
            6. 'wajônemob &c. `He had &c.' TI IndIndc Indefinite preterite 3-O JL84:142
            7. N'wajônemebenob &c. `We had &c.' TI IndIndc Indefinite preterite 1p-O JL84:142
            8. K'wajônemebôb &c. `You had &c.' TI IndIndc Indefinite preterite 2p-O JL84:142
            9. 'wajônemobanik &c. `They had &c.' TI IndIndc Indefinite preterite 3p-O JL84:142

        11. TI definite
          • TI definite Present
            1. n-...-emen I...it 1-3in
            2. n-...-emenal I...them 1-3inp
            3. k-...-emen thou...it 2-3in
            4. [k-...-emenal] thou...them 2-3inp
            5. w-...-emen he/she...it 3-3in
            6. [w-...-emenal] he/she...them 3-3inp [??]
            7. n-...-emenana we (excl) it 2p-3in*
            8. k-...-emenana we (incl)...it 21 - 3in*
            9. k-...-emenô you...it 2p-3in*
            10. w-...-emenô they...it 3p-3in*

            Examples from Laurent (JL84:145):

            1. N'wajônemen awighigan. `I have the book.'
            2. K'wajônemen " `Thou hast &c.'
            3. W'wajônemen " `He has &c.'
            4. N'wajônemenana " `We have &c.'
            5. K'wajônemenana "
            6. K'wajônemenô " `You have &c.'
            7. W'wajônemenô " `They have &c.'
            8. N'-d-atsemen. `I dye it.' TI IndIndc defn 1 JL84:44
            9. Elsewhere we find examples with plural objects in Laurent, 1884:
            10. W'namitonal kchi nebesal. `He (she) sees the great lakes.' (JL84:71)
            11. K'kiz'ônkolhônal maseguikwkil kikônal. `Have you (thou) sold the large fields?' (JL84:71)
            *No forms given for plural inanimate object in Goddard, 1967.

          • TI definite Preterite
            1. n(d)- -enab 1-O
            2. k(d)- -enab 2-O
            3. w(d)- -enab 3-O
            4. ?? 3'-O
            5. n(d)- -enanob 1p-O
            6. k(d)- -enôb 21/2p?-O
            7. w(d)- -enôb 3p-O
            Any differences for plural objects? No (cf Goddard 1965)

            Examples from Laurent (JL84:145):

            1. N'wajônemenab pilaskw. `I had the paper.'
            2. W'wajônemenab " `He had &c.'
            3. N'wajônemenanob " `We had &c.'
            4. K'wajônemenôb " `You had &c.'
            5. W'wajônemenôb " `They had &c.'
            6. Askwa Manôgemasak odabitamenôp Odanak. `Still the Manôgemasak were there at the village.' Daybook

        12. TI indefinite subject

      2. Negative
        1. AI Independent Indicative Negative
          • AI Independent Indicative Negative Present
            1. nda ndabiw I don't sit 1
            2. nda kdabiw you don't sit 2
            3. nda abiwi he/she doesn't sit 3('??)
            4. [nda abiwia he/she doesn't sit 3'??]
            5. nda ndabippna we (excl) don't sit 1p
            6. nda kdabippna we (incl) don't sit 21
            7. nda kdabippa you (pl) 2p don't sit
            8. nda abiwiak they don't sit 3(')
            9. Examples:

            10. O'da n'okaozemiw. `I have no cow.' AI IndIndc negative 1 JL84:133 n- o(kaoz)em- -i -w
            11. " 'okaozemiwi. `He has no cow.' AI IndIndc negative 3 JL84:133 n- o(kaoz)em- -i -wi
            12. " n'okaozemippena. `We have no cow.' AI IndIndc negative 1p JL84:133 n- o-kaoz-em- -i -C -p -na.
            13. " k'okaozemippa. `You have no cow.' AI IndIndc negative 2p JL84:133 k- o-kaoz-em- -iC -p -a.
            14. " 'okaozemiwiak. `They have no cow.' AI IndIndc negative 3p JL84:133 o-kaoz-em- -i -wi -ak.
            15. Wzômiga ôda n'odoliw. `Because I have no canoe.' AI IndIndc neg 1 JL84:113
            16. The characteristic mark here is -w, but it takes several other forms: -wi or a doubling of a consonant, with bb going to pp. We will represent this last form as -h in charts, for comparative and historical reasons. From these examples we can see that the negative affix comes before the plural endings like -bna, -ba, -ak.

          • AI Independent Indicative Negative Preterite
            1. O'da n'okaozemib. `I had no cow.' AI IndIndc Preterite negative 1 JL84:133
            2. Query: This form homophonous with affirmative form?

            3. " 'okaozemiwib. `He had no cow.' AI IndIndc Preterite negative 3 JL84:133
            4. " n'okaozemippenop. `We had no cow.' AI IndIndc Preterite negative 1p JL84:133
            5. " k'okaozemippôp. `You had no cow.' AI IndIndc Preterite negative 2p JL84:133
            6. " 'okaozemiwibanik. `They had no cow.' AI IndIndc Preterite negative 3p JL84:133 o-kaoz-em -i -wi -ban -ik.
        2. II Independent Indicative Negative
          • II Independent Indicative Negative Present
            1. wzômi u akwôbigadek kzelômsen ôda pakalmeguadowi . `because at the season the wind is uncertain .' II IndIndc neg O JL84:111
            2. O'da, asma nôdamitebakadowi. `No, it is not yet late (in the night.)' II IndIndc O neg JL84:102
            3. O'da wlekisgadwi. `It is not fine weather.' II IndIndc neg O JL84:104
            4. O'da tatebigenowial. `They are not alike.' II IndIndc neg Op JL84:67
          • II Independent Indicative Negative Preterite
          • (no examples so far)
        3. TA indefinite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô
        4. TA definite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA definite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô Present
            1. O'da n'wajônôwi ases. `I have not the horse.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 1-3 JL84:149
            2. O'da k'wajônôwi &c. `Thou hast not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 2-3 JL84:149
            3. O'da w'wajônôwia [asessa] `He has not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 3-3' JL84:149
            4. " n'wajônôwinna c `We have not c'
            5. O'da n'wajônôwinna &c `We have not &c' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 1p-3 JL84:149 n- wajôn- -ô -wi -n -na(w)
            6. O'da k'wajônôwiwwô &c `You have not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 2p-3 JL84:149 k- wajôn- -ô -wiw -wô
            7. O'da w'wajônôwiwwô [asessa] `They have not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative 3-3' JL84:149 w- wajôn- -ô -wiw -wô
          • TA definite Direct Negative Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
            1. O'da n'wajônôwib kaoz. `I had not the cow.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative Preterite 1-3 JL84:149 n- wajôn- -ô -wi -b(an)
            2. O'da w'wajônôwibani * `He had not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative Preterite 3-3' JL84:149 w- wajôn- -ô -wi -b(an) -i
            3. * Say:~~ w'wajônôwôwibani (kaoza).
            4. O'da n'wajônôwinnob kaoz. `We had not the cow.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative Preterite 1p-3 JL84:150
            5. O'da k'wajônôwiwwôb &c. `You had not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative Preterite 2p-3 JL84:150
            6. O'da w'wajônôwiwwôbani. * [corrected typo? e for ô] `They had not &c.' TA IndIndc Definite Negative Preterite 3p-3' JL84:150 w- wajôn- -ô -wiw -wô -b(an) -i
        5. TA Indefinite Subject Negative Forms
        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go Negative
          • TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go Negative Present
            1. O'da n'kezalmegowi. `He does not love me.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3-1 JL84:181
            2. " k'kezalmegowi. `He does not love thee' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3-2 JL84:180
            3. O'da n'kezalmegowiak. `They don't love me.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3p-1 JL84:181
            4. " n'kezalmegowinna. `He does not love us.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3-1p JL84:181
            5. " n'kezalmegowinnawak. `They don't love us.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3p-1p JL84:181
            6. " k'kezalmegowiak. `They don't love thee.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3p-2 JL84:180
            7. O'da k'kezalmegowiwwô. `He does not love you.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3-2p JL84:180
            8. O'da k'kezalmegowiwwôk. `They don't love you.' TA TS2 IndIndc Negative 3p-2p JL84:180
          • TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go Negative Preterite
            1. (still looking)
        7. TA Theme Sign 2b: -ga
        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Negative
          • TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Negative Present
            1. O'da k'kezalmiw. `Thou doest n. love me.' TA TS3 IndIndc Negative YOU-ME 2-1 JL84:181
            2. " k'kezalmippa. `You don't love me.' TA TS3 IndIndc Negative YOU-ME 2p-1 JL84:181
            3. " k'kezalmippena. `Thou doest not love us.' TA TS3 IndIndc Negative YOU-ME 2-1p JL84:181
            4. " k'kezalmippena. `You don't love us.' TA TS3 IndIndc Negative YOU-ME 2p-1p JL84:181
          • TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Negative Preterite
            1. O'da k'kezalmib. `Thou didst n. love me.' TA TS3 IndIndc Preterite Negative YOU-ME 2-1p JL84:181
            2. &c., after the affirmative form, (imperfect) tense commencing always by ôda.
        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Negative
          • TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Negative Present
            1. O'da k'kezalmelo. `I don't love thee.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Negative 1-2 JL84:180
            2. " k'kezalmeloppena. `We don't love thee.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Negative 1p-2 JL84:180
            3. " k'kezalmeloppa. `I don't love you.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Negative 1-2p JL84:180
            4. " k'kezalmeloppena. `We don't love you.' TA TS4 IndIndc I-YOU Negative 1p-2p JL84:180
          • TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Negative Preterite
            1. No special form: negative particle plus affirmative form:
            2. O'da k'kezalmelob. `I did not love you.' TA TS4 IndIndc me-you Negative Preterite 1-2p JL84:180 &c., after the affirmative form, (imperfect) tense, commencing always by ôda.
        10. TI indefinite Negative
          • TI Independent Indicative indefinite Negative Present
            1. O'da n'wajônemow mijowôgan. `I have no provisions.' TI IndIndc Indefinite neg 1 JL84:64
            2. O'da wajônemowi nokhigan. `He (she) has no flour.' TI IndIndc Indefinite neg 3 JL84:64
            3. O'da n'wajônemoppena moziia. `We have no moose-meat .' TI IndIndc Indefinite neg 1p JL84:64
            4. O'da k'wajônôppa pkuazigan. `You have no bread.' TI IndIndc Indefinite neg 2p JL84:64
          • TI Independent Indicative indefinite Negative Preterite
            1. O'da wajônemowip inkezenal. TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite neg 3 `He (she) had no shoes.' JL84:64
            2. O'da n'wajônemoppenob temahigan. `We had no axe.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite neg 3p JL84:64
            3. O'da k'wajônemoppôb alni-temahigan. `You had no tomahawk.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite neg 2p JL84:64
            4. O'da `wajônemowibanik lôbakhiganal. `They had no suspenders.' TI IndIndc Indefinite Preterite neg 3p-O(p) JL84:64
        11. TI definite Negative
          • TI Independent Indicative definite Negative Present
            1. O'da n'wajônemowen ôbagawataigan. `I have not the umbrella.'
            2. O'da w'wajônemowen &c. `He has not &c.'
            3. O'da n'wajônemownana &c. `We have not &c.'
            4. O'da k'wajônemownôc. `You have not &c.'
            5. O'da n'wajônemownôc. `They have not &c.'
          • TI Independent Indicative definite Negative Preterite
            1. O'da n'wajônemowenab ôbadahon. `I had not the cane.'
            2. O'da w'wajônemowenab &c. `He had not &c.'
            3. O'da n'wajônemownanop &c. `We had not &c.'
            4. O'da kwajônemownôp &c. `You had not &c.'
            5. O'da w'wajônemownôp &c. `They had not &c.'
        12. other

    2. Independent Subordinative/Subjunctive
    3. The primary mark of the subordinative mode in the independent order is a suffix -n(a), where the form -na is a non-final form.

      1. Affirmative
        1. AI Independent Subordinative
          • Independent Subordinative Present
            1. Inflections:
            2. n- -n(a) I 1
            3. k- -n(a) thou 2
            4. w- -n(a) she/he 3
            5. w- -lin(a) she/he 3'
            6. n- -nana 1p
            7. [k- -nana 21
            8. [k- -nô 2p]
            9. w- -nô 3pl
            10. (compare Day gram) Examples:
            11. N'okaozemin. `That I may h. a cow.' AI IndSub 1 JL84:130 n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a)
            12. 'Okaozemin. `That he may h. a cow.' AI IndSub 3 JL84:130 w- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a)
            13. there really is a w- check paradigms for ai: W'-d-ain. `That he may be (or) remain.' JL84:164

            14. Ni ni wdali paiôlin wijiaa Sazos, ta wigawessa... There came then his brethren, and his mother... Mark:3.31
            15. Ni oskinnoma wmôjilin... And his disciples went forth... Mark:14.16
            16. N'okaozeminana. `That we may h. a cow.' AI IndSub 21 JL84:130 n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -na(w) which is which?? or: -nana? No: cf -nanossa below
            17. K'okaozeminô. `That you may h. a cow.' JL84:130 AI IndSub 2p n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -ô n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -ô ô from aa?
            18. 'Okaozeminô. `That they may h. a cow.' AI IndSub 3p JL84:130 w- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -ô
            19. N'okaozemin. `That I may h[ave]. a cow.'
            20. K'okaozemin. `That thou mayest h[ave]. a cow.']
            21. Okaozemin. `That he may h. a cow.'
            22. N'okaozeminana. `That we may h. a cow.' [excl]
            23. K'okaozeminana. `That we may h. a cow.' [incl]
            24. K'okaozeminô. `That you may h. a cow.'
            25. Okaozeminô. `That they may h. a cow.'
            26. dônitta ôtalalosameg kakpiwi odainô... `wherever one goes in the middle of the woods there are trees' Daybook
            27. ndabinana that we may sit IndSub 1p nd- abi -na -na Mark 10.37

            The constant mark of the subordinative/subjunctive forms is -n(a)- . The -na/-ana in the first two plural forms is to be compared to the -na in the indicative forms -b(e)na and the possessives, the -ô in the last two plural forms is to be compared to the vowel of -wô in the corresponding possessives and definite TA indicative forms.

          • Independent Subordinative Preterite
          • Inflections:

            1. n- -naza I
            2. g- -naza you (sing.)
            3. w- -naza he/she
            4. n- -nanossa we(excl.)
            5. g- -nanossa we (incl.)
            6. g- -nûssa you (p1.)
            7. w- -nûssa they
            CheckCheck!! Examples:
            1. N'okaozeminaza. AI IndSub Preterite 1 `That I might h . a cow.' JL84:130 n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -za
            2. 'Okaozeminaza. `That he might h. a cow.' AI IndSub Preterite 3 JL84:130 n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -za
            3. N'okaozeminanossa. `That we might h.a cow.' AI IndSub Preterite 1p JL84:130 n- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -na(w) -za wC > CC? cf negatives
            4. K'okaozeminôssa. `That you m. h. a cow.' AI IndSub Preterite 2p JL84:130 k- [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -ô -ssa
            5. 'Okaozeminôssa. `That they m. h. a cow.' AI IndSub Preterite 2p JL84:130 [w- [kaoz-em]]+i/e -n(a) -ô -ssa
            6. More examples from texts:

            7. Ni ni wdainaza pizwakamigok iawinska kasogwniwi`And he was there in the wilderness forty days... Mark 1.13.
            8. Ni wbaiônô Sazosek, ta wnamihôwô nihi na abitôgoza masalliji madahôndoa, ôabit, saham, ta wli wawkwada, ni wzagzinôssa Mark 5.15
            9. And they come to Jesus, and see him that was possessed with the devil , and had the legion, sitting, and clothed, and in his right mind: and they were afraid.
            10. Ni mziwi Judea wjiaak wdellosanôssa agma ait `And there went out unto him all the land of Judaea...' Mark 1.05
            11. Madahôdoak ni odainôssa ôntka maji bmôwzowinnoak ni. `Devils there are living or probably bad persons there.' Daybook

        2. II Independent Subordinative
        3. TA Independent Subordinative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA Independent Subordinative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • Inflections: Day: same as AI (see above) repeated here: object specified by Theme Sign Inflections:

            1. n- -n(a) I 1-3
            2. k- -n(a) thou 2-3
            3. w- -n(a) she/he 3-3
            4. w- -lin(a) she/he 3'-3??
            5. n- -nana 1p-3
            6. [k- -nana 21-3
            7. [k- -nô 2p-3]
            8. [w- -nô 3p-3?]
            (compare Day gram)
            1. N'wajônôn azibak. `That I may have some sheep.' TA IndSub Indefinite 1-3p JL84:138 n- wajôn- -ô -n(a)
            2. K'wajônôn [typo: K'wajônen] &c. `That thou mayest have [some sheep] ' TA IndSub Indefinite 2-3p JL84:138
            3. W'wajônôn [aziba]. * `That he may have &c [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite 3-3' JL84:138 w- wajôn- -ô -n(a)
            4. N'wajônônana [azibak]. `That we may have [some sheep] &c.' TA IndSub Indefinite 1p-3p JL84:138 n- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -na(w)
            5. K'wajônônô [azibak] &c. `That you may have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite 2p-3p JL84:138 k- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -a?
            6. W'wajônônô [aziba]. `That they may have &c [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite 3p-3' JL84:138 w- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -a?
          • TA Independent Subordinative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
            1. N'wajônônaza [azibak]. `That I might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 1-3p JL84:139 n- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -za
            2. K'wajônônaza [azibak].. `That thou mightst have [some sheep]' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 2-3p JL84:139 k- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -za
            3. W'wajônônaza [aziba].. `That he might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 3-3' JL84:139 w- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -za
            4. N'wajônônanossa [azibak].. `That we might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 1p-3p JL84:139 n- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -na(w) -za(-ssa)
            5. K'wajônônanossa [azibak].. `That we might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 21-3p JL84:139 k- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -na(w) -za(-ssa)
            6. K'wajônônôssa [azibak].. `That you might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 2p-3p JL84:139 k- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -a?? -za(-ssa)
            7. W'wajônônôssa [aziba].. `That they might have [some sheep].' TA IndSub Indefinite Preterite 3p-3' JL84:139 w- wajôn- -ô -n(a) -a?? -za(-ssa)

        4. TA definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
        5. Indefinite Subject Forms
        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go
        7. TA Theme Sign 2b: -ga
          • TA Independent Subordinative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Present
          • Inflections: ?? to be checked! only one citation

            1. [1 n(d).... gan]
            2. [2 k(d).... gan]
            3. [1p n(d).... ganana]
            4. [21 k(d).... ganana]
            5. 2p k(d).... ganô

            ] [cf Indicative

            1. 1 n(d).... ga
            2. 2 k(d).... ga
            3. [1p n(d).... gabena]
            4. [21 k(d).... gabena]
            5. 2p k(d).... gaba
            ]

            Examples:

            1. ?? K'tabinôgwzinô k'sazamhoganô `You deserve to be whipped.' (pl.) TA IndIndc passive 2p indefinite subject 2p IndSubj JL84:96
            2. Ni wdihlôn , kilwôwô kmilganô waji wawaldamakw nolmi klozwôgan wajiawik wginjameswi tbaldamwôganek Kchiniwaskw : kanwa wji nigik kwajek aijik mziwi kagwi tbaskodigani witôzo. Mark 4.11. And he said unto them , Unto you it is given to know the mystery of the kingdom of God : but not them that are without , all these things are done in parables.

          • TA Independent Subordinative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Preterite

        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me
        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you
        10. TI Independent Subordinative indefinite
        11. TI Independent Subordinative definite
        12. other

      2. Negative
        1. AI Independent Subordinative Negative
          • AI Independent Subordinative Negative Present
            1. from JL84:135
            2. O'da n'okaozemiwwen. `That I may have no cow.' JL84:135
            3. " okaozemiwwen. `That he may have no cow.' JL84:135
            4. " n'okaozemiwnana. `That we may have no cow.' JL84:135
            5. " k'okaozemiwnô. `That you may have no cow.' JL84:135
            6. " okaozemiwnô. `That they may have no cow.' JL84:135

          • AI Independent Subordinative Negative Preterite
            1. O'da n'okaozemiwnaza. `That I might have no cow.' JL84:135
            2. O'da 'okaozemiwnaza. `That he might have no cow.' JL84:135
            3. O'da n'okaozemiwnanossa. `That we might have no cow.' JL84:135
            4. O'da k'okaozemiwnôssa. `That you might have no cow.' JL84:135
            5. O'da 'okaozemiwnôssa. `That they might have no cow.' JL84:135

        2. II Independent Subordinative Negative
        3. TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative indefinite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        4. TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct Theme Sign 1: ô Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite Direct

            Theme Sign 1: ô Preterite

          • (no examples yet)

        5. Indefinite Subject Forms Negative
          • Independent Subordinative Negative Indefinite Subject Forms Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • Independent Subordinative Negative Indefinite Subject Forms Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        6. TA Theme Sign 2a: -egw / -go
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2a: egw/go Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2a: egw/go Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        7. TA Theme Sign 2b: -ga Negative
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Present
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative definite (Inverse) Theme Sign 2b: -ga Preterite

        8. TA Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Negative
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 3: -i you-me Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        9. TA Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Negative
          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TA Independent Subordinative Negative Theme Sign 4: -el (-ol) me-you Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        10. TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative
          • TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TI Independent Subordinative indefinite Negative Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        11. TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative
          • TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative Present
          • (no examples yet)

          • TI Independent Subordinative definite Negative Preterite
          • (no examples yet)

        12. other

  4. Conjunct Order
  5. Conjunct forms use no person / number prefixes for agreement, all agreement is registered in Theme Signs and suffixes. Preterite forms are marked with -za/-ssa/-shan, the last form occurring only in nonfinal positions (but see more discussion on this point, under Some Mysteries: Preterites. Laurent refers to (some) Conjunct forms as Dubitative.

    Some conjunct forms show a special form that shows up in the beginning of the stem or (like the prefixes) on a preverb or auxiliary: "Initial Change"

    Readers should take this section ("Conjunct Order") as highly tentative, as there are a number of points that are not clear to me, in particular the main subdivisions or "Modes" to be distinguished. (Compare discussion and data in file on Eastern Algonquian.)

    Gordon Day (Ms) makes these general remarks on the conjunct mode:

    Forms of the conjunct order occur in subordinate clauses, participles, and the indefinite actor verbs. They take inflectional suffixes but not prefixes....

    As already stated, the conjunct order appears in certain kinds of subordinate clauses, has no prefixed inflections, and has suffixed inflections unlike those of the independent mode. The Western Abenaki conjunct has a rather different array of modes than Proto AIgonquian (Bloomfield 1946:100-102) and Delaware, the Eastern AIgonquian language described by Goddard (1979:49-56). The simple conjunct is formally like the Delaware indicative mode. While the Delaware conjunct indicative is "meagerly attested", the Western Abenaki simple conjunct has assumed the most common role. The other two modes, both of which undergo initial change, are the participle and the indefinite actor series which Laurent termed the infinitive (1884:182-194). As pointed out earlier (p. 3),initial change is a modification of the first vowel of the stem, which falls on the root or the first root of a compound root....

    The simple conjunct mode is used in subordinate clauses as the complement of certain particles, notably ali `that', waji `so that', wzômi `because', acowi `must, should', adali `where', adoji `when', adali `the most', niga `it is that', and the inter- rogative particles ciga? `when?', gagwi? `what?', dôni `how? where?' It has two tenses, the present, which is employed for recent past and future, and the preterit. [Day's lists of inflections and examples are incorporated into the appropriate places above and below.]

    1. Conjunct Indicative
      1. Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
        1. AI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
          • AI Conjunct Indicative Present
          • Inflections:

            1. -a I 1
            2. -an thou, you sg 2
            3. -d/-g he, she, it 3*
            4. -lid he, she, it, them 3']
            5. -ag we (exclusive)** 1p, 21
            6. -agw we (incl) 21
            7. -agw you (pl) 2p
            8. -Vdid (older: -hVdid)***

            *The forms with -(e)k or -(e)g are chosen when the verb base ends on a consonant. But this ending consonant can disappear by a special rule that deletes m or n from a final bit consisting of m,n followed by k or g (compare the forms given below for the conjunct forms for the TI verb wajônem).

            **There is some confusion on these three assignments -- maybe not only in my mind cf. Day MS2. Compare Voorhis on Penobscot.

            ***V = echo vowel. NB: this V is different from the V notated in the endings -V, -Vk, -Vl for obviative and plurals.

            Compare Penobscot (Voorhis):

            1. -a I 1
            2. -an you sg 2
            3. -t/k he, she, it 3
            4. -lit [ he, she, it, they 3']
            5. -ek we exclusive 1p
            6. -akw we inclusive 21
            7. -ekw you (pl) 2p
            8. -hVtit

            Examples:

            1. Kakaswi almi alokaa, kakaswi n'olôwzi, `The more I work, the better off I am.' AI Conj 1; AI IndIndc 1; JL84:97
            2. N'-d-alamizowi wahwôgomô Tabaldak milit sôglamalsowôgan akwôbigademaa. `I thank the Lord who gives me good health in my age.' TA IndIndc 1; TA 3-1 Conj; AI Conj 1 JL84:99
            3. Akuiga kagui llalda, n'pakaldamikhowab aliji pagadosaa asma mdala kasômkipodannokw. `You'll excuse me, ((lit): be not offended,) I promised to be at home before ten o'clock.' AI neg Imperative 2; AI IndIndc Preterite 1; AI Conjunct 1 JL84:107
            4. Chiga paiôan? (sing.) `When did you come? (arrive?)' AI ConjIndc 2 JL84:91
            5. Tôni alosaan. `Where are you going?' (sing.) AI Conj Indc 2 JL84:94
            6. Adoji nadawiwi paiôan k'-d-achoiba paami sipkabi. `You come so seldom that you ought to stop a little longer.' AI Conjunct 2; AI IndIndc JL84:107
            7. Ni kizi nopaiwessi paiôt ni wji Mark 1.19 `And when he had gone a little further thence' AI Conjunct Indicative 3
            8. na adoji baiyôd tômô wajok and that one when he came to a place on a mountain DayBk 32 AI Conjunct Indicative 3
            9. Ni pmôwzowinnoak wnamihônô môjilit `And the people saw them departing Mark' 6.33
            10. Wzômi Herod wgwitaalmôshani Azôa awawalmôshani ali sasagi pmôwzowinnowilit , ta ali wawasinnowilit ta wmanalwakawôshani, ta kizi nodawôt, msaldossa alalokat, ta owigôdami nodawô. Mark 6.20 `For Herod feared John, knowing that he was a just man and an holy, and observed him; and when he heard him, he did many things, and heard him gladly.'
            11. ?? Nmôjibenaji wigiak kwaskuai nônnômkipodaga. `We will go home at five o'clock precisely.'AI IndIndc 1p; AI Conj 1p JL84:103
            12. NB endings on these next three!
            13. N'-d-eli nkawatzi aliji saba paami sipkôdokaziakw . `I hope to-morrow we will be (talking) longer together.' AI IndIndc 1; AI Conjunct reciprocal 21 JL84:107
            14. Tôni alosaakw*. `Where are you going?' (plur.) AI Conj Indc 2p JL84:94
            15. [JL book has alosaak, which I think is a typo. Support for this conclusion: next entries]

            16. Tôni wadosaakw? (pl.) ) `Where do you come from?' AI Conjunct 2p JL84:96
            17. Chiga k'môjiba wigiakw? `When will you go home?' AI IndIndc 2p; AI Conj 2p JL84:103
            18. cf.
            19. Nmôjibenaji wigiak kwaskuai nônnômkipodaga. `We will go home at five o'clock precisely.' AI IndIndc 1p; AI Conj 1p JL84:103
            20. nda sôgwenawabiakw gawikak ," if you don't be quiet (and) go to sleep," [forms?? ..k ..kw]
            21. more from Mark

            22. ...kagwi waji wabatôgwadokaakw ta mlizjôakw? `Why make ye this ado and weep?' Mark 5.39
            23. Paami nabi paiak pamekisgak ôdaki attoji paiôdit. `They arrived to-day sooner than they usually do.' AI IndIndc 3p; AI Conj 3p JL84:97
            24. And notice these examples from Daybk 63:

            25. na 'skialnôba hlôd waji nôdkasmiidid `that young man he told her that they go swimming Daybk 83?
            26. Maasa môjabajoldiidid Alnôbak. early when they began coming the Indians (Abenakis) Daybk 70?
            27. ali cajibidaôdamoodid `because that they were scared to death' Daybk 80

          • AI Conjunct Indicative Preterite
          • Inflections: add -za/-ssa/-shan plus adjustments??

            Problem: Day lists forms with -p (-b(an)) cf Mysteries at end of this sketch

            1. -aza I 1
            2. -aza thou, you sg 2
            3. -za [-d/-k+za?] he, she, it 3
            4. -liza [= -lid+za he, she, it 3']??
            5. -agza we (inclusive, exclusive?)* 1p, 21
            6. -agwza you (pl) 2p
            7. -Vdiza

            Examples:

            1. Tôni aiiakwza kwani padôgiiwik? `Where were you during the thunder storm.' AI Conjunct 2p Preterite; II Conjunct O JL84:105
            2. ni aiza (where) he was
            3. asma kdagidamownô David alalakaza `Have ye never read what David did' Mark 2.25
            4. Msaldoshanil ni ahalikkil tbaskodigani klozwôganal awakkashanil witamawôt ketwôgan akwôbi kizi li wawtamohodiza. Mark 4.33 `And with many such parables spake he the word unto them, as they were able to hear it.
            5. Ni nodagimomgik wdelli maassanô Sazosek ni owitamawônô mziwi kagwi kasikki lalokahadiza ta kasi kizi kigamihidiza. Mark 6.30 `And the apostles gathered themselves together unto Jesus, and told him all things, both what they had done, and what they had taught.'

        2. II Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Inflections:

              -k singular:
            1. O'da n'-d-elaldamowenab ali tkebi wligek weji ni. `I didn't think that cold water was good for that.' TA IndIndc Preterite neg 1; II Conjunct? JL84:106
            2. O'da ni wibiwi, achi n'wawamadamen ali nanamipodak stimbot. `Not only that, but I also feel the steamboat shaking.' TI IndIndc 1; II Conjunct JL84:112
            3. Tôni aiiakwza kwani padôgiiwik? `Where were you during the thunder storm.' AI Conjunct 2p Preterite; II Conjunct O JL84:105
            4. -kkil plural:

            Examples:
          • Preterite
            1. Ali nawa kizi kamôji pasodlôgwigza. `And when the day was now far spent' Mark 6.35
            2. ta wbonô poskenniganek enni waji kadapskahôzigza sennek `and laid him in a sepulchre which was hewn out of a rock' Mark 15,46
        3. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS1 Affirmative
          • TA Conjunct Indicative Affirmative TS1 Present
          • Inflections:

            1. -og I - him/her/it/them 1-3('?)
            2. -an thou-him/her 2-3('?)
            3. -d he/she-him/her 3-3'
            4. (ôd? cf Mal/Pass)
            5. -ag(k) we- him/her 1p-3
            6. [-agw(kw) we-him/her 21-3??]
            7. -agw(kw) you-him/her 2p-3
            8. -Vdid sh/he-him/her/them 3p-3'
            compare Maliseet/Passamaquoddy (Sherwood: 277)ÿ
            1. -∅(1)-ok(4) I - him/her/it/them 1-3(')(p)
            2. ∅(1) zero alternant of TS1
            3. -∅(1) -ǎt(4) thou-him/her/them 2-3(')(p)
            4. -a(1) -t(4) he/she-him/her/them 3-3'(p)
            5. -∅(1) -okət(4) we- him/her/them 1p-3(')(p)
            6. -∅(1) -ǎkw(4) we- him/her/them 21-3(')(p)
            7. -∅(1) -e(4) -kw(7) you- him/her/them 2p-3(')(p)
            8. -a(1) -hti(2) -t(4) they-him/her/them 3p-3'(p)
            9. -∅(1) -ot(4) [ONE]-him/her/them PRO-3(')(p)

            Examples:

            1. Wskebi wajônok telaps. * `Perhaps I have a trap.' TA ConjIndc TS1 (Indefinite) 1-3 JL84:156 wajôn- (-ô) -og
            2. Wskebi wajônôan & [telaps]. ` " thou hast &c .' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 2-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -an
            3. Wskebi wajônôd [telapsa]. + ` " he has &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 3-3' JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -d/-(e)k
            4. giziôd (wajoa) he that made (the mountains) TA ConjInd 3 - 3' Daybk 4 note inflection determined by first of conjoined objects
            5. Wskebi wajônôak &c [telaps]. ` " we have &c .' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 1p-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -ag
            6. wajiba pidigakadawôak so that we may go into them TA Conjunct 1p-3 Mark 5.12
            7. Wskebi wajônôakw &c [telaps]. ` " you have [a trap] &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 2p-3 JL84:156 wajôn- ô -agw
            8. Wskebi wajônôôdit [telapsa]. + ` " they have [a trap] &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 3-3' wajôn- -ô -Vdi -d JL84:156
          • TA Conjunct Indicative Affirmative TS1 Preterite
            1. Wskebi wajônokza tôbi. * `Perhaps I had a bow.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 1-3 JL84:156 wajôn- (-ô) -og -za
            2. Wskebi wajônôaza &c [tôbi]. ` " thou hadst &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 2-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -a(n) -za
            3. Wskebi wajônôza &c [tôbia]. + ` " he had &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 3-3' JL84:156 wajôn- -ô (-d) -za
            4. Wskebi wajônôakza &c [tôbi]. ` " we had &c .' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 1p(21?) 1p-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -ag -za
            5. Wskebi wajônôakwza toôbi. ` " you had &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 2p-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -agw -za
            6. Wskebi wajônôakwza &c [tôbi]. ` " you had &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 2p-3 JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -agw -za
            7. Wskebi wajônôôdiza [tôbia]+ `perhaps they had &c.' TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) Preterite 3p-3' JL84:156 wajôn- -ô -Vdi (-d) -za + say: wajônôd, w'ajônôôdit (telapsa); wajônôza, wajônôôdiza, (tôbia).
            8. But:
            9. Ni oskinnoma wmôjilin, ta wdelli mskamlin ahlôdep, ta wgizôjikadamennô ni pôzitkôwadwôgan. Mark 14.16 And his disciples went forth, and came into the city, and found as he had said unto them: and they made ready the passover.
        4. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2a Affirmative
          • TA Conjunct Indicative TS2a Affirmative Present
            1. Ni wdainaza ni wdaiamihawigamikwwôk awanimaji niwaskwa abitôgot Mark 1.23 `And there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit'
            2. ta ôda wjigitawôwia madahôndoa wdidamellin ali wawalmegot Mark 1.34. `and suffered not the devils to speak, because they knew him.'
          • TA Conjunct Indicative TS2a Affirmative Preterite
            1. Ni nizda pmiwi wgiskwazin ahamo. Ni Pial wmikwaldamen ni Sazosa ahlgodep Mark 14.72.
            2. And the second time the cock crew. And Peter called to mind the word that Jesus said unto him.
            3. nina madahondôa abitôgodep Mark 5.18
            4. he that had been possessed with the devil
            5. Ni wbaiônô Sazosek, ta wnamihôwô nihi na abitôgoza masalliji madahôndoa, ôabit, saham, ta wli wawkwada, ni wzagzinôssa Mark 5.15
            6. And they come to Jesus, and see him that was possessed with the devil , and had the legion, sitting, and clothed, and in his right mind: and they were afraid.

              NB both markings for preterite!, note also wzagzinôssa (IndSubordinative) (also 5.16, 7.25)
        5. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2b Affirmative
          • TA Conjunct Indicative TS2b Affirmative Present
            1. tôni atawi tbahamasiakw niji nôbi atawi tbahamôgaakw; with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you Mark 4.24
          • TA Conjunct Indicative TS2b Affirmative Preterite
        6. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS3 Affirmative
          • TA Conjunct Indicative TS3 Affirmative Present
          • In conjunct: all 1st person object forms should be here Inflections: cf Voorhis Penobscot 37 (Pen:) ff
            1. -ian 2-1 thou-me
            2. Pen: -ian 2-1 thou-me
            3. -id 3-1 s/he-me
            4. Pen: -it s/he-me
            5. ?-iagw 2p-1 you-me
            6. Pen: -iekw you(pl)-me
            7. -iag you-1p us??
            8. Pen:*-iekw * = unattested (for -iek? cf. -iwekw neg)

            9. ?-i(h)idit
            10. Pen: -ihitit `they-me'


            1. K'kadi nadodemol waji nadmihian nlhoak môniak . `I want to ask you to lend me three dollars.' TA IndIndc 1-2 TS4 TA Conjunct 2,3-1 TS3 JL84:92
            2. Ni Sazos wdihlôn, kagwi waji liwihlian wlinno ? And Jesus said unto him, Why callest thou me good? Mark 10.18
            3. N'-d-alamizowi wahwôgomô Tabaldak milit sôglamalsowôgan akwôbigademaa. `I thank the Lord who gives me good health in my age.' TA IndIndc 1; TA 3-1 Conj; AI Conj 1 JL84:99
            4. cf Voorhis Penobscot p. 42: -it he-me pl: -ihitit =~ i()hidit
            5. kagwi waji kwagwatskohaliakw? `Why tempt ye me?' Mark 12.15 ConjInd TS3 you(pl) - me
          • Preterite
        7. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS4 Affirmative
          • TA Conjunct Indicative Affirmative TS4 Present
          • Inflections: Voorhis 38 ff Penobscot
            1. -olan I - thee (you sg) 1-2
              Examples:
              1. N'wigôdam ni alsedolan. `I am happy to hear you say so.' TI IndIndc 1; TI Conj 1-2 JL84:99
            1. Preterite
              1. none yet
        8. TI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative
          • TI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative Present
            1. ali nosokamoodid zibo (IN) `as they followed the River' Daybk 74
          • TI Conjunct Indicative Affirmative Preterite

        ##
      2. Conjunct Indicative Negative
        1. AI Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
            1. Kagui waji ôda môjiwwan pamekisgak almitta mina tamagak? `Why don't you go to-day by the next tide?' AI Conjunct negative 2 JL84:110
          • Preterite
        2. II Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS1 Negative
          • Present
            1. Walma wajônok ases . `Perhaps I have no horse .' TA ConjIndc (Negative = Affirmative) 1-3 JL84:161
            JL:
            &c ., after the (present) tense of the (dubitative), always commencing by walma instead of wskebi .
          • Walmaji wajônok tôbi . `Perhaps I will have no bow .' TA ConjIndc (Negative = Affirmative) (Future) 1-3 JL84:161
          • Preterite
            1. Walma wajônokza miguen . `Perhaps I had no pen .' TA ConjIndc (Negative = Affirmative) Preterite 1-3 JL84:161
            etc.: JL:
            &c ., after the (imperfect) of the (dubitative), here too commencing always by walma .
        4. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2a Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS2b Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS3 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. TA Conjunct Indicative TA TS4 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. TI Conjunct Indicative Negative
          • Present
            1. Walma wajônema môni . `Perhaps I have no money .' TI ConjIndc (Negative = Affirmative) 1-O JL84:161
            2. JL:
              &c ., after the (present) tense of the (dubitative), always commencing by walma instead of wskebi .
          • Preterite
            1. Walma wajonemôza pilaskw . `Perhaps I had no paper .' TI ConjIndc (Negative = Affirmative) Preterite 1-O
            2. JL:
              &c ., after the (imperfect) of the (dubitative), here too commencing always by walma .
      ##
    2. Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive
    3. General shape: add -a (position 7 (8?) to Conjunct Indicative. [Check all!]
      1. Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive Affirmative
        1. AI Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
            1. Ni weji aiagaji paami nabi paiôana. `For that you will have to come earlier.' AI Conjunct sub 2 JL84:107
            2. Wigidahôdamanaga k'kasi nahilôn nia, k'-d-askawiholji tali Kwanôgamak. `If you like to come down with me, I will wait for you at Long Lake.' AI Conjunct subj; TA IndSub?? 2-1; TA Ind Indc 1-2 JL84:117.
            3. li môjiagwa until you leave ConjSub AI 2p Mark 6.10
          • Preterite
        2. II Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
            1. N'môjiji almitta ntami tamagak saba, wlitebelômsega. `I shall go by the first tide to-morrow, if the wind is favourable.' AI IndIndc 1; II Conjunct sub O JL84:110
            2. K'pozibenaji Kissandaga, awibega. `We will embark Monday, if it is calm.' AI IndIndc 21; II Conjunct subj JL84:114
            3. K'-d-achowi spôzi môjibena, wlekisgaka. `We must start early in morning, if it is fine weather.' AI IndIndc 21; II Conjunct Sub?? JL84:116
          • Preterite
            1. still looking
        3. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS1 Affirmative
        4. "subjunctive" -a
          • Present
            1. Wskebiji wajônoga [telaps etc]. `Perhaps if I have [a trap etc.].' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 1-3 JL84:157 wajôn (-ô) -og -a
            2. Wskebiji wajônôana telaps. ` " if thou hast.' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 2-3 JL84:157 wajôn -ô -an -a
            3. Wskebiji wajônôda [telapsa]. ` " if he has.' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 3-3' JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -d -a
            4. Wskebiji wajônôaga. ` " if we have.' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 1p-3 JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -ag -a
            5. Wskebiji wajônôagua [wajônôagwa ]. ` " if you have .' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 2p-3 JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -agw -a
            6. Wskebiji wajônôôdida [telapsa]. ` " if they have.' TA ConjSub (Indefinite) 3p-3' JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -Vdi -d -a the -a corresponds to "if"
          • Preterite
            1. Wskebiba wajônogeshana [telaps]. `Perhaps if I had.' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 1-3 JL84:157 wajôn- (-ô) -og -shan -a -shan/-za/-ssa
            2. Wskebiba wajônôashana. ` " if thou hadst.' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 2-3 JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -a(n) -shan -a
            3. Wskebiba wajônôshana [telapsa]. ` " if he had.' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 3-3' JL84:157 wajôn- -ô -d -shan -a
            4. Wskebiba wajonôageshana. `Perhaps if we had.' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 1p-3 JL84:158 wajôn- -ô -ag -shan -a
            5. Wskebiba wajônoagueshana [wajônoagweshana]. ` " if you had.' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 2p-3 JL84:158 wajôn- -ô -agw -shan -a
            6. Wskebiba wajônôôdik̓shana [telapsa]. ` " if they had .' TA ConjSub Preterite?(Indefinite) 3p-3' JL84:158 wajôn- -ô -Vdid -shan -a
        5. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2a Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2b Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS3 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS4 Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        9. TI Conjunct Subordinative Affirmative
          • Present
          • Preterite
      2. Conjunct Subordinative/Subjunctive Negative
        1. AI Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        2. II Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        3. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS1 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        4. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2a Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        5. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS2b Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        6. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS3 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        7. TA Conjunct Subordinative TA TS4 Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
        8. TI Conjunct Subordinative Negative
          • Present
          • Preterite
    4. Participles
    5. Explanations of participles: the participle forms seem to (all?) show initial change (sometimes on particle or preverb?).

      1. AI
        1. Waligit. `Good, handsome.' AI ch conj part 3 JL84:67
        2. Base: wlig- (ol-) `good'
        3. Waligijik ases(ak). `Fine horses.' AI ch conj part 3p JL84:69
        4. Base: wlig- (ol-) `good'
        5. abagigid flat animate one AI pt pl abagigijik GDD
        6. abid the sitter, he sits, he is (somewhere) AI pt pl abijik GDD
        7. agwejabid the one remaining; he is left over AI pt pl agwejabijik GDD
      2. II
        1. Waligek. `Good, handsome.' II ch conj part O JL84:67
        2. Walikkil tasakuabon{al}. `Fine (good) chairs.' II ch conj part Op JL84:69
        3. Majikk(il) pilaskwimôni(al). `The counterfeit bank notes .' II ch conj part O(p) JL84:69
        4. Nidôba, k'kiziba lhin tôni li ao u ktolagw alosaik Plachmônkik? `My friend, can you tell me if there is a ship in the harbour going to France?' TA IndSub 2-1; TI IndIndc; II Conjunct O part JL84:109
        5. Tôni aik w'-d-alômsagom, ala w'wigwôm? `Where is his office, or his house?' II Conjunct part O JL84:109
        6. aig what is present, it is (somewhere) II pt GDD (cf preceding)
        7. abagigek flat thing II pt pl abagigkil GDD
        8. adaligek where it grows II pt GDD (relative root)
        9. Alnôbainôgwak it looks Indian, Indian looking thing II pt GDD
        10. wôbigek white inanimate thing, it is white, egg white II pt GDD
      3. TA
        1. bogejawad he who sticks or stings someone TA pt pl bogejawajik GDD
        2. majalemid bad-wisher, he bad-wishes TA pt GDD
        3. majalemegwezid he who is bad-wished, the condemned one TA inverse pt GDD
      4. TI
        1. acowaldak that which he wants TI pt (see cow-) GDD
        2. alaldag what he thinks, he thinks TI pt GDD
        3. dabaldak the owner, the master, the lord; Dabaldak is the name of the Master of the world, God TI pt (cf. debaldam) GDD
        4. gwildak he pursues something, what he pursues TI pt GDD
      5. Prince's participles
      6. With EB's guesses.

        1. naamiolan I - thee
        2. namiolan TS4 me-you -an 2sg cf.
        3. N'wigôdam ni alsedolan. `I am happy to hear you say so.' TI IndIndc 1; TI Conj me-you 1-2 TS4 (ch conj) JL84:99
        4. Base: leseda AI hear, learn by hearing GDD
        5. naamiook I him (an)
        6. namiog cf. Wskebi wajônok telaps. * `Perhaps I have a trap.'
          TA ConjIndc (Indefinite) 1-3 JL84:156 wajôn- (-ô) -og
        7. naamiho-an I him (an)? [linked by } with preceding ]
        8. ??
        9. naamitook I - it (in)
        10. naamito-an I - it (in)? [linked by } with preceding]
        11. naamihian thou - me
        12. cf kagwi waji liwihlian wlinno? why callest thou me good? Mark 10.18
          kagwiwaji ponihalian? why hast thou forsaken me? Mark 15.34
        13. naamiho-an thou - him (an) [sic]
        14. naamito-an thou it (in) [sic]
        15. naamiyit he - me
        16. naamiog-an he - thee
        17. naamiod he - him (an)
        18. naamitok he - it (in)
        19. naamiolak we (excl) - thee
        20. namiolag TS4 me-you -ag 2pl
        21. naami-ok we (excl) - him (an)
        22. naamito-ak we (excl) - it (in)
        23. naamihiba you - me
        24. naamionkw you - him (an)
        25. naamitowokw you - it (in)
        26. naamiidit they - me
        27. naamioodit they - him (an)
        28. naamitoodit they - it (in)
  6. Imperative Order
    Imperatives are forms for giving commands or suggestions:
    1. Pidiga! `Come in!'
    2. Saossida! `Let's go out.'
    3. Kita! `Look!'
    4. Askawii! `Wait for me!'
    5. Bestawikw! `(you all) Wait for me!'
    6. I include here forms for expressing `let's (do some-thing),' and `Let him/them do something,' which are not always called imperatives (you may see these forms sometimes referred to as `jussives' or `injunctives').

    7. Saossada! `Let's go out! '
    8. Mitsida! `Let's eat! '
    1. Here are the forms for AI verbs:
      1. -ZERO 2
      2. -j 3
      3. -da 21
      4. -gw 2 pl
      5. -dij 3 pl
      Examples (Laurent, 129) for the verb okaozemimek `to have a cow':

      1. Okaozemi! `Have a cow!'
      2. Okaozemij! `Let him have a cow!'
      3. Okaozemida! `Let us have a cow!'
      4. Okaozemigw! `Have a cow!' (plural)
      5. Okaozemidij! `Let them have a cow!'
      6. Here are forms for abimek `to sit'

      7. Abi! `Sit!'
      8. Abij! `Let her sit'
      9. Abida! `Let us sit!'
      10. Abigw! `Sit!' (plural)
      11. Abidij! `Let them sit!'
      12. Notice: the first form is just the plain base or stem of the verb. Because the ending for the `he/she' (3 ) statement form (Independent) is -ZERO for AI verbs ending on -a there will be no difference between the 2 imperative and the 3 form, as in these examples in Laurent, 84:95:

      13. Sôsasagosatta ( imp. and ind.) `Go straight along'; `he (she) goes straight along.'
      14. Wazwassa tagasiwi, ( imp. and ind.) `Go back a little' (sing.); `he (she) goes back a little.'
      15. Negative imperatives start with a special negative imperative particle akwi. The verb forms themselves appear to be mostly identical to the positive forms. Laurent gives these examples (JL84: 134):

      16. Akui 'okaozemi. `Have no cow.
      17. " okaozemij. `Let him have no cow.'
      18. " okaozemida. `Let us have no cow.'
      19. " okaozemikagw. `Have no cow.'!!
      20. " okaozemiidij. `Let them have no cow.'!!

    2. II Imperatives
    3. By their nature the only imperatives for Inanimate Intransitive verbs will be third person forms; The next batch from Laurent (JL84: 132) include II forms:

      1. Wôbigi. `Be white.'
      2. Wôbigij. `Let him be white.'
      3. Wôbigej. `Let it be white.' II!!
      4. Wôbigida. `Let us be white.'
      5. Wôbigigw. `Be white.'
      6. Wôbigiidij. `Let them be white.'
      7. Wôbigej. `Let them be white, (things.)' II!!

    4. TA Imperatives: Direct forms
    5. Here are forms (indefinite [and definite*]) from Laurent (JL84: 138):

      *According to the statement on p. 141:

      The remaining [moods] and [tenses] are to be conjugated as in the foregoing [indefinite] conjugation.

    6. TI: Indefinite (JL84: 141):
      1. Wajôna. `Have (thou).'
      2. Wajônej. `Let him have.'
      3. Wajônemoda. `Let us have.'
      4. Wajônemogw. `Have (ye or you).'
      5. Wajônemoodij. `Let them have.'
      6. Wajôna. `Have (thou.)'
      7. Wajônôj. `Let him have.'
      8. Wajônôda. `Let us have.'
      9. Wajônogw. `Have (ye or you.)'
      10. Wajônôôdij. `Let them have.'
    7. TI Indefinite [and definite, same statement by JL here]:
      1. Wajôna. `Have (thou).'
      2. Wajônej. `Let him have.'
      3. Wajônemoda. `Let us have.'
      4. Wajônemogw. `Have (ye or you).'
      5. Wajônemoodij. `Let them have.'
      6. What's missing: imperative forms for the inverse and you-and-me forms. Laurent doesn't give any. I have a few in my notes, and will try to comb up more before the next time around on this sketch.

        For TA and TI verbs I have found:

        you (sg) - me:

      7. askawii `wait for me'
      8. you (pl) - me:

      9. tbestawikw `(you all) wait for me'
      10. Notice these two forms have the -i suffix that regularly marks You-Me forms.

  7. Word Formation: Verbs
    1. Structure of Stems
    2. The basic structure of the Western Abenaki verb, with optional elements in parentheses, may be diagrammed in this way (based on Day, ms1):

        (personal prefix / ch conj) --...root--(medial)--(final)--(inflectional ending[s]) 
      \_____________________________/
      STEM

      Explanations:

      We have given all the details about the personal prefixes already. The dots represent the fact that the prefixes and the variation known as the changed conjunct may be registered not on the verb word itself but on a preverbal element, with possible other material between this preverb and the verb proper, as in this example:

      1. K'kadi nadodemol waji nadmihian nlhoak môniak. `I want to ask you to lend me three dollars.' TA IndIndc 1-2 TS4 TA Conjunct 2-1 TS3 JL84:92
      Here in the first half of the sentence we see a personal prefix on the preverb kadi, with the remainder of the inflection (the me-you affix -ol) on the verb proper, in the second half the modification of the vowel wji to waji on a separate preverb/conjunction and the inflection (Theme Sign 4 plus the suffix -an) on the conjunct verb. Since there are no prefixes in conjunct forms, there will never be a combination of prefix + changed conjunct.

    3. Initial Change
    4. Initial change refers to a modification of the first syllable of a verb or preverb usually (in Western Abenaki) resulting in the presence of an a either replacing the vowel of the first syllable or being prefixed to the word. Here are some examples, drawn mostly from the indefinite subject conjunct forms that Laurent refers to as "infinitives" and from the participial conjunct forms. In each case we show a form of the verb in its unchanged form (mostly imperatives, as in Laurent's lists):

      1. Akikamuk [..mek] `To sow.' Changed Conjunct Indefinite Subj (Infinitive) JL84:182
      2. kika `sow!'
      3. Aliguawômuk `To sew' Changed Conjunct Indefinite Subj (Infinitive) JL84:182
      4. liguawa `sow!'
      5. Askawihômuk [..mek] `To wait for;' Changed Conjunct Indefinite Subj (Infinitive) JL84:182
      6. skawiha `wait!'
      7. Kalozimuk [..mek] `To talk, speak.' Changed Conjunct Indefinite Subj (Infinitive) JL84:183
      8. kelozi `speak!' In many instances there is no difference registered in the "changed conjunct," sometimes there is a quite radical difference between the unchanged root or stem and the changed conjunct forms:

      9. Ni wgôgagalnemnô ni ahlômek agmôwôtta, wnônnhekwji. Mark 9.10.
      10. and they kept that saying with themselves. (also Mark 10.22)
      11. Ni Pial adoji môjatôgwzit ahlôt, lôbi niuna kizi nnakkô ngadigabna, ta kizi knosokolbenna. Mark 10.28.
      12. Then Peter began to say unto him, Lo, we have left all, and have followed.
      13. Ta tôni kiuwô [?] ahllakw, ndihlôn mziwi awani, kohôbikw. Mark 13.37.
      14. And what I say unto you I say unto all, Watch. The last three changed conjunct forms are associated with a verb that has a number of different forms: ihl-, lh-, ahl-, and ôhl- (called "polymorphic" by Day, GDD).

    5. Finals
    6. General: the last element in a stem (cf diagram above) is a socalled final, which determines the category of the stem: AN or IN Noun, AI II TA TI verb, or some other category, say adverb or particle etc. (Stems with no overt final are sometimes characterized as having a ZERO final.)

      Here we will just look at a representative sample of finals, including a few that may be hard to parse at first sight (or so they were to me).

    7. Paired Finals
      1. AI - II
        1. AI wligo `he or she is good'
        2. II wligen `it is good'
        3. N'miguenom wôbigo. `My pen is white.' AI IndIndc 3 JL84:45
        4. N'pilaskom wôbigen. `My paper is white.' II IndIndc O JL84:45
      2. TA - TI
        1. TA nami(h)a `see someone'
        2. TI namito `see something'
        3. N'-d-atsô. `I dye him, her, (it).' TA IndIndc def JL84:44 nd- -ats- -ô
        4. N'-d-atsemen. `I dye it.' TI IndIndc definite 1 JL84:44

  8. Some Mysteries
      1. Preterites Mysteries
      2. As mentioned, the two candidates for preterite markings in WA are the sets -b(an) and -za/-ssa/-shan (-shô?). The idea that they might just be alternate forms for a "past" tense is based on Laurent's book. It is also consistent with the fact that they appear to occupy the same slot in a position class analysis. Let's refer to them for short as -za and -ban. [here]
        1. Laurent: distribution of -za and -ban
        2. Laurent labels all forms in which the two sets occur as "imperfect."

          First stab: -ban occurs only in Independent Indicative paradigms. A selection:

          In all other relevant paradigms Laurent gives only forms in -za, that is all Independent Subordinative and Conjunct paradigms. Neither mark occurs with participial forms [?].
        3. Mark
        4. Gordon Day's materials
        5. Comparative evidence:
      3. Some more categories in Laurent's New Familiar Dialogues
        1. "Past definite"
        2. At several places in Laurent's book, forms are identified as "Past definite" which differ (in part) from preterite forms given elsewhere: pp. 133 f., 136 f., 142, 165.


      4. Plurals
      5. Laurent lists several different plural forms (JL84:92) with footnote explaining the difference:

        1. Kagui k'-d-elalokaba? (dual.) AI IndIndc 2p `What are you doing?' (dual.)
        2. Kagui k'-d-elalokhediba? (plur.) `What are you doing?' (plur.) AI IndIndc 2p multiplural?
        3. N'-d-abaznodakabena. `We are making baskets.' AI IndIndc 2p
        4. N'-d-abaznodakhedibena. `we (many of us) make baskets.' multiplural AI IndIndc 2p multiplural
        5. Here is the footnote:
          N'-d-abaznodakabena is generally used when speaking of two or more persons, if their number is definite to the speaker; but when he has no definite idea of the number of persons performing the action, he will say: n'dabaznodakhedibena we (many of us) make baskets.
      6. other

Link to a templatic chart with examples for Western Abenaki Verb Inflections.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to all those who have helped me with starting to understand Western Abenaki and Algonquian: F. Roger Higgins, Ives Goddard, Lucy Thomason, Cécile Wawanolett†, Roy Wright. I take responsibility for all errors.

References

Sources:

ALCL: Abenaki Language Class Lessons (numbers refer to Lesson number) by Cécile Wawanolett.
GDD: Gordon M. Day's Western Abenaki Dictionary I, II (reference to word as given, I, II refer to the Abenaki-English and English-Abenaki volumes).
CW: personal communication from Cécile Wawanolett.
GD64: article in International Journal of American Linguistics (1964) by Gordon M. Day
GDms: Manuscript by Day, with marginal notes by Roy Wright
TWIW: Manuscript from Day archives in Museum of Civilization, Hull, Qu.
JL84: Joseph Laurent, 1884, New...dialogues
Mark: Wzôkhilain, P.P. n.d.o.p. [Translation of the Gospel according to Mark.]
Masta32: Masta, 1932
RW: Roy Wright personal communication
FRH: F. Roger Higgins, personal communication
KIM: [Wzôkhilain] Kimzowi..

Beach, Jesse 2004. The Morphology of Modern Western Abenaki Dartmouth College Honors Thesis Program of Linguistics & Cognitive Science

Bloomfield, Leonard. 1946. Algonquian. In Hoijer et al 1946: 85-129.

Day, Gordon M. 1964. A St. Francis Abenaki Vocabulary. IJAL 30: 371--392. [IJAL = International Journal of American Linguistics]

Day, Gordon M. 1994. Western Abenaki Dictionary Volume 1: Abenaki-English. [Hull] Canadian Museum of Civilization. Mercury Series Paper 128

Day, Gordon M. 1995. Western Abenaki Dictionary Volume 2: English-Abenaki. Hull [Gatineau], Canadian Museum of Civilization. Mercury Series Paper 129

Day, Gordon M. Ms. That was the Way it Was. Manuscript of tales and interviews with Western Abenaki consultants. Museum of Civilization, Hull [Gatineau], Québec. [TWIW]

Goddard, Ives. 1967. The Algonquian independent indicative. National Museum of Canada Bulletin 214.66-106.

Goddard, Ives. 1979a. Delaware Verbal Morphology: A Descriptive and Comparative Study. New York: Garland.

Hoijer, Harry, L. Bloomfield, M. R. Haas, A. M. Halpern, F. K. Li, S. S. Newman, M. Swadesh, G. L. Trager, C. F. Voegelin, B. L. Whorf. 1946. Linguistic Structures of Native America. New York: Viking Fund. [ Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, Number Six.] (Repr. Johnson Reprint)

Laurent, Joseph. 1884. New familar Abenakis and English dialogues. Quebec: Leger Brousseau. (JL84)

Prince, J. Dyneley. 1901. The modern dialect of the Canadian Abenakis. In Miscellanea Linguistica in Onore di Graziado Ascoli (Turin), pp. 343--362.

Sherwood, David F. 1986. Maliseet-Passamaquoddy Verb Morphology. (Canadian Ethnology service paper no. 105.) Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization.

Voorhis, Paul. 1979. Grammatical Notes on the Penobscot Language from Frank Speck's Penobscot Transformer Tales. Brandon University typescript.

Warne, Janet. 1975. A historical phonology of Abenaki. McGill University M.A. thesis. JW75

Wzôkhilain, P.P. n.d.o.p. [Translation of the Gospel according to Mark.] 58 pp. (I'll refer to this as Mark.) Here is a transcription of first page of the Dartmouth copy:

This Gospel is translated from the English Testament into the the language spoken by the Indians of the Abenaquis Tribe of St. Francis. P.P. O'Sun Kr[blotched out] [different hand or pen:] Translated by Peter Paul O'Sunkerine, an Indian who was educated at "??iors Charity School" Hanover N.H.

Full title page: KIMZOWI AWIGIHGAN P. P. WZüKHILAIN, ([handwritten:] Masta, Peter) KIZITOKW. BOSTON: PRINTED BY CROCKER AND BREWSTER. 183O.

Bach, Emmon. Sketch of Western Abenaki Grammar. Online here.