Papers, etc.
Comments very welcome!
Gradual learning and faithfulness: consequences of ranked vs. weighted constraints.
Jesney, Karen & Anne-Michelle Tessier. to appear. In Muhammad Abdurrahman, Anisa Schardl & Martin Walkow (eds.), Proceedings of the 38th Meeting of the North East Linguistics Society (NELS 38). Amherst, MA: GLSA. (paper ROA-967 | conference handout | summary)
Restrictiveness in gradual learning of Harmonic Grammar.
Jesney, Karen & Anne-Michelle Tessier. 2007. Paper presented as the North East Computational Phonology Circle (NecPhon 1). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts. November 2007. (handout | summary)
Re-evaluating learning biases in Harmonic Grammar.
Jesney, Karen & Anne-Michelle Tessier. 2007. In Michael Becker (ed.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers 36: Papers in Theoretical and Computational Phonology. Amherst, MA: GLSA. (draft | summary)
The locus of variation in weighted constraint grammars.
Jesney, Karen. 2007. Poster presented at the Workshop on Variation, Gradience and Frequency in Phonology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University. July 2007. (handout | MaxEnt calculator | summary)
Phonological acquisition as weighted constraint interaction.
Pater, Joe, Karen Jesney & Anne-Michelle Tessier. 2007. In Alyona Belikova, Luisa Meroni & Mari Umeda (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition – North America (GALANA 2), 339-350. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. (proceedings | erratum | summary)
Child chain shifts as faithfulness to input prominence.
Jesney, Karen. 2007. In Alyona Belikova, Luisa Meroni & Mari Umeda (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition – North America (GALANA 2), 188-199. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. (proceedings | conference handout | summary)
Chain Shift in Phonological Acquisition.
Jesney, Karen. 2005. MA thesis. Calgary, AB: University of Calgary. (thesis | summary)
Resolving hierarchy conflict: local obviation in Blackfoot.
Bliss, Heather & Karen Jesney. 2005. Calgary Papers in Linguistics, 26: 92-116. (download here | summary)
Stridency and differential substitution in two dialects of French.
Jesney, Karen. 2005. Paper presented at the Language Research Centre Graduate Student Forum. Calgary, AB: University of Calgary.
(handout | summary)
Dialect, stridency and differential substitution.
Jesney, Karen. 2004. Poster presented at the 1st Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition – North America (GALANA 1). Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai'i. December 2004. (summary)
The Use of Global Foreign Accent Rating in Studies of L2 Acquisition.
Jesney, Karen. 2004. Calgary, AB: University of Calgary Language Research Centre Reports. (download here | summary)
A Review of the Literature on Second Language Learning.
Archibald, John, Sylvie Roy, Sandra Harmel & Karen Jesney. 2004. Calgary, AB: Calgary Language Research Centre Reports. (download here | summary)
Summaries
Gradual learning and faithfulness: consequences of ranked vs. weighted constraints. [to appear, with Anne-Michelle Tessier] (paper | conference handout)
This paper investigates a class of stages in L1 phonological acquisition where children faithfully produce marked structures only in privileged positions. We present one such stage, referred here to here as an Intermediate Faith (IF) stage, using data from the acquisition of Hebrew reported by Bat-El (2007). The privileged domain in this case is defined morphologically (noun vs. non-noun). We then show how a gradual, on-line learner using weighted constraints as in Harmonic Grammar naturally passes through IF stages, which we model as gang effects between general and specific Faithfulness constraints. Finally, we compare the performance of a ranked constraint learner to that of the HG system developed here. The issues of restrictiveness and biases in Harmonic Grammar learning are further developed in our UMOP 36 paper (below).
Restrictiveness in gradual learning of Harmonic Grammar. [2007, with Anne-Michelle Tessier] (handout)
This presentation argues that restrictive learning in Harmonic Grammar requires one overarching bias – Output-oriented constraints (Markedness and OO-Faith) above Input-Output-oriented constraints (IO-Faith). Output-oriented constraints can begin with any high weight, but IO-Faithfulness constraints must begin with a weight of zero. Furthermore, the plasticity of IO-Faith constraints must be less than that of Output-oriented constraints, so that their values move away from zero at a relatively slow pace, favouring low values. These issues are also discussed in our UMOP 36 paper (below).
Re-evaluating learning biases in Harmonic Grammar. [2007, with Anne-Michelle Tessier] (draft)
In the Optimality Theoretic learnability and acquisition literature it has been frequently argued that certain ranking biases are necessary – specifically, Markedness >> Faithfulness, Specific Faithfulness >> General Faithfulness, OO-Faithfulness >> Markedness (e.g., Demuth 1995, Gnanadesikan 2004, Hayes 2004, McCarthy 1998, Prince & Tesar 2004, Smith 2000, Smolensky 1996, Tessier 2007). In this paper we show that altering the mode of constraint interaction from strict ranking as in Optimality Theory to additive weighting as in Harmonic Grammar substantially reduces the number of biases needed in order to ensure restrictive learning. Using weighted constraints and a simple GLA-style learning algorithm, a single bias such that wOutput-based constraints > wInput-Output-based constraints is sufficient. This bias is incorporated into the initial state by assigning substantially greater importance (i.e., higher values) to Markedness and Output-Output Faithfulness constraints than to Input-Output Faithfulness constraints, and by requiring that the weights of Output-based constraints be adjusted more quickly than those of Input-Output-based constraints.
The locus of variation in weighted constraint grammars. [2007] (handout)
This poster contrasts the predictions of two systems for selecting optima and incorporating variation in weighted constraint grammars – “Noisy HG” and “MaxEnt/OT”. Noisy HG constraint interaction is linear and additive as in standard Harmonic Grammar (Legendre, Miyata & Smolensky 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006), and variation is implemented by adding noise to the evaluation (per Boersma 1998; in HG, see Boersma & Pater 2007, Pater, Bhatt & Potts 2007). This system generally prevents harmonically-bounded candidates from emerging, and predicts that the likelihoods of variable processes will be interdependent if they share relevant constraints. MaxEnt/OT constraint interaction is log-linear, with candidate probabilities being computed directly by the grammar based on a single set of constraint values (Goldwater & Johnson 2003, Jäger to appear, Jäger & Rosenbach 2006). This system allows harmonically-bounded candidates to emerge, and predicts that the likelihoods of variable processes will always be independent of one another, even when they share relevant constraints. There is a simple Excel-based MaxEnt calculator for syllable structure typology available here.
Phonological acquisition as weighted constraint interaction. [2007, with Joe Pater & Anne-Michelle Tessier] (proceedings | erratum)
A theory of learnability that accounts for the human acquisition process should both converge on the correct final grammar, and model the path that learners take to get there. The Gradual Learning Algorithm (GLA; Boersma 1998, Boersma & Hayes 2001) can model some, but not all aspects of the learning path, and as we will show, is non-convergent. The Constraint Demotion Algorithm (Tesar & Smolensky 1998) is convergent, but non-gradual. In this paper we argue that the search for a gradual convergent learner may be aided by replacing Optimality Theory’s constraint ranking with numerical weighting, returning in this respect to OT's predecessor Harmonic Grammar (HG; Legendre et al. 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006).We demonstrate the advantages of weighting by using a minimally modified version of the GLA implemented by Boersma & Weenink (2006) that learns Harmonic Grammars, rather than OT grammars.
Child chain shifts as faithfulness to input prominence. [2007] (proceedings | conference handout)
Chain Shift in Phonological Acquisition. [2005] (thesis)
Chain shift scenarios spontaneously arise and then subside in the developing phonological systems of both first and second language learners. I propose that these patterns are a consequence of specific Ident constraints which reference prominent input feature combinations (where prominence is defined in terms of perceptual reinforcement). These specific faithfulness constraints are biased toward high ranking, as has been proposed for positional faithfulness constraints more generally (e.g., Hayes 2004, Tessier 2007, Smith 2000). In order for chain shifts to arise and eventually dissipate, then, the constraints responsible for the non-target-like processes involved in the chain shifts must simply be (gradually) reranked relative to the specific and general faithfulness constraints. Developmental chain shifts are thus restrictive intermediate stages that emerge in acquisition without the learner needing to postulate constraints or representations for which the target language lacks positive evidence. This enables predictions to be made about the types developmental paths that language acquirers can follow and places limits on the range of possible chain shift scenarios. My MA thesis considers L2 as well as L1 chain shifts, and provides a critique of previous approaches. (This work was also presented at the 2006 UMass-Brown Workshop on Phonological Acquisition.)
Resolving hierarchy conflict: local obviation in Blackfoot. [2005, with Heather BIiss] (download here)
This paper suggests a novel analysis of the apparent failure of Blackfoot (Algonquian: Western North America) to follow the Universal Animacy Hierarchy in some aspects of its grammar. In particular, we argue that the apparent [2>1] patterns of Blackfoot are a consequence of the interaction of person and obviation marking and propose extensions to Harley and Ritter's (2002) morphosyntactic feature geometry to include obviation features. If you are interested in knowing more about Blackfoot, check out the following links: University of Calgary Blackfoot Language Page, Donald Frantz's Blackfoot Language Page, Ethnologue.
Stridency and differential substitution in two dialects of French. [2005] (handout)
Dialect, stridency and differential substitution. [2004]
The question of what causes speakers of different L1s to select particular segments as substitutes for novel L2 segments has intrigued me for some time. This was one version of my thinking of the topic, taking the [s] for [theta] European French pattern vs. [t] for [theta] Québécois pattern as a case study. The proposal builds on the idea that speakers of different L1 dialects may have different sets of active features available for ready transfer to the L2. Preliminary pilot study results are included in the linked handout. (This work was also presented at the 2004 Alberta Conference on Linguistics.)
The Use of Global Foreign Accent Rating in Studies of L2 Acquisition. [2004] (download here)
This report reviews a range of studies that have employed global foreign accent rating as a means of gaining insight into the process of second language acquisition. Sections of the report focus upon methodology (rating scales, tokens, speaker and listener profiles), experimental findings (particularly with respect to speaker background and phonetic factors), and the details of individual studies. There has been recent related discussion of this issue on LinguistList.
A Review of the Literature on Second Language Learning. [2004, with John Archibald, Sylvie Roy & Sandra Harmel] (download here)
This report was prepared for Alberta Learning. Topics include: 1) effects of second language acquisition on the first language, 2) the role of content instruction in the teaching of a second language (content-based language teaching), 3) the effect of L2 instruction on students with special needs, 4) the effects of learning a third language on students for whom English is a second language.