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@article{Osborne:2012,
	Author = {Osborne, Timothy and Gro{\ss}, T.},
	Date-Added = {2013-06-02 12:14:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-06-02 12:16:01 +0000},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Pages = {94--127},
	Title = {Antecedent containment: A dependency grammar solution in terms of catenae},
	Volume = {66},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Levine:1984,
	Author = {Levine, Robert D.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:18:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:19:41 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Pages = {159--172},
	Title = {A note on {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising, {T}ough {C}onstructions and Reanalysis Rules},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {1984}}

@incollection{Klein:1981,
	Author = {Klein, Wolfgang},
	Booktitle = {Crossing the Boundaries in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:15:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:16:36 +0000},
	Editor = {Klein, Wolfgang and Levelt, W.},
	Pages = {51--78},
	Publisher = {Reidel},
	Title = {Some Rules of Regular Ellipsis in {G}erman},
	Year = {1981}}

@book{Wilson:2000,
	Address = {London},
	Author = {Wilson, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:07:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:08:26 +0000},
	Publisher = {Longmans},
	Title = {Mind the Gap},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Thomas:1979,
	Author = {Thomas, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:05:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:05:54 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Pages = {43--68},
	Title = {Ellipsis: The interplay of sentence structure and context},
	Volume = {47},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Rooryck:1985,
	Author = {Rooryck, Johan},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:02:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:03:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Pages = {187--229},
	Title = {Gapping-zeugma in {F}rench and {E}nglish: a non deletion analysis},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {1985}}

@article{Neijt:1981,
	Author = {Neijt, Anneke},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 17:01:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:01:53 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--93},
	Title = {Gaps and remnants: Sentence grammar aspects of {G}apping},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1981}}

@article{McShane:2002,
	Author = {McShane, Marjorie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:59:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:00:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of {S}lavic Linguistics},
	Pages = {83--117},
	Title = {Hierarchies of parallelism in elliptical {P}olish structures},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{McShane:2000,
	Author = {McShane, Marjorie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:57:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:58:51 +0000},
	Journal = {Slavic and {E}ast {E}uropean Journal},
	Pages = {195--233},
	Title = {Verbal ellipsis in {R}ussian, {P}olish and {C}zech},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2000}}

@phdthesis{McShane:1998,
	Author = {McShane, Marjorie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:56:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:57:07 +0000},
	School = {Princeton University},
	Title = {Ellipsis in {S}lavic: The Syntax-Discourse Interface},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{McShane:1999,
	Author = {McShane, Marjorie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:55:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:56:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Slavic Linguistics},
	Pages = {45--88},
	Title = {The ellipsis of accusative direct objects in {R}ussian, {P}olish and {C}zech},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Hudson:1989,
	Author = {Hudson, Richard A.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:51:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:52:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Linguistics},
	Number = {57--94},
	Title = {Gapping and grammatical relations},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {1989}}

@article{Shapiro:1995,
	Author = {Shapiro, Lewis P. and Hestvik, Arild},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:37:47 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:39:07 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
	Pages = {517--532},
	Title = {On-line comprehension of {VP}-ellipsis: syntactic reconstruction and semantic influence},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {1995}}

@incollection{Dalrymple:2005,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Dalrymple, Mary},
	Booktitle = {Ellipsis and non-sentential speech},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:33:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:34:40 +0000},
	Editor = {Elugardo, Reinaldo and Stainton, Robert J.},
	Publisher = {Springer},
	Title = {Against Reconstruction in Ellipsis},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Spenader:2006,
	Author = {Spenader, Jennifer and Hendriks, Petra},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:31:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:32:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {327--333},
	Title = {Combining multiple informaiton sources for ellipsis},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Theume:2006,
	Author = {Theume, Mari{\"e}t and Hielkema, Feikje and Hendriks, Petra},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:24:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:25:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {353--375},
	Title = {Performing aggregation and ellipsis using discourse structures},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Stainton:2006a,
	Address = {The Netherlands},
	Author = {Stainton, Robert J.},
	Booktitle = {The syntax of nonsententials},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:21:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:23:21 +0000},
	Editor = {Progovac, Ljiljana and Paesani, K and Casielles, E. and Barton, E.},
	Pages = {93--116},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {Neither fragments nor ellipsis},
	Year = {2006}}

@phdthesis{Schlangen:2003,
	Author = {Schlangen, D.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:19:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:20:43 +0000},
	School = {University of Edinburgh},
	Title = {A coherence-based approach to the interpretation of non-sentential utterances in dialogue},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Ericsson:2006,
	Author = {Ericsson, Stina},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:17:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:17:47 +0000},
	Journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {377--395},
	Title = {Optimising elliptical utterances in dialogue},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Repp:2006a,
	Author = {Repp, Sophie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 16:11:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:14:04 +0000},
	Journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {397--423},
	Title = {$\neg$({A}\&{B}). Gapping, negation and speech act operators},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Wei:2009,
	Author = {Wei, Ting-Chi},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 01:11:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 01:12:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Concentric: Studies in Linguistics},
	Pages = {259--306},
	Title = {Some notes on sloppy identity in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {35},
	Year = {2009}}

@phdthesis{Wei:2004,
	Author = {Wei, Ting-Chi},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 01:09:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 01:10:52 +0000},
	School = {National Kaohsiung Normal University},
	Title = {Predication and sluicing in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Toosarvandani:2008,
	Author = {Toosarvandani, Maziar},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 01:07:46 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 01:08:42 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Linguistics},
	Pages = {677--722},
	Title = {Wh-Movement and the syntax of sluicing},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Merchant:2006a,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {The Blackwell Companion to Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:58:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 01:00:01 +0000},
	Editor = {Everaert, Martin and van Riemsdijk, Henk and Goedemans, R. and Hollabrandse, Bart},
	Pages = {269--289},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
	Title = {Sluicing},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Kimura:2010,
	Author = {Kimura, H.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:51:33 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:52:26 +0000},
	Journal = {English Linguistics},
	Pages = {43--59},
	Title = {A wh-in-situ strategy for sluicing},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2010}}

@phdthesis{Ince:2009,
	Author = {Ince, Atakan},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:49:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:49:54 +0000},
	School = {University of Maryland},
	Title = {Dimensions of ellipsis: Investigations in {T}urkish},
	Year = {2009}}

@inproceedings{Ince:2006,
	Author = {Ince, Atakan},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Thirty-Fifth Annual Meeting of the {N}orth {E}ast {L}inguistic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:47:03 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:48:50 +0000},
	Editor = {Bateman, Leah and Ussery, Cherlon},
	Pages = {279--290},
	Title = {Island-sensitive sluicing in {T}urkish},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Ince:2012,
	Author = {Ince, Atakan},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:38:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:39:37 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {248--269},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Sluicing in {T}urkish},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Adams:2012,
	Author = {Adams, Perng Wang and Tomioka, Satoshi},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:37:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:38:20 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {219--247},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Sluicing in {M}andarin {C}hinese: An instance of pseudo-sluicing},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Bhattacharya:2012,
	Author = {Bhattacharya, Tanmoy and Simpson, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:34:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:36:15 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {183--218},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Sluicing in {I}ndo-{A}ryan: An investigation of {B}angla and {H}indi},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Paul:2012,
	Author = {Paul, Ileana and Potsdam, Eric},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:33:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:34:05 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {164--182},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Sluicing wihtout wh-movement in {M}alagasy},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Fukaya:2012,
	Author = {Fukaya, Teruhiko},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:31:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:32:08 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {123--163},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Island-sensitivity in {J}apanese sluicing and some implications},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Nakamura:2012,
	Author = {Nakamura, Masanori},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:29:33 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:30:21 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {104--122},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Case morphology and island repair},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Hoyt:2012,
	Author = {Hoyt, Frederick and Teodorescu, Alexandra},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:26:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:27:57 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {83--103},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {How many kinds of sluicing, and why? Single and multiple sluicing in {R}omanian, {E}nglish, and {J}apanese},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Stjepanovic:2012,
	Author = {Stjepanovi\'{c}, Sandra},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-29 00:24:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 00:26:08 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Pages = {68--82},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Two cases of violation repair under sluicing},
	Year = {2012}}

@inproceedings{Zoerner:2000,
	Author = {Zoerner, Ed and Agbayani, Brian},
	Booktitle = {Chicago Linguistics Society 36},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:58:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:59:26 +0000},
	Pages = {549--561},
	Title = {Unifying left-peripheral Deletion, {G}apping and {P}seudogapping},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Wilder:1996,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Booktitle = {Deutsch typologisch},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:53:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:55:46 +0000},
	Editor = {Lang, E.},
	Pages = {142--180},
	Publisher = {de Gruyter},
	Title = {V2-{E}ffekte: {W}ortstellungen und {E}llipsen},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Wilder:1999,
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {WCCFL} 18},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:52:00 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:53:24 +0000},
	Editor = {Bird, Sonya and Haugen, J. and Norquest, P.},
	Pages = {586--598},
	Title = {Right Node Raising and the {LCA}},
	Year = {1999}}

@incollection{Sohn:1994,
	Author = {Sohn, K. W.},
	Booktitle = {Explorations in Generative Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:43:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:45:07 +0000},
	Editor = {Kim, Y. S. et al.},
	Pages = {589--611},
	Publisher = {Hankuk Publishing Company},
	Title = {On {G}apping and {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising},
	Year = {1994}}

@phdthesis{Schmitt:1997,
	Author = {Schmitt, B. M.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:39:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:41:05 +0000},
	School = {Max Planck Institute: Nijmegen},
	Title = {Lexical Access in the Production of {E}llipsis and Pronouns},
	Year = {1997}}

@article{Levin:1986a,
	Author = {Levin, Nancy S. and Prince, Ellen F.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:28:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 19:22:27 +0000},
	Journal = {Papers in Linguistics},
	Pages = {351--364},
	Title = {Gapping and Causal Implicature},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {1986}}

@book{Lee:1998,
	Address = {Frankfurt},
	Author = {Lee, H. Y.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 18:26:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 18:28:10 +0000},
	Publisher = {Peter Lang},
	Title = {Ellipsen in {S}atzkoordinationen: {S}yntaktische and semantische {U}ntersuchungen in einer unifikationsbasierten {G}rammatik},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Hoeksema:2006,
	Author = {Hoeksema, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 17:54:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 16:29:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {335--352},
	Title = {Pseudogapping: Its Syntactic Analysis and Cumulative Effects on its Acceptability},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Fery:2005a,
	Author = {F{\'e}ry, Caroline and Hartmann, Katharina},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 17:47:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 17:48:48 +0000},
	Journal = {The Linguistic Review},
	Pages = {69--116},
	Title = {The Focus and Prosodic Structure of {G}erman {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising and {G}apping},
	Volume = {22},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Cremers:1983,
	Author = {Cremers, Crit},
	Booktitle = {Studies in Modeltheoretic Semantics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 17:43:40 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 17:45:06 +0000},
	Editor = {Ter Meulen, Alice G. B.},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {On the Form and Interpretation of Ellipsis},
	Year = {1983}}

@book{Carlson:2001a,
	Address = {New York},
	Author = {Carlson, Katy},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 17:40:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 17:41:54 +0000},
	Publisher = {Routledge},
	Title = {Parallelism and Prosody in the Processing of Ellipsis Sentences},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Carlson:2001,
	Author = {Carlson, Katy},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-28 17:39:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-28 17:40:16 +0000},
	Journal = {Language and Speech},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--26},
	Title = {The Effects of Parallelism and Prosody in the Processing of Gapping Structures},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2001}}

@phdthesis{Elixabete:2004,
	Author = {Murguia Elixabete},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-25 19:05:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-25 19:05:58 +0000},
	School = {University of Maryland},
	Title = {Syntactic Identity and locality restrictions on verbal ellipsis},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Moulton:2006,
	Author = {Moulton, Keir},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {NELS} 37},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:15:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:17:16 +0000},
	Editor = {Elfner, Emily and Walkow, Martin},
	Pages = {45--58},
	Title = {Small Antecedents: Syntax or Pragmatics?},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Craenenbroeck:2012a,
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van},
	Booktitle = {Sluicing: Cross-linguistic perspectives},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:09:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:10:13 +0000},
	Editor = {Merchant, Jason and Simpson, Andrew},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {How do you sluice when there is more than one {CP}?},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Thoms:2010,
	Author = {Thoms, Gary},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:06:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:07:40 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Variation Yearbook},
	Pages = {252--297},
	Title = {Verb-floating and {VPE}: Towards a movement account of ellipsis licensing},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Stainton:1998,
	Author = {Stainton, Robert J.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:04:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:05:51 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {311--340},
	Title = {Quantifier Phrases, meaningfulness in isolation, and ellipsis},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Park:2010,
	Author = {Park, Bum-Sik},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:02:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:03:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Studies in Generative Grammar},
	Pages = {691--709},
	Title = {Max{E}lide and parallelism: Don't we need both?},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2010}}

@phdthesis{Park:2005,
	Author = {Park, Bum-Sik},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 20:01:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 20:01:50 +0000},
	School = {University of Connecticut at Storrs},
	Title = {Locality and identity in ellipsis},
	Year = {2005}}

@phdthesis{Fukaya:2007,
	Author = {Fukaya, Teruhiko},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:56:44 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:57:34 +0000},
	School = {University of Southern California},
	Title = {Sluicing and Stripping in {J}apanese and some implications},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Temmerman:2013,
	Author = {Temmerman, Tanja},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:52:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:53:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Pages = {235--285},
	Title = {The syntax of {D}utch embedded fragment answers: on the {PF}-theory of islands and the wh/sluicing correlation},
	Volume = {31},
	Year = {2013}}

@incollection{Ngonyani:1996,
	Author = {Ngonyani, Deo},
	Booktitle = {Syntax at sunset, {UCLA} Working papers in syntax and semantics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:48:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:50:05 +0000},
	Editor = {Garrett, Edward and Lee, Felicia},
	Pages = {109--128},
	Publisher = {UCLA},
	Title = {{VP} ellipsis in {N}dendeule and {S}wahili applicatives},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Gribanova:2013,
	Author = {Gribanova, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:43:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:44:24 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Pages = {91--136},
	Title = {Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis and the structure of the {R}ussian verbal complex},
	Volume = {31},
	Year = {2013}}

@incollection{Rouveret:2005,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Rouveret, Alain},
	Booktitle = {Organizing grammar},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:32:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:33:41 +0000},
	Editor = {Broekhuis, Hans and Corver, Norbert},
	Pages = {554--562},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {{VP} ellipsis and the representation of aspect},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Lechner:2001a,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Booktitle = {Adding and Omitting},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:27:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:28:48 +0000},
	Editor = {Schwabe, Kerstin and Winkler, Susanne},
	Pages = {187--203},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Phrase structure paradoxes, movement and ellipsis},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Gengel:2007a,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Gengel, Kirsten},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {NELS} 37},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:22:47 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:23:56 +0000},
	Editor = {Elfner, Emily and Walkow, Martin},
	Organization = {Graduate Linguistic Student Association},
	Pages = {233--246},
	Title = {Phases and ellipsis},
	Year = {2007}}

@inproceedings{Dechaine:1994a,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {D{\'e}chaine, Rose-Marie},
	Booktitle = {The Proceedings of {NELS} 24},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:19:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:20:35 +0000},
	Editor = {Gonz{\`a}lez, Merc{\`e}},
	Pages = {47--63},
	Publisher = {{GLSA}},
	Title = {Ellipsis and the position of subjects},
	Year = {1994}}

@incollection{Dagnac:2010,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Dagnac, Anne},
	Booktitle = {Romance linguistics 2008: Interactions in {R}omance},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:17:01 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:18:33 +0000},
	Editor = {Arregi, Karlos and Fagyal, Zsuzsanna and Montrul, Silvina},
	Pages = {157--170},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Modal ellipsis in {F}rench, {S}panish, and {I}talian: Evidence for a {TP}-deletion analysis},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Cyrino:2005,
	Author = {Cyrino, Sonia and Matos, Gabriela},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:13:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:14:37 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of {P}ortuguese {L}inguistics},
	Pages = {79--112},
	Title = {Local licensers and recovering in {VP} ellipsis},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Aoun:2008a,
	Author = {Aoun, Joseph and Li, Audrey Yen-hui},
	Booktitle = {Foundational issues in linguistic theory},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:09:58 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:11:21 +0000},
	Editor = {Freidin, Robert and Otero, Carlos and Zubizarreta, Maria Luisa},
	Pages = {251--273},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Ellipsis and missing objects},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Rouveret:2012,
	Author = {Rouveret, Alain},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 19:03:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:04:44 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Pages = {897--963},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis, phrases and the syntax of morphology},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Sleeman:1993,
	Author = {Sleeman, Petra},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 18:21:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 18:21:54 +0000},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Pages = {271--295},
	Title = {Noun ellipsis in {F}rench},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Lobeck:1993,
	Author = {Lobeck, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 18:18:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 18:19:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics},
	Pages = {777--811},
	Title = {Strong agreement and identification: Evidence from ellipsis in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {31},
	Year = {1993}}

@incollection{Contreras:1989,
	Author = {Contreras, Heles},
	Booktitle = {Studies in {R}omance Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 17:58:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 17:59:55 +0000},
	Editor = {Kirschner, Carl and DeCesaris, Janet},
	Pages = {83--95},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {On {S}panish empty {N} and {N$'$}},
	Year = {1989}}

@incollection{Aelbrecht:2012a,
	Author = {Aelbrecht, Lobke},
	Booktitle = {Comparative Germanic Syntax: The State of the Art},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 17:25:58 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 17:27:42 +0000},
	Editor = {Ackema, Peter and Alcorn, Rhona and Heycock, Caroline and Jaspers, Dany and Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Wyng{\ae}rd, Guido Vanden},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Modal Complement Ellipsis: {VP} ellipsis in {D}utch?},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Aelbrecht:2012,
	Author = {Aelbrecht, Lobke and Haegeman, Liliane},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-24 17:24:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 17:24:58 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {591--614},
	Title = {{VP} ellipsis is not licensed by {VP} Topicalization},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Gribanova:2012,
	Author = {Gribanova, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:58:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:59:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {145--157},
	Title = {A New Argument for Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Tanaka:2011a,
	Author = {Tanaka, Hidekazu},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:53:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:54:01 +0000},
	Journal = {The Linguistic Review},
	Pages = {79--110},
	Title = {Syntactic Identity and Ellipsis},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2011}}

@article{Saab:2010,
	Author = {Saab, Andr{\'e}s L.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:51:01 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:51:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Iberia},
	Pages = {45--83},
	Title = {Impossible Deletions in the {S}panish {DP}},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {2010}}

@inproceedings{Nakao:2006,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Nakao, Chizuru and Ono, Hajime and Yoshida, Masaya},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Twenty-Fifth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:47:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:50:02 +0000},
	Editor = {Baumer, Donald and Montero, David and Scanlon, Michael},
	Pages = {297--305},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {When a complement PP goes missing: A study on the licensing condition on Swiping},
	Year = {2006}}

@phdthesis{Kertz:2010,
	Author = {Kertz, Laura},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:44:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:45:00 +0000},
	School = {University of California, San Diego},
	Title = {Ellipsis Reconsidered},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Frazier:2006,
	Author = {Frazier, Lyn and Clifton, Charles, Jr.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:39:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:40:59 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and philosophy},
	Pages = {315--346},
	Title = {Ellipsis and Discourse coherence},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Baltin:2012,
	Author = {Baltin, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:34:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:36:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Pages = {381--423},
	Title = {Deletion vs. pro-forms: An overly simple dichotomy?},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012}}

@book{Aelbrecht:2010,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Aelbrecht, Lobke},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:32:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:33:12 +0000},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {The Syntactic Licensing of Ellipsis},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Merchant:2013,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:30:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:30:45 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {77--108},
	Title = {Voice and Ellipsis},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2013}}

@article{Chung:2013,
	Author = {Chung, Sandra},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:28:36 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:29:58 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--44},
	Title = {Syntactic Identity in Sluicing: How Much and Why},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2013}}

@incollection{Chung:2011,
	Address = {University of California, Santa Cruz},
	Author = {Chung, Sandra and Ladusaw, William A. and McCloskey, James},
	Booktitle = {Representing Language: Essays in honor of Judith Aissen},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:22:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:26:25 +0000},
	Editor = {G{\'u}teirrez-Bravo, Rodrigo and Mikkelsen, Line and Potsdam, Eric},
	Pages = {31--50},
	Publisher = {Linguistic Research Center},
	Title = {Sluicing (:) Between structure and inference},
	Year = {2011}}

@book{McShane:2005,
	Author = {McShane, Marjorie},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:10:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 22:02:59 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {A Theory of Ellipsis},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Kehler:2002a,
	Author = {Kehler, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 21:09:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 21:10:52 +0000},
	Journal = {Snippets},
	Pages = {11--12},
	Title = {Another problem for syntactic (and semantic) theories of {VP}-ellipsis},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Gardent:1991,
	Author = {Gardent, Claire},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-23 20:13:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 20:14:30 +0000},
	School = {University of Edinburgh},
	Title = {Gapping and {VP} Ellipsis in a unification-based grammar},
	Year = {1991}}

@incollection{Winkler:2006,
	Address = {Berlin/New York},
	Author = {Winkler, Susanne},
	Booktitle = {The architecture of focus. Studies in Generative Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 22:02:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 22:03:17 +0000},
	Editor = {Moln{\'a}r, V. and Winkler, Susanne},
	Pages = {1--29},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Ellipsis and the division of labor at the interfaces},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Schwabe:2003,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Schwabe, Kerstin},
	Booktitle = {The Interfaces: Deriving and Interpreting Omitted Structures},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:55:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:58:01 +0000},
	Editor = {Schwabe, Kerstin and Winkler, Susanne},
	Pages = {301--320},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {F-marking and specificity in sluicing constructions},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Schoorlemmer:2012,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Schoorlemmer, Erik and Temmerman, Tanja},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:53:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:54:44 +0000},
	Pages = {232--240},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Head movement as a {PF}-phenomenon: Evidence from identity under ellipsis},
	Year = {2012}}

@phdthesis{Saab:2009,
	Author = {Saab, Andr{\'e}s L.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:47:22 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:48:10 +0000},
	School = {University of Buenos Aires},
	Title = {Hacia una teoria de la identidad parcial en la elipsis},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Nakamura:2009,
	Author = {Nakamura, Masanori},
	Booktitle = {Iterphases: Phase-theoretic investigations of linguistic interfaces},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:43:01 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:44:22 +0000},
	Editor = {Grohmann, Kleanthes K.},
	Pages = {317--338},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The ellipsis movement generalization and the notion of phase},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hackl:2012a,
	Author = {Hackl, Martin and Koster-Hale, J. and Varvoutis, J.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:30:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:32:35 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--62},
	Title = {Quantification and {ACD}: Evidence from real-time sentence processing},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2012}}

@phdthesis{Ha:2008,
	Address = {Boston University, Boston Massachusetts},
	Author = {Ha, S},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:28:47 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:29:36 +0000},
	School = {Boston University},
	Title = {Ellipsis, Right Node Raising, and Across-the-Board Constructions},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gergel:2003,
	Author = {Gergel, Remus},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:26:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:27:49 +0000},
	Journal = {SKY Journal of Linguistics},
	Pages = {27--56},
	Title = {Modal syntax: Detecting its parameters with {VP} Ellipsis},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Bartos:2000,
	Author = {Bartos, H.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 21:17:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 21:18:45 +0000},
	Journal = {Acta Linguistica Hungarica},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3-24},
	Title = {{VP}-ellipsis and verbal inflection in {H}ungarian},
	Volume = {47},
	Year = {2000}}

@techreport{Saito:2004a,
	Address = {Nagoya: Center for Linguistics, Nanzan University},
	Author = {Saito, Mamoru},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 20:13:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 20:15:26 +0000},
	Institution = {Nanzan Linguistics 1},
	Title = {Ellipsis and pronominal reference in {J}apanese Clefts},
	Year = {2004}}

@phdthesis{Ko:2005a,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Ko, Heejeong},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 20:04:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 20:04:48 +0000},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Syntactic Edges and Linearization},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Kizu:1997,
	Author = {Kizu, Mika},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {CLS} 33},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 20:01:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 20:03:38 +0000},
	Editor = {Singer, Kora and Eggert, Randall and Anderson, Gregory},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {231--244},
	Title = {Sluicing in wh-in-situ languages},
	Volume = {33},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Hasagawa:2008,
	Author = {Hasagawa, Nobuko},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:56:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:57:54 +0000},
	Editor = {Boeckx, Cedric and Ulutas, Suleyman},
	Pages = {63--74},
	Publisher = {MIT Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Title = {Wh-Movement in {J}apanese: Matrix Sluicing is different from embedded Sluicing},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Hasagawa:2006,
	Address = {Tokyo},
	Author = {Hasagawa, Nobuko},
	Booktitle = {Search of the Essence of Language Science: Festschrift for Professor Heiko Nakajima},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:53:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:58:14 +0000},
	Editor = {Suzuki, Yubun and Mizuno, Keizo and Takami, Ken-ichi},
	Pages = {453--470},
	Publisher = {Hituzi Shobo},
	Title = {Sluicing and truncated \emph{wh}-questions},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Fukaya:2003,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Fukaya, Teruhiko},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 22nd West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:50:40 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:52:36 +0000},
	Editor = {Garding, Gina and Tsujimura, M.},
	Pages = {179--192},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Island (in)sensitivity in {J}apanese sluicing and stripping},
	Year = {2003}}

@phdthesis{Takita:2010,
	Author = {Takita, Kensuke},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:37:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:38:36 +0000},
	School = {Nanzan University},
	Title = {Cyclic Linearization and Constraints on Movement and Ellipsis},
	Year = {2010}}

@inproceedings{Wyngaerd:1999,
	Author = {Wyng{\ae}rd, Guido Vanden},
	Booktitle = {Linguistics in the Netherlands 1999},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:26:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:27:49 +0000},
	Editor = {Bezooijen, R. van and Kager, Ren{\'e}},
	Pages = {203--216},
	Title = {Antecedent-Contained Deletion as Deletion},
	Year = {1999}}

@techreport{Winkler:1997,
	Author = {Winkler, Susanne},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:20:47 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:22:04 +0000},
	Institution = {Universit{\"a}t T{\"u}bingen},
	Number = {340/121},
	Title = {Ellipsis and Information Structure in {E}nglish and {G}erman: The Phonological Reduction Hypothesis},
	Type = {Arbeitspapiere des Sonderforschungsbereichs},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Tomioka:1995,
	Author = {Tomioka, Satoshi},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Fifth Conference on Semantics and Linguistic Theory},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:17:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-23 20:50:31 +0000},
	Editor = {Simons, Mandy and Galloway, Teresa},
	Pages = {328--345},
	Publisher = {Cornell University},
	Title = {{[Focus]} Restricts Scope: Quantifiers in {VP} Ellipsis},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1995}}

@incollection{Prust:1990,
	Author = {Pr{\"u}st, Hub and Scha, Remko},
	Booktitle = {Linguistics in the Netherlands 1990},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:06:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:08:36 +0000},
	Editor = {Bok-Bennema, R. and Coopmans, Peter},
	Pages = {123--132},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis Induces Clausal Parallelism},
	Year = {1990}}

@phdthesis{Milapides:1990,
	Author = {Milapides, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 19:00:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 19:01:32 +0000},
	School = {University of Thessaloniki},
	Title = {Aspects of Ellipsis in {E}nglish and {G}reek},
	Year = {1990}}

@article{Lopez:2000,
	Author = {L{\'o}pez, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 18:56:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 18:57:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Pages = {183--213},
	Title = {Ellipsis and Discourse-Linking},
	Volume = {110},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Klein:1993a,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Klein, Wolfgang},
	Booktitle = {Syntax: an International Handbook of Contemporary Research},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 18:51:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-22 18:53:01 +0000},
	Editor = {Jacobs, J. and von Stechow, Arnim and Sternefeld, Wolfgang and Vennemann, T.},
	Pages = {763-799},
	Publisher = {De Gruyter},
	Title = {Ellipse},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Keenan:1971,
	Author = {Keenan, Ed},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-22 18:47:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-06-03 15:10:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Papers in Linguistics},
	Pages = {211-232},
	Title = {Names, Quantifiers, and the Sloppy Identity Problem},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1971}}

@phdthesis{AnderBois:2011,
	Author = {AnderBois, Scott},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-09 12:00:33 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-09 12:01:11 +0000},
	School = {University of California at Santa Cruz},
	Title = {Issues and Alternatives},
	Year = {2011}}

@article{Sauerland:2007,
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:26:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:27:15 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Variation Yearbook},
	Pages = {27--51},
	Title = {Copying vs. Structure Sharing: A semantic argument},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Cyrino:2002,
	Author = {Cyrino, Sonia and Matos, Gabriela},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:19:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:20:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of {P}ortuguese {L}inguistics},
	Pages = {177--195},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis in {E}uropean and {B}razilian {P}ortuguese -- a comparative analysis},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Nakao:2009,
	Author = {Nakao, Chizuru},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:16:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:17:03 +0000},
	School = {University of Maryland},
	Title = {Island repair and non-repair by {PF} strategies},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Stanley:2000,
	Author = {Stanley, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:11:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:12:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {391--434},
	Title = {Context and Logical Form},
	Volume = {23},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Stainton:1997,
	Author = {Stainton, Robert J.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:09:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:10:16 +0000},
	Journal = {Pragmatics and Cognition},
	Pages = {51--78},
	Title = {Utterance meaning and syntactic ellipsis},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1997}}

@book{Stainton:2006,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Stainton, Robert J.},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:08:22 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:09:15 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Words and thoughts: Subsentences, ellipsis, and the philosophy of language},
	Year = {2006}}

@phdthesis{Shopen:1972,
	Address = {Los Angeles, CA},
	Author = {Shopen, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 01:03:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:04:51 +0000},
	School = {University of California at Los Angeles},
	Title = {A generative theory of ellipsis: A consideration of the linguistic use of silence},
	Year = {1972}}

@incollection{Morgan:1973,
	Address = {Urbana, Ill},
	Author = {Morgan, Jerrold},
	Booktitle = {Issues in Linguistics: Papers in honor of {H}enry and {R}en{\'e}e {K}ahane},
	Date-Added = {2013-05-08 00:59:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-08 01:01:52 +0000},
	Editor = {Kachru, B. B.},
	Pages = {719--751},
	Publisher = {University of Illinois Press},
	Title = {Sentence fragments and the notion `sentence'},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Staub:2006,
	Author = {Staub, Adrian and Clifton, Charles, Jr. and Frazier, Lyn},
	Date-Added = {2013-04-30 18:07:01 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-04-30 18:08:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Memory and Language},
	Pages = {389--406},
	Title = {Heavy {NP} shift is the parser's last resort: Evidence from eye movements},
	Volume = {54},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Carlson:1977b,
	Author = {Carlson, Greg N.},
	Date-Added = {2013-04-09 11:22:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-04-09 11:23:35 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {413--457},
	Title = {A Unified Analysis of the {E}nglish Bare Plural},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1977}}

@phdthesis{Stokke:2010,
	Author = {Stokke, Andreas},
	Date-Added = {2013-02-14 15:02:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-02-14 15:03:11 +0000},
	School = {University of St. Andrews},
	Title = {Indexicality and Presupposition: Explorations beyond Truth-Conditional Information},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Adger:2006a,
	Author = {Adger, David},
	Date-Added = {2013-02-04 17:11:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-02-04 17:12:22 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {503--530},
	Title = {Combinatorial Variability},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Grosu:1973b,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-28 16:13:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-28 16:14:13 +0000},
	Journal = {Language},
	Pages = {294--311},
	Title = {On the status of the so-called {R}ight {R}oof {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {49},
	Year = {1973}}

@phdthesis{Sudo:2012,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Sudo, Yasutada},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-24 18:01:45 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-24 18:02:34 +0000},
	School = {MIT},
	Title = {On the Semantics of Phi Features on Pronouns},
	Year = {2012}}

@incollection{Adger:2010,
	Author = {Adger, David},
	Booktitle = {Perspectives on a Key Notion in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-23 22:17:58 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-23 22:19:00 +0000},
	Editor = {Kibort, A. and Corbett, Greville G.},
	Pages = {185--218},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {A minimalist theory of feature structure},
	Year = {2010}}

@incollection{Zeijlstra:2008,
	Author = {Zeijlstra, Hedde},
	Booktitle = {The Limits of Syntactic Variation},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-14 19:30:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-14 19:31:44 +0000},
	Editor = {Biberbauer, T.},
	Pages = {143--173},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Syntactic Flexibility of Formal Features},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{Zanuttini:2008a,
	Author = {Zanuttini, Rafaella and Bernstein, Judy},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {NELS} 39},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-14 19:27:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-14 19:29:26 +0000},
	Editor = {Lima, Suzi and Mullin, Kevin and Smith, Brian},
	Pages = {839--854},
	Title = {Micro-comparative syntax in {E}nglish agreement},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Richards:2008a,
	Author = {Richards, M.},
	Booktitle = {Varieties of Competition},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-14 19:23:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-14 19:25:12 +0000},
	Editor = {Heck, Fabian and M{\"u}ller, Gereon and Trommer, Jochen},
	Pages = {133--162},
	Publisher = {University of Leipzig},
	Title = {Two kinds of variation in minimalist syntax},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Biberbauer:2006,
	Author = {Biberbauer, T. and Richards, M.},
	Booktitle = {Minimalist Essays},
	Date-Added = {2013-01-14 19:21:23 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-14 19:22:22 +0000},
	Editor = {Boeckx, Cedric},
	Pages = {35--67},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {True optionality: When the grammar does not mind},
	Year = {2006}}

@book{Winkler:2005,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Winkler, Susanne},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 23:40:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 23:41:24 +0000},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Ellipsis and focus in generative grammar},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Thornton:2010,
	Author = {Thornton, Rosalind},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 23:30:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 23:31:10 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Learning and Development},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--31},
	Title = {Verb Phrase Ellipsis in Children's Answers to Questions},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2010}}

@incollection{Takahashi:2008b,
	Author = {Takahashi, Daiko},
	Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook of Japanese Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 23:26:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 23:27:11 +0000},
	Editor = {Miyagawa, Shigeru and Saito, Mamoru},
	Pages = {394--422},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Noun Phrase Ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Shopen:1973,
	Author = {Shopen, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 02:14:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 02:15:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Foundations of Language},
	Pages = {65--77},
	Title = {Ellipsis as Grammatical Indeterminacy},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1973}}

@book{Santos:2009,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Santos, Ana L{\'u}cia},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 02:08:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 02:09:48 +0000},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {Minimal Answers: Ellipsis, syntax, and discourse},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Nunes:2010,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo and Zocca, Cynthia},
	Booktitle = {Minialist Essays on {B}razilian {P}ortuguese},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:28:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:30:19 +0000},
	Editor = {Nunes, Jairo},
	Pages = {215--236},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {Lack of morphological identity and ellipsis resolution in {B}razilian {P}ortuguese},
	Year = {2010}}

@incollection{Nunes:2005,
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo and Zocca, Cynthia},
	Booktitle = {Leiden Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:27:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:28:31 +0000},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {29--42},
	Publisher = {Leiden University},
	Title = {Morphological Identity in Ellipsis},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Merchant:2012a,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {Diagnosing {S}yntax},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:21:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:21:49 +0000},
	Editor = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Corver, Norbert},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Polarity Items under Ellipsis},
	Year = {to appear}}

@article{Merchant:2009a,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:19:23 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:20:12 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of {G}reek Linguistics},
	Pages = {134--164},
	Title = {Phrasal and clausal comparatives in {G}reek and the abstractness of syntax},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Merchant:2012,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {Diagnosing {S}yntax},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:18:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:18:44 +0000},
	Editor = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Corver, Norbert},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Diagnosing ellipsis},
	Year = {to appear}}

@incollection{Merchant:2009,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {Handbook of Contemporary Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-26 01:16:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-26 01:17:22 +0000},
	Editor = {Alexiadou, Artemis and Kiss, Tibor and Butt, Miriam},
	Publisher = {Walter de Gruyter},
	Title = {Ellipsis},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Ludlow:2012,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Ludlow, Peter},
	Booktitle = {Ellipsis and Non-sentential Speech},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:56:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:57:31 +0000},
	Editor = {Elugardo, Reinaldo and Stainton, Robert J.},
	Publisher = {Kluwer Academic Publishers},
	Title = {A note on alleged cases of nonsentential assertion},
	Year = {to appear}}

@phdthesis{Li:2002,
	Address = {Los Angeles, CA},
	Author = {Li, Hui-Ju Grace},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:50:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:50:52 +0000},
	School = {University of Southern California},
	Title = {Ellipsis Constructions in {C}hinese},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Li:1998a,
	Address = {Los Angeles, CA},
	Author = {Li, Hui-Ju Grace},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Ninth North American Conference on {C}hinese Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:48:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:49:41 +0000},
	Editor = {Lin, Hua},
	Organization = {University of South California},
	Pages = {155--172},
	Publisher = {GSIL},
	Title = {Null Object and {VP} Ellipsis in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998}}

@incollection{Kornfeld:2002,
	Author = {Kornfeld, Laura M. and Saab, Andr{\'e}s L.},
	Booktitle = {Romance languages and linguistic theory 2002: Selected papers from {G}oing {R}omance},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:35:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:36:56 +0000},
	Editor = {Bok-Benneman, Reineke},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {Nominal ellipsis and morphological structure in {S}panish},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Kim:1997,
	Author = {Kim, J.-S.},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:32:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:32:52 +0000},
	School = {University of Connecticut at Storrs},
	Title = {Syntactic focus movement and ellipsis: a minimalist approach},
	Year = {1997}}

@incollection{Kennedy:2003,
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {The syntax-semantics interface: Interpreting (omitted) structure},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-23 12:29:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-23 12:30:00 +0000},
	Editor = {Winkler, Susanne and Schwabe, Kerstin},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Ellipsis and syntactic representation},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Hendriks:2004,
	Author = {Hendriks, Petra},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 20:13:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 20:14:00 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Semantics},
	Pages = {375--414},
	Title = {Coherence relations, ellipsis and contrastive topics},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Giannakidou:1999a,
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia and Stavrou, Melita},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:59:40 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-24 19:25:09 +0000},
	Journal = {The Linguistic Review},
	Pages = {295--331},
	Title = {Nominalization and ellipsis in the {G}reek {DP}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {1999}}

@book{Gergel:2009,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Gergel, Remus},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:55:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:57:14 +0000},
	Publisher = {Mouton},
	Title = {Modality and Ellipsis. Diachronic and synchronic evidence.},
	Year = {2009}}

@phdthesis{Gengel:2007,
	Author = {Gengel, Kirsten},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:53:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:54:41 +0000},
	School = {University of Stuttgart},
	Title = {Focus and Ellipsis: a generative analysis of pseudogapping and other elliptical structures},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Eguren:2010,
	Author = {Eguren, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:38:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:39:42 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Pages = {435--457},
	Title = {Contrastive focus and nominal ellipsis in {S}panish},
	Volume = {120},
	Year = {2010}}

@phdthesis{Depiante:2000,
	Author = {Depiante, Marcela A.},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:34:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:36:03 +0000},
	School = {University of Connecticut at Storrs},
	Title = {The syntax of deep and surface anaphora: A study of null complement anaphora and stripping/bare argument ellipsis},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Dikken:2000,
	Author = {Dikken, Marcel den and Meinunger, Andr{\'e} and Wilder, Chris},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:31:02 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:31:49 +0000},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {41--89},
	Title = {Pseudoclefts and Ellipsis},
	Volume = {54},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Craenenbroeck:2012,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o}},
	Booktitle = {Diagnosing {S}yntax},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:21:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:23:05 +0000},
	Editor = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Corver, Norbert},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {What sluicing can do, what it can't and in which language. {O}n the cross-linguistic syntax of ellipsis},
	Year = {to appear}}

@inproceedings{Craenenbroeck:2008,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o}},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 26th {W}est {C}oast {C}onference on {F}ormal {L}inguistics},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:18:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:20:41 +0000},
	Editor = {Yang, C. B. and Haynie, H. J.},
	Pages = {138--146},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {On the interaction between verb movement and ellipsis: new evidence from {H}ungarian},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Corver:2009,
	Author = {Corver, Norbert and Koppen, Marjo van},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 19:10:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 19:11:42 +0000},
	Journal = {Groninger Arbeiten zur Germanistischen Linguistik},
	Pages = {3--26},
	Title = {Let's focus on {NP}-ellipsis},
	Volume = {48},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Arregui:2006uq,
	Author = {Arregui, Ana and Clifton, Charles, Jr. and Frazier, Lyn and Moulton, Keir},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 18:40:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 18:41:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Memory and Language},
	Pages = {232--246},
	Title = {Processing elided verb phrases with flawed antecedents: the recycling hypothesis},
	Volume = {55},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Alexiadou:2012fk,
	Author = {Alexiadou, Artemis and Gengel, Kirsten},
	Booktitle = {Contrasts and Positions in Information Structure},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-22 18:34:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-22 18:36:52 +0000},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {{NP} {E}llipsis without focus movement/projections: the role of classifiers},
	Year = {to appear}}

@book{Lasnik:2000a,
	Author = {Lasnik, Howard and Depiante, Marcela A. and Stepanov, Arthur},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-05 19:20:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-05 19:21:00 +0000},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Syntactic Structures Revisited},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Gold:1967,
	Author = {Gold, E. M.},
	Date-Added = {2012-09-04 13:52:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-09-04 13:53:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Information and Control},
	Pages = {447--474},
	Title = {Language Identification in the Limit},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1967}}

@article{Wilder:1998,
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 23:15:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-06-25 23:16:19 +0000},
	Journal = {{ZAS} Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Pages = {191--199},
	Title = {Transparent free relatives},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1998}}

@incollection{Riemsdijk:2000,
	Address = {Torino},
	Author = {Riemsdijk, Henk van},
	Booktitle = {Naturally! Linguistic studies in honour of {W}olfgang {U}lrich {D}ressler},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 23:08:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-06-25 23:10:25 +0000},
	Editor = {Schaner-Wolles, Chris and Rennison, John and Neubarth, Friedrich},
	Publisher = {Rosenberg \& Sellier},
	Title = {Wh-prefixes, the case of w{\"a}sch in {S}wiss {G}erman},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Riemsdijk:2006,
	Address = {Tokyo},
	Author = {Riemsdijk, Henk van},
	Booktitle = {In search of the essence of language science: festschrift for {P}rofessor {H}eizo {N}akajima},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 23:05:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-06-25 23:16:45 +0000},
	Editor = {Suzuki, Yubun and Keiso, Mizuho and Takami, Ken-ichi},
	Pages = {43--59},
	Publisher = {Hitsuji Shobo},
	Title = {Towards a unified theory of \emph{wh-} and non-\emph{wh}-amalgams},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Riemsdijk:1998b,
	Author = {Riemsdijk, Henk van},
	Booktitle = {Festweb page for {N}oam {C}homsky},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 23:03:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-03-20 06:54:39 +0000},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Trees and scions -- science and trees},
	Year = {1998}}

@phdthesis{Guimaraes:2004,
	Author = {Guimar{\~a}es, Maximiliano},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 22:58:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-06-25 23:00:40 +0000},
	School = {University of Maryland},
	Title = {Derivation and representation of syntactic amalgams},
	Year = {2004}}

@phdthesis{Temmerman:2012,
	Author = {Temmerman, Tanja},
	Date-Added = {2012-06-25 12:24:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-06-25 12:24:58 +0000},
	School = {Leiden University},
	Title = {Multidominance, ellipsis, and quantifier scope},
	Year = {2012}}

@article{Johnson:2012,
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Date-Added = {2012-05-04 19:21:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-05-04 19:23:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {6},
	Pages = {529--553},
	Title = {Toward deriving differences in how \emph{Wh} Movement and {QR} are pronounced},
	Volume = {122},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Sedivy:2003,
	Author = {Sedivy, Julie C.},
	Date-Added = {2012-05-02 01:43:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-05-02 01:44:53 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--32},
	Title = {Pragmatic versus form-based accounts of referential contrast: Evidence for effects of informativity expectations},
	Volume = {32},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Sedivy:1999,
	Author = {Sedivy, Julie C. and Tanenhaus, Michael K. and Craig, G. Chambers and Carlson, Greg N.},
	Date-Added = {2012-05-02 01:41:40 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-05-02 01:43:14 +0000},
	Journal = {Cognition},
	Pages = {109--147},
	Title = {Achieving incremental semantic interpretation through contextual representation},
	Volume = {71},
	Year = {1999}}

@incollection{Pesetsky:2007,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Pesetsky, David and Torrego, Esther},
	Booktitle = {Phrasal and Clausal Architecture: Syntactic Derivation and Interpretation},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 19:24:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 19:26:16 +0000},
	Editor = {Karimi, Simin and Samiian, Vida and Wilkins, Wendy K.},
	Pages = {262--294},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {The syntax of valuation and the interpretability of features},
	Year = {2007}}

@incollection{Kratzer:2004,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Booktitle = {The sytnax of tense},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 18:43:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 18:45:46 +0000},
	Editor = {Gu{\'e}ron, Jacqueline and Lecarme, Jacqueline},
	Pages = {389--423},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Telicity and the meaning of objective case},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Chien:1990,
	Author = {Chien, Yu-Chin and Wexler, Kenneth},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:33:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:34:44 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {225--295},
	Title = {Children's knowledge of Locality Conditions in Binding as Evidence for the Modularity of Syntax and Pragmatics},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1990}}

@article{Chien:1987,
	Author = {Chien, Yu-Chin and Wexler, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:22:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:23:09 +0000},
	Journal = {Papers and Reports on Child Language Development},
	Pages = {30--39},
	Title = {Children's acquisition of reflexives and pronouns},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {1987}}

@book{Lust:1986,
	Author = {Lust, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:20:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:21:18 +0000},
	Publisher = {Dordrecht},
	Title = {Studies in the acquisition of anaphora: Volume 1. Defining the constraints},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Deutsch:1986,
	Author = {Deutsch, W. and Koster, C. and Koster, J.},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:18:23 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:19:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics},
	Pages = {203--225},
	Title = {Children's errors in understanding anaphora},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Deutsch:1982,
	Author = {Deutsch, W. and Koster, J.},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:17:11 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:18:14 +0000},
	Journal = {Papers and Reports on Child Language Development},
	Pages = {39--45},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of sentence-internal anaphora},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {1982}}

@phdthesis{McKee:1988,
	Author = {McKee, Cecil},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:14:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:14:57 +0000},
	School = {University of Connecticut at Storrs},
	Title = {Italian children's mastery of binding},
	Year = {1988}}

@phdthesis{Otsu:1981,
	Author = {Otsu, Yukio},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:13:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:13:50 +0000},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Towards a theory of syntactic development},
	Year = {1981}}

@article{Sigurjonsdottir:1988,
	Author = {Sigurj{\'o}nsd{\'o}ttir, Sigr{\'\i}dur and Hyams, Nina and Chien, Yu-Chin},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-30 16:10:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 16:12:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Papers and Reports on Child Language Development},
	Pages = {97--106},
	Title = {The acquisition of reflexive and pronouns by {I}celandic children},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {1988}}

@article{Kishida:2012,
	Abstract = {Tsujimura and Aikawa (J Assoc Teach Jpn 33: 26--43, 1999) argue that objectless zi-verbs in Japanese uniformly have the unaccusative argument structure based on two tests for unaccusativity (resultative predication and quantifier floating). In this paper, we provide new evidence against their uniform unaccusative analysis. Applying several other diagnostics for external/internal argumenthood in Japanese, we demonstrate that objectless zi-verbs instantiate a full range of argument structure configurations: (a) transitive (e.g., zi-satu-suru `kill oneself'), (b) unaccusative (e.g., zi-kai-suru `collapse by itself'), and (c) unergative (e.g., zi-sui-suru `cook for oneself'). We further show that our new analysis framed in terms of the Lexical Conceptual Structure not only derives the various properties of the three types of objectless zi-verbs but also derives the different argument structural functions and meanings that the zi-morpheme is associated with in each type.},
	Author = {Kishida, Maki and Sato, Yosuke},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:15:01 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:16:06 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--218},
	Title = {On the argument structure of \emph{Zi}-verbs in {J}apanese: reply to {T}sujimura and {A}ikawa (1999)},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Grosu:2012,
	Abstract = {Grosu (J East Asian Linguist 19:231--274, 2010) argues against analyses of Japanese and Korean internally headed relative clauses in terms of discourse anaphora and in favor of an analysis which postulates a functional category ChR (Choose Role) in the syntax of these constructions, the semantics of which allows quantificational disclosure. The present paper constitutes a follow-up on Grosu (2010), with the interrelated goals of (i) strengthening Grosu's arguments against discourse anaphora approaches and in favor of a grammar-based quantificational disclosure approach, (ii) improving substantively on the syntactic and semantic characterization of the functional category ChR, and (iii) justifying the introduction of additional mechanisms that render that analysis adequate with respect to a substantially wider set of data types. The proposals made in the present paper strengthen Grosu's central thesis, which is that, despite undeniable partial similarities to discourse anaphora, Japanese and Korean internally headed relatives are bona fide relatives. The paper shows the semantic fruitfulness of this analysis by discussing a series of examples of increasing semantic complexity and by arguing that Japanese and Korean internally headed relatives provide striking evidence for a semantic scope mechanism that has been independently discussed in the context of the semantics of plurality and cumulative readings, a mechanism that allows part of the meaning of (argument) noun phrases to take local (adverbial) scope.},
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander and Landman, Fred},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:13:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:14:27 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {159--196},
	Title = {A quantificational disclosure approach to {J}apanese and {K}orean internally headed relatives},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Wu:2012,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I discuss argument reduction and anaphora resolution of xiang−verbs in Mandarin Chinese. When xiang is prefixed to a verbal stem, one of the arguments of the verbal stem is absorbed, xiang functions as an anaphor replacing the absorbed argument and hence requires an antecedent. I argue that the argument reduction of xiang−verbs depends on the Thematic Role Hierarchy (Bresnan and Kanerva, Language 70:72--131, 1989; Bresnan, Linguistic Inq 20(1):10--50, 1993): the second highest role on the argument structure of a verbal stem to which xiang is attached, is absorbed. For anaphora resolution, I propose a non-subject constraint, Available Candidates for xiang, which includes a principle utilizing attachment sites of Segmented Discourse Representation Theory (for short, SDRT) to determine a set of candidates for the antecedent to xiang a last resort to include the speaker and addressee(s) in the set when there is no available candidate, and a pragmatic principle to select the most fitting one from the set of candidates to be the antecedent to xiang. And, I propose an SDRT account for the phenomena observed. I also discuss the reciprocity of xiang-verbs and suggest that reciprocal xiang-verbs and non-reciprocal xiang-verbs have the same origin. Furthermore, I demonstrate that the SDRT account argued in this paper can be extended to zero anaphora resolution (with some modification) and is, at least to a certain degree, applicable to the resolution of the third person singular anaphor ta `he/she'.},
	Author = {Wu, J.-S.},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:12:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:13:04 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {115--158},
	Title = {Argument reduction and anaphora resolution: the case of \emph{xiang}-verbs in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Duanmu:2012,
	Abstract = {Are there preferred word-length combinations in Chinese? If there are, are they motivated by semantics, syntax, prosody, or a combination of these? While the issue has been discussed for some time, opinions remain divided. This study offers a quantitative analysis of word-length patterns in Chinese [N N] and [V O] sequences, using the Lancaster Corpus of Mandarin Chinese. It is found that 1+2 is overwhelmingly disfavored in [N N] and 2+1 is overwhelmingly disfavored in [V O]. In addition, it is found that apparent exceptions, ranging between 1 and 2%, are limited to certain specific structures, and when these are factored out, both 1+2 [N N] and 2+1 [V O] are well below 1% in either token count or type count. The result bears on several theoretical debates, such as the validity of word-length preferences in Chinese, the motivation of the preferences, the extent and the nature of exceptions, and the interaction among syntax, semantics, and phonology.},
	Author = {Duanmu, San},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:10:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:11:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {89--114},
	Title = {Word-length preferences in {C}hinese: a corpus study},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Yang:2012,
	Abstract = {The exploration on wh-intervention effects generally suffers from distributional variations both across and within languages. In this study, a specific, clear divide with respect to wh-intervention effects in Mandarin Chinese is investigated, which in turn sheds light on the puzzling variations in general. I show that the variations of intervention effects cannot be handled in a uniform way. They can be at best captured if we categorize them into two types of syntactic effects, i.e., minimality effect and competition effect, each of which is triggered by independent factors. Meanwhile, to cover the intervention effects crosslinguistically, it is essential to take into account the typological difference of in-situ wh-construals. The various distributions of intervention effects are, then, a natural result of the interplay between the different types of intervention effects and wh-construals.},
	Author = {Yang, Barry Chung-Yu},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:09:46 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:10:22 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--87},
	Title = {Intervention effects and \emph{wh}-construals},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Kishimoto:2012,
	Abstract = {Subject honorification in Japanese is often characterized as targeting subjects, but in this article, I propose to formulate it as vP-level agreement, where an honorific head agrees with an argument (carrying the semantic feature [+honorific]) that appears in its associated Spec,vP. This proposal provides a straightforward account for some honorification facts which cannot be accounted for if subject honorification is simply taken to target subjects: namely, (1) the fact that subject honorification is often, but not always, possible at two distinct structural levels in the aspectual construction where the main verb is followed by the aspectual verb iru; (2) the fact that in the possessive construction with the animate verb iru `have', subject honorification can target not only the dative subject but also the nominative object. Furthermore, on the basis of what I call `the kara-subject construction', the overt constituent position of subjects is shown to vary according to whether T contains the Case feature [+nominative] to license a nominative argument: Subjects undergo raising to Spec,TP when T carries [+nominative], but when T lacks it, subjects are not raised to Spec,TP.},
	Author = {Kishimoto, Hideki},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:08:22 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:09:13 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--41},
	Title = {Subject honorification and the position of subjects in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Yang:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes a unified account for the different meanings and unique distribution of --le. This new account is based on two major arguments: (1) temporal endpoints are provided via a parameter that varies across languages (i.e., some languages rely heavily on tense, while others rely on lexical expressions or other mechanisms), and (2) accomplishment and achievement verbs should be re-sorted in accordance with the new leading to result ([>result]) and encoding result ([⊃result]) criterion. I have shown that the interaction between the parametric variation in providing endpoints and the meanings of different types of situations, not only accounts for the restricted occurrence of -le with [-telic] situations, but also explains a) the possibility of non-completion readings for some [>result] situations in Chinese, b) the impossibility of non-completion readings for [⊃result] situations in both Chinese and English, and c) the possible present continuative readings for certain types of verbs in Chinese.},
	Author = {Yang, Suying},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:07:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:07:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {383--415},
	Title = {The parameter of temporal endpoint and the basic function of \emph{-le}},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Sato:2011a,
	Abstract = {This paper presents novel evidence that P-stranding in Indonesian contradicts Merchant's (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis, 2001) generalization that P-stranding under sluicing is possible only in those languages that allow this option under regular wh-movement. It is proposed that this apparently special pattern is accounted for by the recent idea of repair by ellipsis (Ross, in Binnick et al. (eds.) Papers from the 5th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 1969; Merchant, The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis; Lasnik, M: Kim and Strauss (eds.) Proceedings of NELS 31, 2001). Specifically, the failure of percolation of the wh-feature is repaired by PF deletion. P-stranding in French and German cannot be so repaired since the violation in question is a strictly computational violation caused by D-to-P incorporation. Our cross-linguistic examination of P-stranding suggests a bifurcated view of violations (Boeckx and Lasnik in Linguistic Inquiry 37: 150--155, 2006); violations pertaining to the syntax-phonology interface in principle can be repaired whereas violations incurred within the syntactic computation cannot. This contrast in ``reparability'' naturally falls out from a minimalist architecture of the syntax-phonology interface. A broader implication of the present analysis is that syntax is itself not a crash-proof system in the sense of Frampton and Gutmann (Syntax 2:1--27, 1999; Derivation and explanation in the minimalist program. Blackwell, Oxford, 2002); it could produce certain operational failures, but language-particular parameters afford a bit of leeway for PF to remedy them at the syntax-phonology interface.},
	Author = {Sato, Yosuke},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:05:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:06:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {339--382},
	Title = {P-stranding under sluicing and repair by ellipsis: why is {I}ndonesian (not) special?},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Chappell:2011,
	Abstract = {This analysis sets out to specifically discuss the polyfunctionality of 跟[kai55] in Waxiang (Sinitic), whose lexical source is the verb `to follow'. Amongst its various uses, we find a preposition `with, along', a marker of adjuncts and a NP conjunction, thus superficially resembling its Mandarin cognate 跟g{\=e}n `with'. Curiously, however, it has also evolved into a direct object marker in Waxiang, with a function similar to that of the preposition 把b{\v a} < `hold, take' as found in the S-b{\v a}-OVP or so-called `disposal' form in standard Mandarin. The pathways of grammaticalization for 跟[kai55] inWaxiang are thus discussed in order to determine how it has developed this unusual grammatical function in one of the linguistic zones of China where verbs of giving or taking are, in fact, the main source for grammaticalized object markers in `disposal' constructions. On the basis of sixteenth and seventeenth century Southern Min literature (Sinitic), a comparison is also made with analogous developments for comitative 共kang 7 (Mandarin g{\`o}ng) `with' to provide support for our hypothesis that the direct object marking use has evolved from the oblique function of a benefactive or dative, and is clearly separate from the crosslinguistically well-attested pathway that leads to its use as a conjunction. We would thus like to propose that these data contribute a new pattern to the stock of grammaticalization pathways, specifically, comitative > dative/benefactive > accusative (direct object marker).},
	Author = {Chappell, Hilary and Peyraube, Alain and Wu, Yunji},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:03:45 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:04:40 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {291--338},
	Title = {A comitative source for object markers in Sinitic languages},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Wei:2011,
	Abstract = {This study employs the island repair effect on the Left Branch Condition (LBC) to illuminate the derivation of Mandarin sluicing. It utilizes three unique properties of Mandarin island repair related to the LBC involving (i) covert antecedents, (ii) contrastive modifiers, and (iii) multiple islands including LBC structures in order to examine two deletion-based analyses of sluicing in the literature. It is shown that these analyses fail to satisfactorily explain the properties discussed. To capture the facts, a pseudosluicing analysis is proposed which claims that sluiced clauses in Mandarin are simply composed of a subject pro, an (optional) copula shi `be', and a wh-in-situ wh-remnant serving as a predicate. The strong redemptive ability of repairing LBC effects in Mandarin is attributed to the construal of pro instead of deletion. From a typological point of view, among East Asian languages, Mandarin sluices differ from Japanese and Korean sluices in that the pro of the former cannot be interpreted as a concealed cleft structure but instead functions as an implicit subject.},
	Author = {Wei, Ting-Chi},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:02:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:03:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {255--289},
	Title = {Island repair effects of the {L}eft {B}ranch {C}ondition in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Takano:2011,
	Abstract = {This article examines the nature of double complement unaccusatives in Japanese, namely, unaccusative constructions having a goal argument as well as a theme argument. It is shown that double complement unaccusatives exhibit puzzling properties with respect to two diagnostics for subjecthood---binding of zibun and subject honorification; specifically, (i) unlike other constructions, where only one argument (i.e., the subject) can antecede zibun, double complement unaccusatives allow both the theme and the goal arguments to antecede zibun and (ii) unlike binding of zibun, subject honorification can be licensed only by the theme argument. It is proposed that these puzzling properties can receive a natural account if (i) in Japanese ``subject'' is defined as an element that satisfies v's EPP feature and (ii) the goal argument of Japanese unaccusatives is a PP. It is also shown that this proposal has important implications for the nature of subject orientation, the EPP, and the (dative) Case.},
	Author = {Takano, Yuji},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:01:03 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:01:41 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {229--254},
	Title = {Double complement unaccusatives in {J}apanese: puzzles and implications},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Abe:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper aims to demonstrate that there exist real parasitic gaps (PG) in Japanese, despite the fact that pro is available rather freely in this language, hence making it hard to unveil the existence of real PGs. Taking up Takahashi's (J East Asian Linguistics 15: 1--35, 2006) work as the starting point, I argue that as far as NP gaps are concerned, what Takahashi calls an apparent PG is identified as either a real PG or an instance of pro, contrary to Takahashi's claim that it involves argument ellipsis. Real PG cases are found in typical PG configurations where sloppy readings of zibun `self' are involved and where reconstruction effects of Condition A take place into PGs. I further argue that the argument-ellipsis strategy is unavailable in the apparent PG configuration due to its last resort nature. This property restricts the availability of argument ellipsis to the configuration in which the elliptic site is not c-commanded by its antecedent or it is not an NP in categorial status.},
	Author = {Abe, Jun},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 19:00:00 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 19:00:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {195--218},
	Title = {Real parasitic gaps in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kawahara:2011a,
	Abstract = {Nishimura (M.A. thesis, 2003) first pointed out that in Japanese loan words, voiced geminates devoice optionally when they co-occur with another voiced obstruent, i.e., when they violate OCP(voice) (e.g., /baggu/ → [bakku] `bag'). This devoicing of geminates has been used to make several theoretical claims in the recent phonological literature. However, these claims have so far largely been based on intuition-based data provided by Nishimura (M.A. thesis, 2003) and Kawahara (Language 82(3):536--574, 2006). Kawahara (Nat Lang Linguist Theory, 2011a) addressed this problem by conducting a rating study. The first aim of this study, building on Kawahara (Nat Lang Linguist Theory, 2011a), is to further support the empirical foundation of these theoretical claims by way of a large-scale rating study. The current study shows that (i) the OCP and geminacy each affect naturalness rating of devoicing, and (ii) there is nevertheless something special about the combination of the OCP and geminacy. The second aim is to test an assumption behind the recent literature on this phenomenon. The assumption is that this devoicing pattern is monolithic---i.e., all voiced geminates uniformly undergo devoicing in a certain phonological environment. The current experiment shows that this assumption is too simplistic. In particular it shows (i) speakers rate the devoicing of affricates as natural as that of stops, (ii) speakers find devoicing of items that merge with other lexical items less natural, (iii) speakers rate devoicing as more natural when there are multiple triggers, (iv) speakers find devoicing of [dd] more natural than that of [gg], and (v) speakers find devoicing of more frequent items more natural.},
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:58:49 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:59:23 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {169--194},
	Title = {Aspects of {J}apanese loanword devoicing},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Liao:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper examines multiple-classifier constructions in Chinese, in which two classifiers are stacked in one nominal position. The following three properties are found in these constructions: (i) strict linear ordering between different types of classifiers, (ii) definiteness/specificity of the lower DP, and (iii) obligatory non-distributive readings. The properties of multiple-classifier constructions allow us to study the syntax and semantics of nominal expressions in Chinese from a novel point of view. We argue that, syntactically, and against the bare NP analysis in Chierchia (in: Rothstein S (ed) Events and grammar, Kluwer, Dordrecht, pp 53--103, 1998a, Nat Lang Semant 6:339--405, 1998b) and the Classifier Phrase analysis in Cheng and Sybesma (Linguist Inq 30:509--542, 1999; in: Cinque G, Kayne R (ed) The Oxford handbook of comparative syntax, Oxford University Press, pp 259--292, 2005), from the properties of multiple-classifier constructions, a universal DP analysis is favored (as in Li, Linguist Inq 29: 693--702, 1998). Incorporating the theories in Zamparelli (in: Alexiadou A, Wilder C (eds) Linguistics today: possessors, predicates and movement in the determiner phrase, vol 22, John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 259--301, 1998) and Dayal (Linguist Philos 27:393--450, 2004), we demonstrate that a generalized Chierchian approach (without his semantic parameter) best captures the syntax--semantics mappings within nominal expressions in Chinese. From a compositional semantic point of view, we argue that multiple-classifier constructions should be treated as an instance of partitive construction with an empty partitive head. The hypothesis of an empty partitive head not only accounts for the properties of the multiple-classifier constructions, but it also offers explanations for the asymmetry of partitive readings in Chinese relative clauses.},
	Author = {Liao, Wei-wen Roger and Wang, Yuyun Iris},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:57:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:57:56 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {145--168},
	Title = {Multiple-classifier constructions and nominal expressions in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Tsujioka:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper replies to Kishimoto's (2008, J East Asian Linguist 17: 141--179) challenge to Miyagawa and Tsujioka (2004, J East Asian Linguist 13: 1--38) on the use of idioms as evidence for the base-generation hypothesis for Japanese ditransitives. I will point out problems with Kishimoto's proposal, then present alternative analyses of Kishimoto's data. I will argue that a closer look at a wider range of data including mixed marking cases of sa-nominalization in both idiomatic and non-idiomatic contexts lends further support for Miyagawa and Tsujioka (2004). In so doing, I will present data that support Watanabe (2009, J East Asian Linguist 19:61--74) to posit dual status of no.},
	Author = {Tsujioka, Takae},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:55:36 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:56:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {117--143},
	Title = {Idioms, mixed marking in nominalization, and the base-generation hypothesis for ditransitives in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Tang:2011,
	Abstract = {It is argued that the ``true empty category'' in Mandarin NP ellipsis is not necessarily a semantically empty structure-less position; instead it could have a complex structure, containing a referential head. Such a referential head is, however, missing in Cantonese. The dialectal variation between Mandarin and Cantonese is attributed to the noun movement parameter, which has been independently motivated in the literature.},
	Author = {Tang, Sze-Wing},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:54:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:55:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {107--115},
	Title = {A parametric approach to {NP} ellipsis in {M}andarin and {C}antonese},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Soh:2011,
	Abstract = {The verbal prefix meN- in Malay is known to block DP movement. The existing analyses of this phenomenon focus on the blocking effect of meN- in transitive sentences but have not paid attention to whether such an effect holds in intransitive sentences. In this paper, we examine the blocking effect of meN- in intransitive sentences and show that, surprisingly, meN- does not appear to block DP movement in sentences that are usually considered unaccusative. We propose that no blocking effect is found in intransitive sentences because all intransitive meN- sentences are unergative. We present a hypothesis of the relation between verb meaning and sentence structure that accounts for meN-'s effect on verb syntax, making use of the notion of telicity and the distinction between ``internal'' and ``external'' causation. Our analysis implies that both lexical specification and structural determination are involved in determining the unergative/unaccusative distinction.},
	Author = {Soh, Hooi Ling and Nomoto, Hiroki},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:52:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:53:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {77--106},
	Title = {The {M}alay verbal prefix \emph{meN-} and the unergative/unaccusative distinction},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kaufmann:2011,
	Abstract = {The interpretation of Japanese temporal clauses depends on an intricate interplay between a number of factors including, in addition to the temporal connective, the tense and aspectual properties of the embedded clause as well as the matrix clause. This paper presents a detailed survey of these interactions and a model-theoretic compositional analysis which improves significantly over previous proposals in terms of attention to empirical detail and internal simplicity.},
	Author = {Kaufmann, Stefan and Miyachi, Misa},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:51:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:52:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {33--76},
	Title = {On the temporal interpretation of {J}apanese temporal clause},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Oshima:2011,
	Abstract = {The Japanese toki-clause, a kind of temporal adverbial clause, exhibits several interesting properties regarding the semantic interpretation and selection of an embedded tense form. This paper argues that toki is ambiguous in three ways and may indicate three different temporal relations between the matrix eventuality (ME) and the subordinate eventuality (SE): (i) ME is simultaneous with SE (the WHEN-interpretation), (ii) ME is immediately prior to SE (the RIGHT BEFORE-interpretation), and (iii) ME is immediately subsequent to SE (the RIGHT AFTER-interpretation). Problems with existing analyses that seek a uniform treatment of toki will be pointed out, and it will be demonstrated that the proposed analysis provides a thorough and consistent account of the possible interpretations of toki-clauses under different conditions.},
	Author = {Oshima, David Y.},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:49:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:50:43 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--32},
	Title = {On the interpretation of \emph{toki}-clauses: beyond the absolutive/relative dichotomy},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Gobbo:2010,
	Abstract = {There is currently no consensus in the literature with the respect to the semantic status of relative clauses in Mandarin Chinese. Some authors (Zhang 2001; Del Gobbo 2003, 2004, 2005) claim that relative clauses in Mandarin Chinese can only be interpreted as restrictives; others (see Lin 2003) instead maintain that relative clauses in this language can be both restrictive and appositive. In this paper, I claim that Chinese relative clauses modifying proper names and pronouns can indeed be appositive, but they are still crucially different from appositive relative clauses in English. Following Cinque's (2006a, 2008a) distinction between ``integrated appositive relative clauses'' and ``non-integrated'' ones, I claim that Chinese appositive relatives belong to the class of the ``integrated'' ones. I furthermore propose that the typological difference between the ``integrated'' appositives and the ``non-integrated'' ones is due to the absence versus presence of the relative pronoun. Adopting Cinque's (2006a, 2008a) theory of relativization, I propose a structure for Chinese relative clauses whereby c-command of the internal head of the relative is disallowed. This explains why the internal head of the Chinese relative clause can never be generated as a relative pronoun and, more generally, why overt relative pronouns are unavailable in prenominal relative clauses cross-linguistically. Last, the theory here outlined makes the strong empirical prediction that no prenominal relative clause can be appositive in the canonical sense.},
	Author = {Gobbo, Francesca Del},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:48:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:49:12 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {385--417},
	Title = {On {C}hinese appositive relative clauses},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Ito:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper tries to elucidate the asymmetric distribution of stem-final coronal (SFC) obstruent codas in the nouns of Contemporary Korean (CK) by documenting their historical development from Middle Korean (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, MK). Examination of historical data suggests that there was an intermediate stage in Korean in which [s] was far and away the most prevalent phonetic value and thus triggered analogical extension to other SFCs through a stage of free variation between [s] and [t]. Subsequent developments involving the completion of the occlusivization of [s] obscure this state of affairs. Two other factors which resulted in the biased distribution of SFCs in CK are also pointed out: (1) the simplification of SFCs' oppositions in polysyllabic words based on their near-complementary distribution and (2) the type-frequency of MK SFCs, which takes into account compound words as well as simplex (= non-compound) words.},
	Author = {Ito, Chiyuki},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:46:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:47:52 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {357--383},
	Title = {Analogy and lexical restructuring in the development of nominal stem inflection from {M}iddle to {C}ontemporary {K}orean},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Takahashi:2010a,
	Abstract = {One of the central issues in the current Minimalist Program is the exact definition of phases. This article argues for a specific interpretation of phases, based on an account of a scope puzzle in the Nominative/Accusative conversion in Japanese. I show that the puzzle is best accounted for by postulating QR, which is bound by domains of Case-valuation. Based on an observation that scope of QR is phase-bound, I conclude that phases are determined via Case-valuation. This suggests that phases are not determined intrinsically, but contextually. The analysis has an implication for the landing site of short scrambling.},
	Author = {Takahashi, Masahiko},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:45:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:46:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {319--355},
	Title = {Case, Phases, and Nominative/Accusative Conversion in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Lee:2010,
	Abstract = {The naturalness with which case ellipsis occurs in certain environments in Korean has been attributed to the information status and markedness of arguments. In recent accounts of case ellipsis in colloquial Korean proposed by Lee (Lang Res 42:323--355, 2006a; J Pragmat 39:1465--1481, 2007) and Kim (PhD dissertation, 2008), the effects of these factors on case ellipsis have been subsumed under iconicity of complexity. In this paper we argue that iconicity plays no role in stating and explaining patterns of variation in case ellipsis and propose an alternative usage-based explanation in terms of economy. This proposal subsumes and clarifies previous findings about the influence of the factors of contrastiveness, animacy, and definiteness and connects these findings to asymmetries in frequency and predictability. In addition, the economy account leads to a number of other predictions that the iconicity account does not make, including differences in the direction of the effects of contrastiveness and animacy/definiteness and differences between subject and object marking. Using evidence from two rating experiments, this paper also demonstrates that preference for case ellipsis on three subtypes of focused objects (selecting, replacing, and informational focus) increases relative to the degree of predictability whereas average ratings between sentences with these subtypes of focus subjects do not show a statistically significant difference. This finding is not consistent with the prediction of the iconicity-of-the-complexity principle and cannot be accounted for in terms of the dichotomous distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. This paper is the first demonstration that the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by subtypes of focus can be explained in terms of asymmetries in frequency and predictability, i.e., the economy principle, and suggests that it may be possible to explain the effects of information structural factors and animacy/definiteness on the ellipsis of case markers for both focused and non-focus arguments entirely through the economy principle.},
	Author = {Lee, Hanjung},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:44:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:45:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {291--318},
	Title = {Explaining variation in {K}orean case ellipsis: Economy versus iconicity},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hong:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that both Korean and English have ``Raising to Object'' in ECM constructions and that in both languages the raising is obligatory out of small clauses and optional out of full clauses. Abstractly, the two languages are quite similar in this regard. However, there remain obvious differences between the two languages: In Korean, but not English, raising is possible out of a finite clause; in English, but not Korean, accusative Case marking can take place without raising. We suggest that these differences follow from the nature of the Case properties of Infl in the two languages, apparently a relatively simple parameter.},
	Author = {Hong, Sungshim and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:42:31 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:43:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {275--289},
	Title = {A note on `Raising to Object' in small clauses and full clauses},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Grosu:2010,
	Abstract = {The principal thesis defended in this paper is that the most recent and successful approach to the internally-headed relative (IHR) constructions of Japanese and Korean, i.e., the one in Kim (Nat Lang Semant 15:279--315, 2007)---which proposes, building on Hoshi (Structural and interpretive aspects of head-internal and head-external relative clauses, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Rochester, 1995) and Shimoyama (J East Asian Linguist 8:147--182, 1999; Wh-constructions in Japenese, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 2001), that the analysis of these IHRs needs to rely on the E-type strategy---is demonstrably wrong empirically in relation to both the procedure for licensing IHs and the characterization of temporal relations between the IHR and its matrix, as well as conceptually objectionable in attaching the E-type label to analyses that have to rely on mechanisms that are entirely independent of those used in analyses of E-type anaphora in discourse. The paper proposes an alternative analysis that avoids the difficulties encountered by E-type analyses, and which relies on local equation of the IH with a variable, ultimately assigning to the relative clause the status of a singleton predicate, thereby bringing these IHRs under the more general umbrella of definite/maximalizing relative constructions, while at the same time providing a motivated account of certain similarities between such IHRs and E-type anaphora, which, while real, do not justify an analytical reduction of the former to the latter.},
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:41:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:42:07 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {231--274},
	Title = {The status of internally-headed relatives of {J}apanese/{K}orean within the typology of \emph{definite} relatives},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Li:2010,
	Abstract = {Two experiments explored two- to five-year-old Mandarin-speaking children's acquisition of classifiers, mandatory morphemes for expressing quantities in many Asian languages. Classifiers are similar to measure words in English (e.g., a piece of apple; a cup of apples), with the main difference being that classifiers are also required when counting sortals (e.g., yi ge pinguo or ``one unit apple'' in Mandarin means ``one apple''). The current study extended prior studies (e.g., Chien et al., J East Asian Linguist 12:91--120, 2003) to examine Mandarin-speaking children's understanding of classifiers as indicating units of quantification. Children were also tested on their knowledge of numerals to assess the relationship between children's acquisition of numerals and classifiers. The findings suggest that children first notice that sortal classifiers specify properties such as shape. Only after learning some numerals do they begin to work out how classifiers indicate units of quantification. By age four, children scored above chance on most classifiers tested.},
	Author = {Li, Peggy and Huang, Becky and Hsiao, Yaling},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:39:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:40:38 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {207--230},
	Title = {Learning that classifiers count: {M}andarin-speaking children's acquisition of sortal and mensural classifiers},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Liu:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper analyzes Taiwanese A-CL sequences as compound adjectives by treating the classifier inside such sequences as a dimension provider and the adjective as involving an ordering function. Combined with the assumption that classifiers occurring as the CL of A-CL compound adjectives should be divided into single-dimension denoting and multi-dimension denoting elements, the analysis provides a rationale for why the adjectives permitted in A-CL compound adjectives have the interesting and otherwise perplexing property of being so limited in number.},
	Author = {Liu, Chen-Sheng Luther},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:37:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:39:00 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {181--205},
	Title = {Dimension-denoting classifiers in {T}aiwanese compound adjectives},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Jun:2010,
	Abstract = {It has been observed in the literature that stem-final coronal obstruents of nouns in Korean are generally in variation with [s] in the prevocalic position: for example, /pathh-ɨl/ [pathh-ɨl] ~ [pasɨl] `field, accusative'. In addition, nouns with final noncoronal stops have variants ending in lenis stops: for example, /iph-e/ [iph-e] ~ [ipe] `leaf, locative'. Recent survey and experimental studies reveal that a wide set of coronal obstruents [s, ch, th, c, t] may occur as variants. Moreover, there is an order of preference among them: in general, s >> ch, th >> c, t. This paper first shows that the observed relative preference among variants is matched by the distribution of lexical final obstruents in noun stems. Building on Albright's Paradigm Learning Model, I provide a unified account for the occurrence of most variants and their relative preference by proposing stochastic rules deriving the paradigmatically related forms of noun stems. In addition, a wug-test is carried out to investigate the productivity of such rules. Results suggest that these rules are productive, providing the evidence for their cognitive presence.},
	Author = {Jun, Jongho},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:36:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:37:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {137--179},
	Title = {Stem-final obstruent variation in {K}orean},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Tsung-Ying:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper reviews a previous assumption that contour tones are units (i.e., Contour Tone Unit, CTU) in Asian tone languages and can therefore spread, assimilate, or dissimilate as wholes. One problem for such an assumption is that not all Asian languages pattern uniformly, and some show a rather different, prototypically African tone language pattern. Furthermore, the assumption yields analytical gaps which need to be covered by more arbitrary rules. In this paper non-CTU approaches are proposed to re-analyze contour tone sandhi in various Chinese dialects with broader generalizations and stronger explanations. The paper also argues against the CTU since the contrast between it and the non-CTU has never been reported. Despite the fact that some phonetic differences have been discovered between two identical contour tones, the differences are not necessarily mapped with different contour tone representations (i.e., CTU vs. non-CTU). In sum, since the CTU is not beneficial analytically and theoretically, there is no reason to consider it as part of Universal Grammar.},
	Author = {Tsung-Ying, Chen},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:35:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:36:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {103--135},
	Title = {Some remarks on Contour Tone Units},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Meisterernst:2010,
	Abstract = {In this paper, one of the three instances of object preposing in Classical Chinese, the structure [NP1 NP2 shi / zhi V], is discussed in detail. According to their distributional differences, two structures---A [NP1 NP2 shi V] and B [NP1 NP2 zhi V]---are distinguished, and it is shown that both constructions, although sometimes identical in the surface structure, are subject to different syntactic and semantic constraints. This analysis challenges the hypothesis proposed by Peyraube (Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientales 26(1):3--20, 1997) that structure A [NP1 NP2 shi V] was gradually replaced by structure B [NP1 NP2 zhi V] during the Warring States period. In accordance with the syntactic constraints, different analyses are proposed for structures A and B in the course of the paper. Structure A, [NPS NPO shi V], is analyzed as a copula construction, a focalization (cleft) construction with the object not in preverbal position but to the right of the copula. Structure B, which is more heterogeneous than structure A, will be subdivided into different structures, only two of which will be retained as cases of a focalized and preposed object. The analysis reveals that object preposing in Classical Chinese is evidently a case of marked word order and cannot be assumed to be a vestige of an earlier SOV word order in Chinese.},
	Author = {Meisterernst, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:33:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:34:57 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--102},
	Title = {Object Preposing in {C}lassical and {P}re-{M}edieval {C}hinese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Watanabe:2010a,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates ellipsis within nominals in Japanese with reference to a wider range of data than that considered by Saito et al. (JEAL 17: 247-- 271, 2008). It is shown that the interaction with ellipsis reveals two types of no, a genitive case particle and a linking element inserted morphologically. To accommodate the additional ellipsis data, the analysis that treats the numeral-classifier sequence as an adjunct to NP must be rejected.},
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:32:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:33:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--74},
	Title = {Notes on nominal ellipsis and the nature of \emph{no} and classifiers in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Asanyo:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper shows that, contrary to preceding studies, a dialect spoken in a western region of Japan (Kansai dialect) allows not only nominative Case, as is widely known in literature, but also accusative Case, to convert into genitive Case in a prenominal clause. We will call this phenomenon Accusative-Genitive conversion. This phenomenon has been little known in theoretical literature because of its limited occurrence. As our detailed survey reveals, this less-known Case conversion is possible only if some conditions on the clause in which the conversion appears are satisfied. We also demonstrate that those necessary conditions for Accusative-Genitive conversion are, indeed, deduced by some independently supported hypotheses under the Agree/Phase theory. Thus, Accusative-Genitive conversion is within the realm of the Agree/Phase theory, and the characteristic conditions on its occurrence, in turn, lend support to the recent syntactic theory. Our theory of this phenomenon further predicts that, if our mechanism serves as an independent mechanism for genitive-Case valuation, it will also function as converting nominative Case into genitive Case. It will be shown that this is indeed the Case, which strongly supports the validity of our mechanism in Kansai Japanese.},
	Author = {Asanyo, Shin'ya and Ura, Hiroyuki},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:30:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:31:55 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--59},
	Title = {Mood and Case: with special reference to genitive Case conversion in {K}ansai {J}apanese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Aldridge:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes an analysis of wh-movement in late archaic Chinese as clause-internal focus fronting to the edge of vP. The paper further shows that archaic Chinese wh-words were indefinites, as in modern Chinese, and that their interpretation was obtained in the c-command domain of an appropriate trigger, a base-generated operator in [Spec, CP] in the case of wh-questions. The non-quantificational status of wh-words accords well with the short movement analysis since this movement did not serve to place the wh-word in the interrogative scope position in the left periphery of the clause. In this way, the paper also offers a contribution to the growing debate concerning the relationship between wh-movement and the status of wh-words as operators or indefinites. The conclusion here is that movement of wh-indefinites is not unexpected if the landing site is lower than the interrogative scope position.},
	Author = {Aldridge, Edith},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:29:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:30:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--36},
	Title = {Clause-internal \emph{wh}-movement in {A}rchaic {C}hinese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Shimoyama:2012,
	Abstract = {This paper looks at one area of potential crosslinguistic variation in comparatives. It has recently been claimed that Japanese clausal comparatives lack degree abstraction structures in the complement of yori `than'. Based on data from several empirical domains such as predicative adjectival comparatives, intensional contexts, and negative islands, this paper shows that Japanese clausal comparatives do not in general contrast with their English counterparts in the way predicted by the above claim. The syntactic and semantic phenomena observed in Japanese clausal comparatives receive straightforward accounts if we assume that they do involve degree abstraction and degree comparison, along the lines familiar from analyses of their English counterparts.},
	Author = {Shimoyama, Junko},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:26:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:27:18 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--113},
	Title = {Reassessing crosslinguitsic variation in clausal comparatives},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Hackl:2012,
	Abstract = {This squib presents two puzzles related to an ambiguity found in for-infinitival relative clauses (FIRs). FIRs invariably receive a modal interpretation even in the absence of any overt modal verb. The modal interpretation seems to come in two distinct types, which can be paraphrased by finite relative clauses employing the modal auxiliaries should and could. The two puzzles presented here arise because the availability of the two readings is constrained by factors that are not otherwise known to affect the interpretation of a relative clause. Specifically, we show, first, that ``strong'' determiners require the FIR to be interpreted as a SHOULD-relative while ``weak'' determiners allow both interpretations (the Determiner-Modal Generalization). Secondly, we observe that the COULD-interpretation requires a raising (internally headed) structure for the FIR, while the SHOULD-interpretation is compatible with either a raising or a more standard matching (externally headed) structure (the Raising/Matching Generalization).},
	Author = {Hackl, Martin and Nissenbaum, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:24:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:25:52 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {59--81},
	Title = {A modal ambiguity in \emph{for}-infinitival relative clauses},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Gajewski:2012,
	Abstract = {The existence of ``local implicatures'' has been the topic of much recent debate. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to this debate by asking what we can learn from three puzzles, namely, the cancellation of such implicatures by or both, their behavior in the complement clauses of negative factive verbs such as sorry, and their behavior in root and embedded questions. Two basic approaches to local implicatures have been advanced: a fully pragmatic account in which local implicatures result from conventional Gricean principles and a semantic account according to which the generation of implicatures is interwoven with compositional, grammatical mechanisms. We argue that the lesson to be learned from our three case studies is that some kind of approach along the latter, grammatical line is necessary to account for the data.},
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon and Sharvit, Yael},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:23:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:24:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {31--57},
	Title = {In defense of grammatical approach to local implicatures},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Kucerova:2012,
	Abstract = {Schwarzschild (Nat Lang Semant 7:141--177, 1999)'s account of givenness elaborates a notion of complementarity of givenness and focus in an intricate way: while givenness is semantically interpreted, focus is grammatically marked. It has been noticed, however, that under certain circumstances givenness in English is grammatically marked as well. Movement plays a role in this process. This paper provides further evidence for givenness marking. I present a case study of three Slavic languages (Czech, Russian, and Serbo-Croatian) in which givenness is always grammatically marked. In these languages, given elements must linearly precede new elements. If this relative ordering cannot be achieved by base generation, the ordering can be achieved by movement. I offer an account of the data in terms of givenness and the Maximize Presupposition principle of Heim (1991). In particular, I argue for an operator that marks elements in its scope as given. The operator divides the structure between a given and a new part. The role of Maximize Presupposition is to enforce that every given element is in the scope of the operator. The operator and Maximize Presupposition work in tandem with an economy condition on movement that licenses movement only if it yields an otherwise unavailable semantic interpretation. The proposal thus provides independent evidence for competition in grammar and for the role of Maximize Presupposition in the process.},
	Author = {Ku\v{c}erov{\'a}, Ivona},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:20:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:23:29 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--30},
	Title = {Grammatical marking of givenness},
	Volume = {20},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Schlenker:2011a,
	Abstract = {Several theories of presupposition projection predict that some sentences which intuitively yield unconditional presuppositions should have weaker, conditional ones. For instance, If John is realistic, he knows that he is incompetent is predicted to have the presupposition that if John is realistic, he is incompetent, whereas one certainly infers that John is in fact incompetent. We summarize some difficulties faced by three solutions, DRT, Singh's `Formal Alternatives', and Singh's `Interacting Alternatives'; we then offer a new analysis which is compatible with several semantic theories of projection, and which does not require the addition of a new representational module. In essence, we obtain unconditional inferences by assuming that speakers may ignore certain parts of a sentence when they accommodate a presupposition---presumably to simplify their computational work. They do so by adding to the context an assumption that would satisfy the presupposition of the sentence no matter which meaning some of its elements have. Depending on which elements are ignored in this way, a variety of strengthened presuppositions are obtained. We speculate on a possible mechanism (which follows some of Singh's earlier ideas) to determine which of these strengthened inferences are in fact obtained. The analysis correctly predicts some new instances of the Proviso Problem in quantificational examples.},
	Author = {Schlenker, Philippe},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:18:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:19:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {395--422},
	Title = {The Proviso Problem: a note},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Schlenker:2011,
	Abstract = {In this note, we reconstruct some results of the DRT analysis of presupposition projection within the theory of local contexts of Schlenker (2009). The latter offered a way to annotate every sentence with variables that denote the various local context sets that play a crucial role in Heim's satisfaction theory (Heim 1983). In standard satisfaction theories, a presupposition must be entailed by its local context. Here we allow a presupposition to be indexed with other local contexts, and we propose, following van der Sandt (1992) and Zeevat (1992), that presuppositions are preferably anaphoric to the highest possible context. The resulting analysis emulates some desirable results of DRT---notably its solution to the `Proviso Problem' (Geurts 1999). But it arguably improves on DRT in some respects: it can generate genuine conditional presuppositions; and it yields more adequate results for some quantified examples. Several limitations of the theory---some of them quite severe---are also discussed.},
	Author = {Schlenker, Philippe},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:17:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:17:56 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {373--392},
	Title = {{DRT} with local contexts},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Caponigro:2011a,
	Abstract = {A construction is found in American Sign Language that we call a Question--Answer Clause. It is made of two parts: the first part looks like an interrogative clause conveying a question, while the second part resembles a declarative clause answering that question. The very same signer has to sign both, the entire construction is interpreted as truth-conditionally equivalent to a declarative sentence, and it can be uttered only under certain discourse conditions. These and other properties of Question--Answer Clauses are discussed, and a detailed syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic account is provided. Question--Answer Clauses are argued to be copular clauses consisting of a silent copula of identity connecting an interrogative clause in the precopular position with a declarative clause in the postcopular position. Pragmatically, they instantiate a topic/comment structure, with the first part expressing a sub-question under discussion and the second part expressing the answer to that sub-question. Broader implications of the analysis are discussed for the Question Under Discussion theory of discourse structuring, for the analysis of pseudoclefts in spoken languages, and for recent proposals about the need for answerhood operators and exhaustivity operators in the grammar and the consequences for the syntax/semantics/pragmatics interface.},
	Author = {Caponigro, Ivano and Davidson, Kathryn},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:15:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:16:39 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {323--371},
	Title = {Ask, and tell as well: Question-Answer Clauses in {A}merican {S}ign {L}anguage},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Abrusan:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes a new explanation for the oddness of presuppositional and negative islands, as well as the puzzling observation that these islands can be obviated by certain quantificational elements. The proposal rests on two independently motivated assumptions: (i) the idea that the domain of manners contains contraries and (ii) the notion that degree expressions range over intervals. It is argued that, given these natural assumptions, presuppositional and negative islands are predicted to lead to a presupposition failure in any context.},
	Author = {Abrus{\'a}n, M{\'a}rta},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:13:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:15:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {257--321},
	Title = {Presuppositional and negative islands: a semantic account},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Lidz:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes an Interface Transparency Thesis concerning how linguistic meanings are related to the cognitive systems that are used to evaluate sentences for truth/falsity: a declarative sentence S is semantically associated with a canonical procedure for determining whether S is true; while this procedure need not be used as a verification strategy, competent speakers are biased towards strategies that directly reflect canonical specifications of truth conditions. Evidence in favor of this hypothesis comes from a psycholinguistic experiment examining adult judgments concerning `Most of the dots are blue'. This sentence is true if and only if the number of blue dots exceeds the number of nonblue dots. But this leaves unsettled, e.g., how the second cardinality is specified for purposes of understanding and/or verification: via the nonblue things, given a restriction to the dots, as in `|{x: Dot(x) & ~Blue(x)}|'; via the blue things, given the same restriction, and subtraction from the number of dots, as in `|{x: Dot(x)}| -- |{x: Dot(x) & Blue(x)}|'; or in some other way. Psycholinguistic evidence and psychophysical modeling support the second hypothesis.},
	Author = {Lidz, Jeffrey and Pietroski, Paul and Halberda, Justin and Hunter, Tim},
	Date-Added = {2012-04-01 18:12:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-01 18:13:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {227--256},
	Title = {Interface transparency and the psychosemantics of \emph{most}},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Fox:2011,
	Abstract = {We present an argument for revising the theory of alternatives for Scalar Implicatures and for Association with Focus. We argue that in both cases the alternatives are determined in the same way, as a contextual restriction of the focus value of the sentence, which, in turn, is defined in structure-sensitive terms. We provide evidence that contextual restriction is subject to a constraint that prevents it from discriminating between alternatives when they stand in a particular logical relationship with the assertion or the prejacent, a relationship that we refer to as symmetry. Due to this constraint on contextual restriction, discriminating between alternatives in cases of symmetry becomes the task of focus values. This conclusion is incompatible with standard type-theoretic definitions of focus values, motivating our structure-sensitive definition instead.},
	Author = {Fox, Danny and Katzir, Roni},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:09:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:09:44 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {87--107},
	Title = {On the characterization of alternatives},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Morzycki:2011a,
	Abstract = {This paper offers an analysis of metalinguistic comparatives such as more dumb than crazy in which they differ from ordinary comparatives in the scale on which they compare: ordinary comparatives use scales lexically determined by particular adjectives, but metalinguistic ones use a generally-available scale of imprecision or `pragmatic slack'. To implement this idea, I propose a novel compositional implementation of the Lasersohnian pragmatic-halos account of imprecision---one that represents clusters of similar meanings as Hamblin alternatives. In the theory that results, existential closure over alternatives mediates between alternative-sets and meanings in which imprecision has been resolved. I then articulate a version of this theory in which the alternatives are not related meanings but rather related utterances, departing significantly from Lasersohn's original conception. Although such a theory of imprecision is more clearly `metalinguistic', the evidence for it from metalinguistic comparatives in English is surprisingly limited. The overall picture that emerges is one in which the grammatical distinction between ordinary and metalinguistic comparatives tracks the independently motivated distinction between vagueness and imprecision.},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:07:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:08:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--86},
	Title = {Metalinguistic comparison in an alternative semantics for imprecision},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Nissenbaum:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates gaps in degree phrases with too, as in John is too rich [for the monastery to hire ___ ]. We present two curious restrictions on such gapped degree phrases. First, the gaps must ordinarily be anteceded by the subject of the associated gradable adjective. Second, when embedded under intensional verbs, gapped degree phrases are ordinarily restricted to surface scope, unlike their counterparts without gaps. Just as puzzlingly, we show that these restrictions are lifted when there is overt wh-movement in the main clause, revealing a striking similarity between the distribution of gapped degree phrases and so-called parasitic gap constructions. These findings, we argue, suggest that the theory of parasitic gaps needs to accommodate gapped degree phrases. Specifically, they argue that parasitic constituents are null operator structures---and under the right conditions need not be accompanied by matrix wh-movement.},
	Author = {Nissenbaum, Jon and Schwarz, Bernhard},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:05:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:06:44 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--38},
	Title = {Parasitic degree phrases},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Ionin:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper reports on an experimental investigation of the scope of English a indefinites and a certain indefinites. Three experiments test whether native English speakers allow indefinites to scope out of syntactic islands, and to take intermediate as well as widest scope. The experimental findings indicate that a indefinites and a certain indefinites have different ranges of interpretations available to them. Experiment 1 shows that a certain indefinites, unlike a indefinites, cannot be interpreted in the scope of an intensional operator, and further shows that functional readings are available to a certain indefinites but not to a indefinites. Experiment 2 focuses on the availability of long-distance readings of indefinites out of scope islands, and shows that the most accessible reading for a certain indefinites is the widest-scope reading, while the most accessible reading for a indefinites is the narrow-scope reading. Experiment 3 shows that modification of an a indefinite by a relative clause does not facilitate long-distance readings, as long as it does not restrict the domain to a singleton set. Overall, these findings are consistent with the proposal of Schwarz (Proceedings of the Thirteenth Amsterdam Colloquium, ILCC, University of Amsterdam, 192--197, 2001) that a certain indefinites and a indefinites are derived by different semantic mechanisms. The behavior of a certain indefinites is shown to be consistent with the contextually determined choice function approach Kratzer (Events in grammar, Kluwer, Dordrecht, 165--196, 1998) and the singleton indefinite approach Schwarzschild (J Semant 19:289--314, 2002). In contrast, a indefinites are most compatible with a purely quantificational approach, contra much recent theoretical literature. These findings highlight the value of conducting experimental studies testing the predictions of semantic theories.},
	Author = {Ionin, Tania},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:04:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:05:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {295--350},
	Title = {The scope of indefinites: an experimental investigation},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Arregui:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates some aspects of the semantics of deontic should-conditionals. The main objective is to understand which actual world facts make deontic statements true. The starting point for the investigation is a famous puzzle known as Chisholm's Paradox. It is important because making sense of the data in Chisholm-style examples involves arriving at some conclusion regarding the interaction between what we consider ideal and what is actually true. I give an account of how facts affect the evaluation of should formulated in a way that does not predict that the divergence between ideals and facts leads to contradictions. The proposed semantics for should and should-conditionals allows for factual detachment without giving rise to paradoxes. The proposal has several parts: a situation-based semantics for the modal should, a view of the propositions embedded under should that allows aspect to play a crucial role in anchoring propositions to the context set, and a proposal for if-clauses that distinguishes between epistemic if-clauses and if-clauses in the scope of should, treating the latter as restrictors on the quantificational domain of the modal.},
	Author = {Arregui, Ana},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:02:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:03:38 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {241--293},
	Title = {Detaching \emph{if}-clauses from \emph{should}},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Koontz-Garboden:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper explores an understudied and poorly understood phenomenon of morphological syncretism in which a morpheme otherwise used to mark the head of a possessive NP appears on words naming property concept (PC) states (states named by adjectives in languages with that lexical category; Dixon, Where have all the adjectives gone? And other essays in Semantics and Syntax, 1982) in predicative and attributive contexts. This phenomenon is found across a variety of unrelated languages. We examine its manifestation in Ulwa, an endangered Misumalpan language of Nicaragua, where diachronic evidence clearly shows that a single affix is involved. We propose an explanation for the syncretism based on an explicit syntactic and semantic analysis of the relevant constructions. On the proposed explanation, the syncretism arises out of a combination of semantic and morphosyntactic facts of Ulwa grammar. Specifically, we propose that the Ulwa pattern exemplifies a possessive strategy of predication. Intuitively, this strategy is a manifestation in grammar of the idiomatic equivalence between the property of being F and the property of having F-ness.},
	Author = {Koontz-Garboden, Andrew and Francez, Itamar},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 20:00:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:01:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--240},
	Title = {Possessed properties in {U}lwa},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kobele:2010,
	Abstract = {The phenomenon of inverse linking, where a noun phrase embedded within another behaves with respect to binding as though it were structurally independent, has proven challenging for theories of the syntax--semantics interface. In this paper I show that, using an LF-movement style approach to the syntax--semantics interface, we can derive all and only the appropriate meanings for such constructions using no semantic operations other than function application and composition. The solution relies neither on a proliferation of lexical ambiguity nor on abandoning the idea that pronouns denote variables, but rather on a straightforward (and standard) reification of assignment functions, which allows us to define abstraction operators within our models.},
	Author = {Kobele, Gregory M.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:59:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 20:00:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {183--196},
	Title = {Inverse linking via functional composition},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Sassoon:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper provides a new account of positive versus negative antonyms. The data includes well-known linguistic generalizations regarding negative adjectives, such as their incompatibility with measure phrases (cf. two meters tall/ *short) and ratio phrases (twice as tall/ #short) as well as the impossibility of truly crosspolar comparisons (*Dan is taller than Sam is short). These generalizations admit a variety of exceptions, e.g., positive adjectives that do not license measure phrases (cf. #two degrees warm/cold) and rarely also negative adjectives that do (cf. two hours late/early). Furthermore, new corpus data is presented regarding the use of twice with positive and negative adjectives. The analysis the paper presents supposes that grammar associates gradable adjectives with measure functions---mapping of entities to a set of degrees isomorphic to the real numbers (Kennedy, Projecting the adjective: The syntax and semantics of gradability and comparison, 1999). On this analysis, negative adjectives map entities to values that are linearly reversed and linearly transformed in comparison with their values in the positive antonyms. As shown, the generalizations, as well as their exceptions, directly follow. Negative polarity is explained in terms of function reversal, and non-licensing of measure phrases is explained in terms of transformation by an unspecified value.},
	Author = {Sassoon, Galit Weidman},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:58:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:59:07 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--181},
	Title = {The degree function of negative adjectives},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Roelofsen:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper is concerned with constraints on the interpretation of pronominal anaphora, in particular Condition B effects. It aims to contribute to a particular approach, initiated by Reinhart (Anaphora and semantic interpretation, 1983) and further developed elsewhere. It proposes a modification of Reinhart's Interface Rule, and argues that the resulting theory compares favorably with others, while being compatible with independently motivated general hypotheses about the interaction between different interpretive mechanisms.},
	Author = {Roelofsen, Floris},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:57:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:57:54 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {115--140},
	Title = {Condition {B} effects in two simple steps},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Sawada:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the semantics of measure phrases in Japanese. Based on new data, we argue that the interpretation of measure phrases in Japanese is sensitive to scale structure such that (i) measure phrases are introduced by a degree morpheme that selects only for gradable predicates whose scale contains a minimal element (i.e., a lower closed scale) and (ii) violations to this restriction are repaired via coercion, which forces a comparative interpretation with a contextually determined standard and hence a minimal element. We compare the Japanese facts to data in other languages and argue that the requirement of having a minimal element is not specific to Japanese, but universal. We show that languages may vary in how they deal with potential violations of this universal constraint, including coercion of a contextually recoverable derived minimal element (Japanese), ungrammaticality (e.g., Spanish, Korean, Russian), and a hybrid system of ungrammaticality for some adjectives and allowed constraint violation for others (e.g., English, German, Italian).},
	Author = {Sawada, Osamu and Grano, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:55:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:56:12 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {191--226},
	Title = {Scale structure, coercion, and the interpretation of measure phrases in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Bale:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses comparison classes---sets that relativize the interpretation of gradable adjectives, often specified with for-clauses as in John is smart for a linguist. Such a discussion ultimately lends support to the thesis that scales, degrees, measure functions, and linear orders are grammatically derived from more basic relations between individuals. Three accounts of comparison classes are compared and evaluated. The first proposes that such classes serve as an argument to a function that determines a standard of comparison. The second maintains that these classes restrict the domain of a measure function used to map entities to degrees. The third proposes that these classes limit the kind of individuals that participate in a binary relation; this relation is then used in the construction of a scale and a measure function. It is this third account that is most consistent with the empirical data. It can explain how comparison classes fix a standard of comparison, induce presuppositions concerning the comparative subjects, and induce incommensurability in comparative constructions.},
	Author = {Bale, Alan Clinton},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:53:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:54:36 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {169--190},
	Title = {Scales and comparison classes},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Singh:2011,
	Abstract = {Maximize Presupposition! is an economy condition that adjudicates between contextually equivalent competing structures. Building on data discovered by O. Percus, I will argue that the constraint is checked in the local contexts of embedded constituents. I will argue that this architecture leads to a general solution to the problem of antipresupposition projection, and also allows I. Heim's `Novelty/Familiarity Condition' to be eliminated as a constraint on operations of context change.},
	Author = {Singh, Raj},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:52:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:53:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {149--168},
	Title = {Maximize Presupposition! and local contexts},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Gajewski:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes that both weak and strong NPIs in English are sensitive to the downward entailingness of their licensers. It is also proposed, however, that these two types of NPIs pay attention to different aspects of the meaning of their environment. As observed by von Fintel and Chierchia, weak NPIs do not attend to the scalar implicatures of presuppositions of their licensers. Strong NPIs see both the truth-conditional and non-truth-conditional (scalar implications, presuppositions) meaning of their licensers. This theory accounts for the puzzling inability, noted by Rullmann and Gajewski, of Strawson anti-additive operators to license strong NPIs, as well as for the effects of Zwarts's hierarchy of negative strength. Additional issues concerning comparative quantifiers, few, and proportional quantifiers are addressed.},
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:48:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:50:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {109--148},
	Title = {Licensing strong {NPI}s},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Hacquard:2010,
	Abstract = {Crosslinguistically, the same modal words can be used to express a wide range of interpretations. This crosslinguistic trend supports a Kratzerian analysis, where each modal has a core lexical entry and where the difference between an epistemic and a root interpretation is contextually determined. A long-standing problem for such a unified account is the equally robust crosslinguistic correlation between a modal's interpretation and its syntactic behavior: epistemics scope high (in particular higher than tense and aspect) and roots low, a fact which has led to proposals that hardwire different syntactic positions for epistemics and roots (cf. Cinque's hierarchy). This paper argues that the range of interpretations a modal receives is even more restricted: a modal must be keyed to certain time-individual pairs, but not others. I show that this can be captured straightforwardly by minimally modifying the Kratzerian account: modals are relative to an event---rather than a world---of evaluation, which readily provides a time (the event's running time) and (an) individual(s) (the event's participants). I propose that this event relativity of modals can in turn explain the correlation between type of interpretation and syntactic position, without stipulation of an interpretation-specific height for modals.},
	Author = {Hacquard, Valentine},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:47:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:48:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {79--114},
	Title = {On the event relativity of modal auxiliaries},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Elbourne:2010,
	Abstract = {This article offers a critical examination of Kroll's (Natural Language Semantics 16: 359--372, 2008) arguments against Elbourne's (Situations and individuals, 2005) treatment of bishop sentences.},
	Author = {Elbourne, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:46:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:46:59 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {65--78},
	Title = {On bishop sentences},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Menendez-Benito:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with the interpretation and distribution of universal Free Choice (FC) items, such as English FC any or Spanish cualquiera. Crosslinguistically, universal FC items can be characterized as follows. First, they have a restricted distribution. Second, they express freedom of choice: the sentence You can take any card conveys the information that the addressee is free to pick whichever card she chooses. Under standard assumptions, the truth conditions of sentences like You can take any card are taken to be captured by formalizations in which a universal quantifier ranging over individuals has wide scope over the possibility modal. The crucial observation that informs the account in this paper is that this type of formalization cannot capture the freedom of choice component. I will argue that in order to derive the right interaction between possibility modals and FC items, we need to add an exclusiveness condition to the standard wide scope paraphrases. The same proposal that guarantees freedom of choice will automatically account for the distribution restrictions of FC items. The formal implementation of this proposal is cast in the Hamblin semantics proposed in Kratzer and Shimoyama (Indeterminate phrases: The view from Japanese, 2002).},
	Author = {Men{\'e}ndez-Benito, Paula},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:45:06 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:45:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {33--64},
	Title = {On universal Free Choice items},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Alonso-Ovalle:2010,
	Abstract = {Across languages, we find indefinites that trigger modal inferences. This article contributes to a semantic typology of these items by contrasting Spanish alg{\'u}n with indefinites like German irgendein or Italian uno qualsiasi. While irgendein-type indefinites trigger a Free Choice effect (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Chierchia 2006), alg{\'u}n simply signals that at least two individuals in its domain are possibilities. Additionally, alg{\'u}n, but not irgendein, can convey that the speaker does not know how many individuals satisfy the existential claim in the world of evaluation. We contend that the two types of indefinites impose different constraints on their domain of quantification: irgendein and its kin are domain wideners (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002), whereas alg{\'u}n is an `anti-singleton' indefinite (its domain cannot be restricted to a singleton). This, together with the fact that alg{\'u}n does not require uniqueness, allows us to derive the contrast between irgendein and alg{\'u}n by using the pragmatic reasoning presented by Kratzer and Shimoyama.},
	Author = {Alonso-Ovalle, Luis and Men{\'e}ndez-Benito, Paula},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:43:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:44:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--31},
	Title = {Modal indefinites},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Abels:2010,
	Abstract = {The goal of this paper is to propose a unified approach to the split scope readings of negative indefinites, comparative quantifiers, and numerals. There are two main observations that justify this approach. First, split scope shows the same kinds of restrictions across these different quantifiers. Second, split scope always involves low existential force. In our approach, following Sauerland, natural language determiner quantifiers are quantifiers over choice functions, of type <<<et,e>,t>,t>. In split readings, the quantifier over choice functions scopes above other operators (such as intensional verbs like must or can). Determiner quantifiers leave a choice-function trace when they move and this trace combines with the noun restriction, which is interpreted low. That split scope always involves low existential force is derived, without stipulation, from Kratzer's idea that low existential force can be achieved via binding (into the noun restriction).},
	Author = {Abels, Klaus and Mart{\'\i}, Luisa},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:41:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:42:22 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {435--470},
	Title = {A unified approach to split scope},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Keshet:2010,
	Abstract = {Researchers often assume that possible worlds and times are represented in the syntax of natural languages. However, it has been noted that such a system can overgenerate. This paper proposes a constraint on systems where worlds and times are represented as situation pronouns. The Intersective Predicate Generalization, based on and extending work by R. Musan, states that two items composed via Predicate Modification, such as a noun and an intersective modifier, must be evaluated in the same world and time. To explain this generalization, a rule of Situation Economy is advanced, which holds that structures must have the fewest number of situation pronouns possible. Since strong DPs require a situation pronoun to receive a de re reading, a restriction on the type of strong determiners is proposed, which supersedes Situation Economy in this case. Finally, the paper shows how the Situation Economy approach explains an unrelated phenomenon involving bare plurals and examines the connection between this new rule and the grammar of natural language in general.},
	Author = {Keshet, Ezra},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:39:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:39:37 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {385--434},
	Title = {Situation economy},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Fintel:2010,
	Abstract = {It is a recurring matra that epistemic must creates a statement that is weaker than the corresponding flat-footed assertion: It must be raining vs. It's raining. Contrary to classic discussions of the phenomenon such as by Karttunen, Kratzer, and Veltman, we argue that instead of having a weak semantics, must presupposes the presence of an indirect inference or deduction rather than of a direct observation. This is independent of the strength of the claim being made. Epistemic must is therefore quite similar to evidential markers of indirect evidence known from languages with rich evidential systems. We work towards a formalization of the evidential component, relying on a structured model of information states (analogous to some models used in the belief dynamics literature). We explain why in many contexts, one can perceive a lack of confidence on the part of the speaker who uses must.},
	Author = {Fintel, Kai von and Gillies, Anthony S.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:35:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:37:04 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {351--383},
	Title = {Must{\ldots}stay{\ldots}strong!},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Siloni:2012,
	Abstract = {The paper shows that in addition to periphrastic reciprocal constructions and lexical reciprocal verbs, there is a third type---found in Romance and certain Slavic languages---whose reciprocity is not periphrastic but nonetheless composed only in the course of the syntactic derivation. Examining a sample of ten languages, the study reveals and derives the syntactic and semantic properties of these syntactic reciprocal verbs in comparison with their lexical counterparts. It further formulates the precise mechanisms forming the two types. Among other things, the paper devotes considerable attention to the notion ``symmetric verb,'' to the so-called ``I'' reading of embedded reciprocal clauses, and to a particular reciprocal construction that denotes reciprocity between two discontinuous phrases.},
	Author = {Siloni, Tal},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:28:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:29:22 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {261--320},
	Title = {Reciprocal verbs and symmetry},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Li:2012,
	Abstract = {In this work, we report a new interaction pattern among adverb classes in the context of movement and examine the implications of this pattern with respect to Rizzi's (1990, 2001) Relativized Minimality, Chomsky's (1995) Minimal Link Condition, and Ernst's (2002) Fact-Event Object Calculus. In Sect. 1, we review the relevant data in the literature. Our new contribution is reported in Sect. 2 using wh-movement and four sample adverb classes. Section 3 shows that the pattern holds for various other types of movement as well (neutral preposing, focalization, and clefting in English; scrambling in Russian). We also discuss the behavior of NPs, PPs, and verbal heads here. Section 4 focuses on the theoretical significance of the new facts. In Appendix A, we provide a more comprehensive demonstration of how various adverb classes obey the pattern established in Sects. 2--3. Appendix B is an actual sample of the verbal context we presented to our informants for soliciting subtle data.},
	Author = {Li, Yafei and Shields, Rebecca and Lin, Vivian},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:26:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:28:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {217--260},
	Title = {Adverb Classes and the nature of minimality},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Megerdoomian:2012,
	Abstract = {The nature of preverbal nominals and their relation to the verb have been the focus of much debate in languages with a productive complex predication process. For Persian, certain analyses have argued that the bare nominals in complex predicate constructions are distinct from bare objects, while others have treated the two types of bare nominals uniformly. This paper argues that the two categories of preverbal nouns cannot receive the same analysis since they display distinct syntactic and semantic behavior: the preverbal nominals, unlike the bare object nouns, cannot be questioned, are modified differently, have different interpretations, give rise to distinct case-assignment contexts, and can co-occur with a non-specific object. The distinct properties of the two nominal categories are captured by positing distinct structural positions for these nouns. Non-specific bare nouns are internal arguments of the thematic verb, while the nominal element of the complex predicate construction is part of the verbal domain with which it combines through a process of conflation, as defined in Hale and Keyser (2002), to form a single predicate.},
	Author = {Megerdoomian, Karine},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:25:31 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:26:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {179--216},
	Title = {The status of the nominal in {P}ersian complex predicates},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Koppen:2012,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on the question which phi-features are associated with pronouns and how these features are distributed over their internal structure. I argue that pronouns contain Participant and Individuation features (Harley and Ritter 2002). The Participant features and the Individuation features are merged as discrete sets of features which can be targeted for syntactic operations like Agree independently from the other phi-features associated with pronouns. These feature sets are merged and end up on the maximal projection of the pronoun as one feature bundle.
The core data of this paper are constituted by Complementizer Agreement (CA) in Dutch dialects (cf. Haegeman 1992; Zwart 1993). In (the mostly West-Germanic) dialects with CA, the subject of an embedded clause agrees with both the finite verb, and with the complementizer introducing the embedded clause. I show that there are two types of CA dialects. In the first type, the complementizer and the finite verb have the same ending. In the second type, the so-called Double Agreement (DA) dialects, however, the complementizer and the finite verb do not have the same affix. What has gone unnoticed in the literature until now is that these two types of CA dialects can be distinguished on the basis of two more properties: CA in the DA dialects is sensitive to (i) extraction of the embedded subject pronoun to a higher clause and (ii) modification of the subject pronoun by a focus particle. I argue that the differences between these two types of CA can be explained if C does not target the same Goal in these dialects. In the DA dialects CA is the result of a Probe agreeing with the Participant features inside the pronominal structure, whereas CA in the other dialects reflects agreement with the top node of this pronominal structure.},
	Author = {Koppen, Marjo van},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:22:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:24:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {135--177},
	Title = {The distribution of phi-features in pronouns},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Gouskova:2012,
	Abstract = {A famous perennial problem in Slavic phonology is yers: vowels that idiosyncratically alternate with zero (e.g., [mox] vs. [mx-a] `moss (nom/gen sg)' alongside [nos] vs. [nos-a] `nose (nom/gen sg)'). The widely accepted analysis of these ``ghost vowels'' is that they must be underlyingly marked as exceptional on a segment-by-segment basis. Moreover, usually they are assumed to be underlyingly representationally defective---either nonmoraic or lacking features (Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987, inter alia). In this paper, I revisit yers from a different perspective. Instead of treating the segments as special, I argue that exceptionality is a property of whole morphemes. This theory of exceptionality has many incarnations (Chomsky and Halle 1968 et seq.), but my version is formalized as Lexically Indexed Constraints in Optimality Theory: in any given language, a universal constraint can be indexed to individual morphemes in the lexicon and ranked in two different positions in the language's hierarchy (Pater 2000, 2006). In Russian, the relevant indexed constraint is *Mid, which penalizes the peripheral mid vowels [e] and [o]. The general, non-indexed constraint is independently needed to explain vowel reduction in unstressed syllables. The indexed version explains why only mid vowels alternate with zero in Russian. This generalization about yer quality is lost in representational accounts, since any vowel can be labeled as nonmoraic underlyingly. Another unsolved mystery about Russian yers is that only vowels in the final syllable of a morpheme can alternate with zero. This requires a phonological explanation---labeling only the alternating vowels as underlyingly special does not address the position problem.},
	Author = {Gouskova, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:21:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:24:40 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {79--133},
	Title = {Unexceptional segments},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Gonzalez-Vilbazo:2012,
	Abstract = {Much current work assumes that ``little v'' (henceforth v) is a universal functional category directly involved in the building of predicates. As a functional category, one would expect v to be the locus of parametric variation, as predicted by Hagit Borer's (1984) original hypothesis. Some analyses have shown that v is involved in parametric variation concerning Case (Legate 2008) and probably Object Shift (Chomsky 2001). In this article, we argue that v is also involved in other forms of cross-linguistic variation, thus extending parameter theory in some unexpected directions. In particular, we argue that v is involved in three different features of cross-linguistic variation: the order of verb and complements, their prosodic structure and the expression of focus/background articulation.
Our data come from a code-switching variety called Esplugish, part and parcel of the I-language of a community of German/Spanish bilinguals. In Esplugish, as in other code-switching varieties, it is possible to switch between v (L1) and its complement VP/RootP (L2). Surprisingly, we find that the grammatical properties of the VP/RootP are those of L1 and not those of L2, a fact that we account for by arguing that the source of those properties is the v.},
	Author = {Gonz{\'a}lez-Vilbazo, and L{\'o}pez, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:19:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:24:09 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {33--77},
	Title = {Little v and parametric variation},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Brentari:2012,
	Abstract = {Sign languages display remarkable crosslinguistic consistencies in the use of handshapes. In particular, handshapes used in classifier predicates display a consistent pattern in finger complexity: classifier handshapes representing objects display more finger complexity than those representing how objects are handled. Here we explore the conditions under which this morphophonological phenomenon arises. In Study 1, we ask whether hearing individuals in Italy and the United States, asked to communicate using only their hands, show the same pattern of finger complexity found in the classifier handshapes of two sign languages: Italian Sign Language (LIS) and American Sign Language (ASL). We find that they do not: gesturers display more finger complexity in handling handshapes than in object handshapes. The morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages is therefore not a codified version of the pattern invented by hearing individuals on the spot. In Study 2, we ask whether continued use of gesture as a primary communication system results in a pattern that is more similar to the morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages or to the pattern found in gesturers. Homesigners have not acquired a signed or spoken language and instead use a self-generated gesture system to communicate with their hearing family members and friends. We find that homesigners pattern more like signers than like gesturers: their finger complexity in object handshapes is higher than that of gesturers (indeed as high as signers); and their finger complexity in handling handshapes is lower than that of gesturers (but not quite as low as signers). Generally, our findings indicate two markers of the phonologization of handshape in sign languages: increasing finger complexity in object handshapes, and decreasing finger complexity in handling handshapes. These first indicators of phonology appear to be present in individuals developing a gesture system without benefit of a linguistic community. Finally, we propose that iconicity, morphology, and phonology each play an important role in the system of sign language classifiers to create the earliest markers of phonology at the morphophonological interface.},
	Author = {Brentari, Diane and Coppola, Marie and Mazzoni, Laura and Goldin-Meadow, Susan},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:17:31 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:25:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--31},
	Title = {When does a system become phonological? Handshape production in gesturers, signers, and homesigners},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Contini-Morava:2011,
	Abstract = {Reid (2011) provides an innovative, thoroughly worked out, and rigorously argued alternative to ``agreement'' as an account of verb number marking in English, from a communicative and functionalist perspective. There are some points of contact between his paper and the other contributions to the present issue, but the differences far outweigh the similarities, so the contrasts will be the main focus of this commentary. The similarities include the general topic of ``agreement'' and a distinction between what counts as linguistic knowledge---arbitrary units of grammatical structure---and what counts as extralinguistic, such as information derived from context or knowledge of the world. Differences include the status of the notion of ``agreement'', what counts as data, what counts as an explanation, the theoretical constructs posited and what counts as evidence in support of them, what is meant by ``meaning'', and what kinds of predictions are made.},
	Author = {Contini-Morava, Ellen},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:15:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:16:29 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1147--1162},
	Title = {And now for something completely different: {R}eid on {E}nglish verb number},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Reid:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper offers an account of English verb number solely in terms of communicative function. In this account, verb number is a full-fledged expressive device comparable to the number system for English nouns; all instances of verb number are accounted for in terms of meaning, with the caveat that meaning pertains to conceptualization, not reference. Two points emerge from this line of analysis. First, verb number is not controlled by subject number; each is a separate communicative choice governed by discourse-based principles of semantic coherence. Second, even though the subject usually precedes the verb, speakers can nevertheless think ahead and choose subject number so as to accommodate an anticipated choice of verb number just as well as the reverse, and appear to do both on different occasions. Thus, both choices are best understood in terms of symmetrical relations of textual cohesion, usually with each other but sometimes with other features of the context.},
	Author = {Reid, Wallis},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:14:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:15:04 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1087--1146},
	Title = {The communicative function of {E}nglish verb number},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Franck:2011a,
	Abstract = {In their paper Reaching Agreement, Bock and Middleton (2011) review a vast array of psycholinguistic experiments on semantic influences in agreement which they argue provide critical empirical evidence to the longstanding debate about the role of meaning in syntax. The authors propose to unify these findings within the Marking and Morphing model, the reference framework for many psycholinguistic studies of agreement production. In this commentary, I discuss four concerns about the approach advocated by Bock and Middleton: (1) the pervasive confusion with respect to the definition of agreement, and its conceptual consequences on the debate about the role of meaning in syntax, (2) the infelicitous comparison between pronouns and verbs providing the empirical foundations of Marking and Morphing, (3) the existence of a set of experimental findings invalidating the assumption of the model with respect to the relation between feature transmission and morphology, (4) the lack of assumptions of Marking and Morphing with respect to the process of feature transmission, hence its inability to account for the structural effects on attraction. In response to these concerns, I present an alternative model, Selection and Copy, and sketch a line of research that explores the workings of the Copy component. I then address the criticisms raised by Bock and Middleton against this research and question the explanatory force of Marking and Morphing as a model of agreement defined as a core syntactic process.},
	Author = {Franck, Julie},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:12:47 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:14:06 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1071--1086},
	Title = {Reaching Agreement as a core syntactic process},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Bock:2011,
	Abstract = {In addition to the major linguistic components of language use, theories of language production must explain how utterances grow out of communicative intentions. In ordinary circumstances, utterances are rooted in meanings. The question addressed in this paper is whether the mechanisms of a core syntactic process, number agreement, depend in any important way on the conceptual underpinnings of number. We critically examine research that points to a role for number semantics in the agreement process, and consider alternative psycholinguistic accounts of agreement in the context of issues about how number meaning infiltrates or informs the structural components of language production.},
	Author = {Bock, Kathryn and Middleton, Erica L.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:11:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:12:45 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1033--1069},
	Title = {Reaching agreement},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Wechsler:2011,
	Abstract = {In mixed agreement, different agreement targets show different values for the same controller. This paper offers an explanation for the existence of mixed agreement that accounts for the following Polite Plural Generalization: universally, any second person `polite plural' pronouns (e.g. French vous), used honorifically for a single addressee, control syntactic (plural) agreement on all person targets, while non-person-agreeing targets such as predicate adjectives vary across languages, between syntactic and semantic number agreement. Following Wechsler and Zlati{\'c} (The Many Faces of Agreement, CSLI Publications, 2003), person features exist only as features of referential indices (Index phi features), never as grammatical head features of the sort that are involved in adjective-noun concord (Concord phi features). Mixed agreement arises if the `polite plural' or other pronominal controller is underspecified for Concord phi features. But a pronoun has a referential Index, which is necessarily marked with phi features, so any Index agreement targets will appear in the second person plural form. A diachronic explanation is offered for this bifurcation of agreement targets into Index and Concord targets: the former descend from incorporated pronouns while the latter have other sources.},
	Author = {Wechsler, Stephen},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:10:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:11:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {999--1031},
	Title = {Mixed agreement, the person feature, and the index/concord distinction},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Bejar:2011,
	Abstract = {This commentary examines Nevins' Multiple Agree (MA) approach to complex agreement phenomena, and in particular the two patterns that Nevins identifies as omnivorous number and person complementarity. Nevins analyzes both as outcomes of the MA mechanism and attributes the categorical split between person and number to ontological differences in the feature inventories: person features are binary and fully specified, while number features are unary and underspecified. I argue that the opposition between person and number is strained insofar as there exist contexts where person, too, patterns as though it were underspecified, giving rise to the omnivorous agreement pattern. I also show that the MA mechanics do not fully predict that number agreement should be omnivorous across the board. Auxiliary assumptions restricting possible probe structures are required.},
	Author = {B{\`e}jar, Susana},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:08:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:09:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {973--997},
	Title = {Remarks on omnivory and complementarity: a commentary on the paper by Andrew Nevins},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Nevins:2011b,
	Abstract = {This paper capitalizes on the difference between person complementarity (e.g. PCC effects) and omnivorous number (e.g. the fact that a single plural marker can be used to cross-reference more than one plural argument) by proposing that the same syntactic mechanism of Multiple Agree is responsible for both. The widely divergent surface difference results from the fact that person features are fully binary, whereas number features are syntactically privative. Additionally, arguments drawn from a variety of verbal cross-referencing morphemes implicating phi-interactions between subject and object support the claim that these elements are clitics, necessitating a principled morphosyntactic difference between clitics and other DPs undergoing object shift, and revisitation of the clitic-affix distinction.},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:07:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:08:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {939--971},
	Title = {Multiple agree with clitics: person complementarity vs. omnivorous number},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Preminger:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper is a commentary on Baker's ``When Agreement is for Number and Gender but not Person''. In many contexts, the behavior of person agreement departs from that of number and/or gender agreement; the central hypothesis advanced by Baker---the Structural Condition on Person Agreement (or SCOPA)---is an attempt to derive these departures from a single, structural condition on the application of person agreement.
In this commentary, I explore Basque data that counter-exemplifies SCOPA, as well as a handful of other empirical patterns that SCOPA fails to address, but which I believe should be treated as part of the same empirical landscape. But far from condemning SCOPA, I believe these additional patterns may provide us with hints regarding how SCOPA (with its considerable empirical coverage), as well as its exceptions, are to be derived.},
	Author = {Preminger, Omer},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:05:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2013-01-24 01:28:00 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {917--937},
	Title = {Asymmetries between person and number in syntax: a commentary on {B}aker's {SCOPA}},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Baker:2011,
	Abstract = {In many languages, adjectives agree with a noun phrase in number and gender, but not in person. In others, ditransitive verbs can agree with their theme argument in number and gender, but not in person (the Person Case Constraint). However, a unified account of these two similar patterns has rarely been attempted. In this article, I review how a single syntactic principle from Baker (2008)---the Structural Condition on Person Agreement (SCOPA)---can explain both phenomena, in contrast to other existing proposals. I then go on to show how the SCOPA also accounts for five other environments in which verbs agree in number and gender (if relevant) but not in person. Special attention is given to two entirely new cases: subject raising constructions in Sakha and agreement with direct objects in Ostyak. Along the way, I also discuss the consequences of partial agreement for case assignment, using this to explain why non-SCOPA-compliant configurations sometimes result in legitimate partial agreement with a first or second person pronoun, and sometimes result in a structure being ineffable.},
	Author = {Baker, Mark C.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:04:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:05:27 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {875--915},
	Title = {When agreement is for number and gender but not person},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Dikken:2011,
	Abstract = {The linguistic literature abounds with discussions of phi-feature inflection. The formalist tradition has, in a variety of ways, approached this phenomenon predominantly in terms of an agreement relationship between two terms of a syntactic structure---for instance, the subject and the finite verb (typically showing agreement for person and number), or the object and a past participle (which, e.g. in the Romance languages, may agree for number and gender, but not for person). But not all these agreement relationships affect all phi-features equally, which raises the question of whether there is to be a unified approach to phi-features in general. And two terms that can entertain an agreement relationship for certain phi-features do not seem to engage in such agreement every time they might be expected to so do. On the surface, plural subjects can co-occur with singularly inflected finite verbs, and vice versa; and sometimes a subpart of the subject seems to control the selection of the inflection on the finite verb, in so-called `attraction' cases. These kinds of phenomena give rise to an in-depth exploration of the nature and reality of agreement relationships, including the possibility of an analysis treating phi-featural properties as autonomous vis-{\`a}-vis one another, assigned to each term separately, not under agreement. This special issue brings together a collection of papers and commentaries reflecting on these matters in various ways. In this introduction, I set the stage for the discussion to follow.},
	Author = {Dikken, Marcel den},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:03:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:04:41 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {857--874},
	Title = {Phi-feature inflection and agreement: An Introduction},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Meltzer-Asscher:2011,
	Abstract = {This article focuses on Hebrew adjectival passives, showing that, as was claimed for other languages, the class of adjectival passives in Hebrew is not homogenous, but rather consists of two sub-classes. Former attempts to capture the non-homogenous nature of the class of adjectival passives in different languages relied mainly on the existence versus absence of an event in their interpretation. In contrast, I argue that the criterion distinguishing the two sub-classes of adjectival passives in Hebrew is the presence versus absence of an implicit Agent or Cause argument. Thus, the split parallels a very well-known split in the verbal system---that between passive and unaccusative verbs. Once this parallelism between the adjectival and the verbal systems is recognized, it is possible to claim that the same valence-changing processes (namely, saturation and decausativization) are operative in both systems. This assumption can predict the syntactic and semantic behavior of the two sub-classes of adjectives, as well as their composition, without resorting to operations unique to adjectival passive formation.},
	Author = {Meltzer-Asscher, Aya},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:01:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:03:06 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {815--855},
	Title = {Adjectival passives in {H}ebrew: evidence for parallelism between the adjectival and verbal systems},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Landau:2011,
	Abstract = {Copy raising sentences (Charlie looks like his prospects are bright) are ambiguous between a thematic and a nonthematic reading for the subject, corresponding to whether or not it is the perceptual source. On the basis of Hebrew and English data, this paper motivates a novel generalization: a pronominal copy in the complement is necessary if and only if the matrix subject is not thematic. This follows if (i) a nonthematic DP must be licensed by predication, (ii) the clausal complement is turned into a predicate by merging with a null operator, and (iii) the pronominal copy is the variable required by the operator. Contra previous analyses, I argue that the complement in copy raising may be propositional, forming an ``aboutness'' relation with the subject. When it is predicative, however, a null operator is necessary, since CPs are not natural predicates. The dichotomy between propositional and predicative CPs cuts across the gap/copy distinction, and is manifested in other constructions, also discussed (hanging topic vs. left dislocation, rationale vs. purpose clauses, and proleptic object constructions).},
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 19:00:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:01:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {779--813},
	Title = {Predication vs. aboutness in copy raising},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Ko:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the properties of syntactic edges, with special attention being paid to two central issues in cyclic syntax: the domain and the nature of cyclicity. This paper argues for the premise that predication domains form a Spell-out domain, and that Spell-out results in order preservation of the predication domain. It is shown that elements externally merged at the edge of a predication domain observe a special ordering restriction, the Edge Generalization. The ordering restriction is explained by the interaction of two premises of cyclic syntax, coupled with a theory of probe-goal Search. Empirical evidence for the proposal comes from various sub-extraction phenomena out of edges of predication domains in Korean and Japanese. In particular, the interactions between floating numeral quantifier constructions and (primary and secondary) predication constructions are closely examined. The current proposal poses some interesting challenges to the proposition-based-phase system: it argues against the claim that only strong phases undergo Spell-out, and that edges are spelled out separately from the complement. The proposal also has some implications for the structure and typology of resultative and depictive predicates, and for the finer-grained structure of VP including aspectual adverbs and small clause complements.},
	Author = {Ko, Heejeong},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:59:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 19:00:26 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {725--778},
	Title = {Predication and edge effects},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kawahara:2011,
	Abstract = {In Japanese loanword phonology, geminates optionally devoice when there is another voiced obstruent within the same stem, i.e., geminates may optionally devoice when they violate OCP(voice). This devoicing of OCP-violating geminates has received much attention in the recent phonological literature. However, the debates centering around this phenomenon have relied primarily on intuition-based data, and no systematic judgment experiments have been performed. This paper fills that gap. The experiment reported in this paper shows that Japanese speakers do find devoicing of geminates natural when there is another voiced stop within the same word, i.e., when the geminates violate OCP(voice). The experiment moreover finds other interesting aspects of devoicing: (i) the naturalness of devoicing of OCP-violating geminates correlates positively with the lexical frequencies of the words in question, (ii) the naturalness of devoicing of OCP-violating geminates is not significantly affected by place of articulation, (iii) speakers find (context-free) devoicing of geminates more natural than devoicing of OCP-violating singletons, and (iv) speakers find the devoicing of OCP-violating singletons more natural in word-medial position than in word-initial position.},
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:57:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:58:38 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {705--723},
	Title = {Japanese loanword devoicing revisited: a rating study},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Horvath:2011,
	Abstract = {The paper divides verbal alternations which, broadly speaking, involve the cognitive notion of Causation into (i) causativization, (ii) decausativization. The latter operation is identical across languages and applies universally in the lexicon. The former is argued to be lexical in some languages; in others, causative verbs are built in the syntax by means of a Cause predicate and an embedded one. The study presents novel empirical evidence, identifies and derives the various clusters of properties associated with the alternations, and formulates the precise mechanisms underlying them. The empirical array is drawn mainly from Hungarian and Japanese. The findings have direct implications for alternative conceptions of the division of labor between the syntax and the lexicon.},
	Author = {Horvath, Julia and Siloni, Tal},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:56:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:57:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {657--704},
	Title = {Causatives across components},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Giannakidou:2011,
	Abstract = {In this paper, we present a striking parallel between Greek and Korean in the formation and interpretation of metalinguistic comparatives. The initial observation is that both languages show an empirical contrast between ordinary and metalinguistic comparatives realized in two places: (a) in the form of a designated metalinguistic comparative MORE, and (b) in the form of THAN employed. We propose (building on earlier ideas in Giannakidou and Stavrou 2009; Giannakidou and Yoon 2009) that the metalinguistic comparative is subjective and attitudinal, i.e. it introduces the point of view of an individual towards a sentence---and argue that the individual expresses invariably an attitude of preference: she prefers one sentence (the sentence itself, or the proposition it expresses) in a given context over another. The preference may come out as completely negative in certain cases, and this is manifested as yet another MORE lexicalization in Korean (charari), which selects nuni-THAN, which itself carries a negative expressive index (in the sense of Potts 2007b), we will claim. Expressive negativity is not equivalent to negation in syntax, as nuni alone cannot license NPIs that need negation.
If our analysis is correct, it has one important implication that goes beyond just the metalinguistic comparatives in the individual languages we are considering. It allows the generalization that metalinguistic functions in language are indeed part of the grammar. In particular, they are reflexes of grammaticalization of perspective and subjective mode, on a par with predicates of personal taste discussed by Lasersohn (2005, 2008, 2009), mood choice, and similar phenomena. In comparatives, subjective mode is manifested as an attitude of preference, with possible addition of expressive meaning.},
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia and Yoon, Suwon},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:54:46 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:56:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {621--655},
	Title = {The subjective mode of comparison: Metalinguistic comparatives in {G}reek and {K}orean},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Bhatt:2011,
	Abstract = {Degree heads combine with individual (John is taller than [Mary]) as well as clausal arguments (John is taller than [Mary is]). Does the degree head have the same meaning in these two argument structures? Two kinds of answers have been proposed in the literature: I. there is a single meaning where the 2-place degree head combines with a degree predicate, with a reduction operation that derives the DP argument from a degree predicate denoting clausal argument, and II. there are distinct meanings for each argument structure, one combining with an individual denoting DP (3-place degree head) and the other with a degree predicate denoting clause (2-place degree head). We show that languages vary in which of these answers they choose: English goes for option I and Hindi-Urdu and Japanese for versions of option II. Our account of this variation assumes that the crosslinguistic distribution of 2-place and 3-place degree heads is not in itself subject to crosslinguistic parametrization; they are just syntactic projections of the basic meaning of comparison. We advance a specific proposal which derives the differences between the languages from the morphosyntactic properties of `than' and a preference for minimal structure.},
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh and Takahashi, Shoichi},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:53:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:54:18 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {581--620},
	Title = {Reduced and unreduced phrasal comparatives},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Zimmermann:2011,
	Abstract = {Recent optimality-theoretic analyses of fixed segmentism reduplication and root-and-pattern morphology invoke a technique of overwriting: Phonotactic constraints prevent the cooccurrence of an affix with the unmodified reduplicant or base word, and the resulting conflict is resolved by replacing part of the lexical material with the affix (Ussishkin 1999; Alderete et al. 1999). Nevins (2005) claims that this type of approach both overgenerates and undergenerates since it predicts unattested overwriting patterns, and cannot account for specific phenomena in Hebrew and Hindi. In this paper, we show that a substantial part of the overgeneration argument is empirically flawed, and argue that all remaining problems find a straightforward solution in the independently motivated parametrization of optimality-theoretic constraints and a general metacondition on possible constraint rankings.},
	Author = {Zimmermann, Eva and Trommer, Jochen},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:46:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:47:07 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {561--580},
	Title = {Overwriting as optimization},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Smith:2011,
	Abstract = {Evidence from the intonation of wh questions in the Fukuoka dialect of Japanese is used to explore a recent proposal by Richards that the syntax-prosody interface includes a requirement for wh elements and their associated complementizers to be contained in the same phonological phrase. An examination of multiple wh questions and nested wh questions determines that this phrasing requirement originates with the complementizer, not with the wh element.},
	Author = {Smith, Jennifer},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:44:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:45:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {545--559},
	Title = {[+wh] complementizers drive phonological phrasing in {F}ukuoka {J}apanese},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Sandler:2011,
	Abstract = {The division of linguistic structure into a meaningless (phonological) level and a meaningful level of morphemes and words is considered a basic design feature of human language. Although established sign languages, like spoken languages, have been shown to be characterized by this bifurcation, no information has been available about the way in which such structure arises. We report here on a newly emerging sign language, Al-Sayyid Bedouin Sign Language, which functions as a full language but in which a phonological level of structure has not yet emerged. Early indications of formal regularities provide clues to the way in which phonological structure may develop over time.},
	Author = {Sandler, Wendy and Aronoff, Mark and Meir, Irit},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:43:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:44:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {503--543},
	Title = {The gradual emergence of phonological form in a new language},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Marin:2011,
	Abstract = {In this paper, we argue that by making a careful distinction between the notions of inchoativity and telicity, we can gain new insight into how changes of state can be expressed in natural language. Our argument is based on an analysis of Spanish reflexive psychological verbs (SRPVs) such as aburrirse `to be/become bored' and enfadarse `to become angry.' We present diagnostics that clearly support the claim that while these verbs are inchoative, they are not telic, nor do they denote changes of state. Additional tests indicate that these verbs are not dynamic, either; however, we show that they lack dynamicity for different reasons: aburrirse verbs, because they are stative; enfadarse verbs, because they denote truly punctual eventualities. We present a formal semantic analysis using the event ontology proposed in Pi{\~n}{\'o}n (1997). This analysis allows us to capture very naturally the similarities and differences between the two subclasses of SRPVs, to characterize their inchoativity, and to distinguish it from telicity. In addition, it supports a view of the Vendlerian aspectual classes on which the achievement class describes truly punctual eventualities and excludes certain predicates commonly (if not universally) assumed to belong to this class, such as the so-called degree achievement verbs.},
	Author = {Mar{\'\i}n, Rafael and McNally, Louise},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:42:02 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:43:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {467--502},
	Title = {Inchoativity, change of state, and telicity: evidence from {S}panish reflexive psychological verbs},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kimper:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper explores the consequences of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational variant of OT, for local and global phonological variation. Variation is local when each locus within a single form may vary independently, as in French schwa deletion. Variation is global when all loci within a single form must covary, as in labial (de)voicing in Warao. Within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT) with parallel evaluation, only global variation is predicted to exist. In this paper, I  show how implementing a multiple-rankings theory of phonological variation within HS accounts for both local and global variation.},
	Author = {Kimper, Wendell A.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:40:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:41:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {423--465},
	Title = {Locality and globality in phonological variation},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Corver:2011,
	Abstract = {Two strategies of NP-ellipsis have been identified in the literature: (a) the elision strategy, and (b) the pronominalization strategy. The former has been said to be dependent on the presence of inflectional morphology (i.e., agreement) on the adjectival remnant. The latter strategy is used when the adjectival remnant does not carry any inflectional morphology. The aim of this article is to show that there are languages, among which Dutch, where morphological agreement appears to be the licensing factor, but where one-insertion (i.e., the pronominalization strategy) is the actual strategy. We arrive at this conclusion via an in-depth and systematic micro-comparative investigation of NPE in a number of closely related languages and dialects, more specifically: Afrikaans, Frisian, (standard) Dutch and dialectal variants of Dutch. English will be included in our analysis as well, since it is a core example of the pronominalization (i.e., one insertion) strategy. At a more theoretical level, it will be shown on the basis of close inspection of our micro-variation data that the pro-nouns involved in the pronominalization strategy have a composite structure. It will be shown that this decompositional analysis of pro-nouns brings together (i.e., unifies) the elision strategy and the pronominalization strategy. Another outcome of our study will be that languages/dialects may have available more than one NPE strategy.},
	Author = {Corver, Norbert and Koppen, Marjo van},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:34:54 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:36:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {371--421},
	Title = {{NP}-ellipsis with adjectival remnants: a micro-comparative perspective},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Beavers:2011,
	Abstract = {Affectedness---usually construed as a persistent change in or impingement of an event participant---has been implicated in argument realization, lexical aspect, transitivity, and various syntactic operations. However, it is rarely given a precise, independently-motivated definition. Rather, it is often defined intuitively or diacritically, or reduced to the properties it is meant to explain, especially lexical aspect. I propose a semantic analysis of affectedness as a relationship between a theme participant that undergoes a change and a scale participant that measures the change (following Beavers 2008a, 2009 and Kennedy and Levin 2008). I justify this analysis by re-examining the empirical diagnostics for affectedness, and argue that affectedness is not reducible to lexical aspect, but is tightly correlated with it in a way that motivates an analysis involving two interdependent participants. This model also provides a precise way of defining the pervasive notion of degrees of affectedness, as a hierarchy of monotonically weakening truth conditions about the result state of the theme on the scale. This hierarchy further captures important subset relations among predicates regarding affectedness diagnostics, and ultimately brings together many of the above phenomena under a single, unified approach.},
	Author = {Beavers, John},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:33:36 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:34:20 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {335--370},
	Title = {On affectedness},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Truswell:2011,
	Abstract = {I describe a type of relative clause found in 16th--19th century English. This construction, the Relative with a Leftward Island or RLI, is characterised by a cluster of unusual properties. The relative pronoun is a definite, anaphoric pronoun, apparently semantically identical to that found in regular English appositive relatives, but the syntactic structure containing that pronoun is quite distinct from that of regular relative clauses. RLIs are biclausal structures, syntactically independent of the antecedent of the relative pronoun, with the first clause left-adjoined to the second. The relative pronoun occurs at the left edge of the subordinate, left-adjoined clause. I provide a synchronic analysis of this construction, and a sketch of the diachrony of relative clauses around this time, a period in which many constructions emerged, spread to some extent, and then disappeared within a century or so, without ever becoming fully widespread. The analysis offered here touches on many areas of syntactic theory, including island pied-piping, null subjects in non-pro-drop languages, resumption, the distribution of adjoined positions, and properties of movement and binding.},
	Author = {Truswell, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:31:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:32:27 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {291--332},
	Title = {Relatives with a Leftward Island in {E}arly {M}odern {E}nglish},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Jesney:2011,
	Abstract = {In the Optimality-Theoretic learnability and acquisition literature it has been proposed that certain classes of constraints must be biased toward particular rankings (e.g., Markedness ≫ IO-Faithfulness; Specific IO-Faithfulness ≫ General IO-Faithfulness). While sometimes difficult to implement efficiently or comprehensively, these biases are necessary to explain how learners acquire the most restrictive grammar consistent with positive evidence from the target language, and how innovative patterns emerge during the course of child phonological development. This paper demonstrates that altering the mode of constraint interaction from strict ranking as in Optimality Theory to additive weighting as in Harmonic Grammar (HG) reduces the number of classes of constraints that must be distinguished by such biases. Using weighted constraints and a version of the Gradual Learning Algorithm (GLA), the only distinction needed is between Output-based constraints, which must be biased toward high weights, and Input-Output-based constraints, which must be biased toward the lowest weights possible. We implement this distinction within the HG-GLA model by assigning different initial weights and plasticity values to the two classes of constraints. This implementation suffices to ensure that restrictive grammars are learned, and also predicts the emergence of a variety of attested intermediate stages during the course of acquisition.},
	Author = {Jesney, Karen and Tessier, Anne-Michelle},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:29:36 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:30:50 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {251--290},
	Title = {Biases in {H}armonic {G}rammar: the road to restrictive learning},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Jenks:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears some similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with the D-stem and H associated with affixes. This H tone competition is an OCP-driven effect occurring within the macrostem.},
	Author = {Jenks, Peter and Rose, Sharon},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:27:43 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:29:26 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {211--250},
	Title = {High tone in {M}oro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Fanselow:2011,
	Abstract = {In Czech, German, and many other languages, part of the semantic focus of the utterance can be moved to the left periphery of the clause. The main generalization is that only the leftmost accented part of the semantic focus can be moved. We propose that movement to the left periphery is generally triggered by an unspecific edge feature of C (Chomsky 2008) and its restrictions can be attributed to requirements of cyclic linearization, modifying the theory of cyclic linearization developed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). The crucial assumption is that structural accent is a direct consequence of being linearized at merge, thus it is indirectly relevant for (locality restrictions on) movement. The absence of structural accent correlates with givenness. Given elements may later receive (topic or contrastive) accents, which accounts for fronting in multiple focus/contrastive topic constructions. Without any additional assumptions, the model can account for movement of pragmatically unmarked elements to the left periphery (`formal fronting', Frey 2005). Crucially, the analysis makes no reference at all to concepts of information structure in the syntax, in line with the claim of Chomsky (2008) that UG specifies no direct link between syntax and information structure.},
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and Lenertov{\'a}, Denisa},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:25:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:27:01 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--209},
	Title = {Left peripheral focus: mismatches between syntax and information structure},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Dayal:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that Hindi incorporation is, in fact, pseudo-incorporation, involving noun phrases rather than nouns. Furthermore, it shows that there is no requirement that the incorporated nominal surface as a morphological or even a syntactic unit with the verb. Such loosely aligned nominals can nevertheless be identified as incorporation on the basis of semantic intuitions having to do with number interpretation, anaphora, and certain properties typically associated with lexical processes. Contrary to standard assumptions, it is argued that the target of pseudo-incorporation is specified for number. Singular incorporated nominals in Hindi are shown to be semantically singular, with number neutrality arising as a consequence of interaction with aspectual operators. Taking aspectual information into account is also shown to have interesting implications for current approaches to the semantics of incorporation, one in which the incorporated nominal introduces a discourse referent, and one in which it functions as a predicate modifier. A closer look at the effect of aspect on anaphora, for example, does not unequivocally support the predicate modification view of pseudo-incorporation. The paper draws on data from Hungarian, and to some extent Danish, to explore the cross-linguistic applicability of the claims made on the basis of Hindi. Most notably, a distinction between Hungarian verbs with respect to incorporation of bare singulars provides striking confirmation of the claim that number morphology is semantically visible in pseudo-incorporation. It also addresses restrictions on the productivity of pseudo-incorporation in light of the proposed analysis of pseudo-incorporation.},
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:23:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:24:23 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {123--167},
	Title = {Hindi Pseudo-incorporation},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Caponigro:2011,
	Abstract = {Abstract This paper documents and analyzes the pattern used in the Northwest Caucasian language Adyghe (Circassian) to express what the following five different constructions convey in other languages: headed and headless relative clauses, embed- ded declaratives, embedded polar interrogatives, and embedded constituent interrog- atives. We argue that Adyghe encodes the meanings of all these embedded structures by means of the same syntactic construction, a relative clause. This pervasive use of relative clauses is possible due to mechanisms that are independently attested not just in Adyghe but also in more familiar languages like English. These mechanisms include concealed questions, polarity operators, and nominals such as fact and question that can connect propositional attitude verbs or interrogative verbs with embedded clauses. We suggest that this extensive use of relative clauses in Adyghe is triggered by the absence of non-relative complementizer. We further show that this use is facilitated by their morphological visibility: a relativizer realized as a prefix on the verb, verbal affixation, a rich system of applicative heads hosting indirect arguments, and the availability of a case marker suffixed to headless relatives. We conclude by discussing the implications of the Adyghe system for the general design of embedding and subordination in natural language.},
	Author = {Caponigro, Ivano and Polinsky, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:20:46 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:21:53 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {71--122},
	Title = {Relative embeddings: A {C}ircassian puzzle for the syntax/semantics interface},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Brasoveanu:2011,
	Abstract = {Understanding a linguistic theory within OT requires an exact character- ization of the ranking conditions necessitated by data. These conditions determine the formal shape of the grammar while providing the crucial link between the data and its interpretation. We introduce an algorithm (`Fusional Reduction', FRed) which calculates the necessary and sufficient ranking conditions inherent in any collection of candidates and presents them in a maximally concise and informative way. The algorithm, stemming from the original proposal of Brasoveanu 2003, is set within the fusional ERC theory of Prince 2002a. In this context, the Most Informative Basis and the Skeletal Basis emerge as the two important types of reduced repre- sentations of ranking structure. We examine their properties and show how FRed produces them from data. Fine-grained FRed is compared with broad-stroke RCD (Tesar and Smolensky 1993, Tesar 1995 et seq.), and RCD is reinterpreted and em- braced within FRed as a simplified, information-losing sub-case. Finally, FRed is compared with other related algorithms in structure, worst-case complexity, and rel- evance to the analytical enterprise. This paper revises Brasoveanu and Prince 2005, 2007; Prince and Brasoveanu 2010 gives a more formal perspective, with proof of the theorems.},
	Author = {Brasoveanu, Adrian and Prince, Alan},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:19:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:20:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--70},
	Title = {Ranking and necessity: The Fusional Reduction Algorithm},
	Volume = {29},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Pirvulescu:2012,
	Abstract = {In French, the acquisition of object clitics seems delayed, and omissions are documented. In this article, we look at the experimental paradigm traditionally used to elicit object clitics and propose a new elicitation procedure that is closer to how clitics are produced in spontaneous production. We show that under the proposed new experiment, the results in elicited production align with those in spontaneous production, and omission of object clitics is minimal. We briefly outline the implications for the analysis of the omission phenomenon.},
	Author = {Pirvulescu, Mihaela and Hill, Virginia},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:11:46 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:12:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {73--81},
	Title = {Object Clitic Omission in {F}rench-Speaking Children: Effects of the Elicitation Task},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Anderssen:2012,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the acquisition of object shift in Norwegian child language. We show that object shift is complex derivationally, distributionally, and referentially, and propose a new analysis in terms of IP-internal topicalization. The results of an elicited production study with 27 monolingual Norwegian-speaking children (ages 4;05--7;00) reveal a prolonged delay in the acquisition of object shift with topical individuated pronominal objects. At the same time, we observe target-like placement and prosodic marking of contrastive, possessive, and indefinite pronouns, which do not shift. In our account of the observed delay we refer to the complexity models proposed by Yang (2002, 2004, 2005, 2010) and Hudson Kam & Newport (2005, 2009). In light of Yang's productivity model we argue that not shifting object pronouns is the rule, and OS is the exception. In light of Hudson Kam & Newport's approach to complexity, we argue that the children perceive OS as an inconsistent operation.},
	Author = {Anderssen, Merete and Bentzen, Kristine and Rodina, Yulia},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:09:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:10:56 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--72},
	Title = {Topicality and Complexity in the Acquisition of {N}orwegian Object Shift},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Shin:2012,
	Abstract = {To investigate the development of the NP selection process, preferences for overt or null Spanish subject pronouns were elicited from 139 children (5;09 to 15;08) and 30 adults in Mexico. Partici- pants were told stories in which consecutive grammatical subjects shared the same referent (same- reference), or did not (switch-reference). In the stories, overt pronouns in same-reference were redundant, and null pronouns in switch-reference rendered reference ambiguous. Adult participants preferred null pronouns in same-reference contexts and overt pronouns in switch-reference contexts, demonstrating an avoidance of redundancy and ambiguity. Children demonstrated a tolerance for redundancy well into adolescence. A tolerance for ambiguous reference declined at age eight/nine and then progressively decreased with age. We interpret the tolerance for ambiguity as an indication that children have difficulty with perspective taking when faced with complex structures and tasks.},
	Author = {Shin, Naomi Lapidus and Cairns, Helen Smith},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:07:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:08:46 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--38},
	Title = {The Development of {NP} Selection in School-Age Children: Reference and {S}panish Subject Pronouns},
	Volume = {19},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Ettlinger:2011,
	Abstract = {The correct use of an affix, such as the English plural suffix, may reflect mastery of a morphological process, but it may also depend on children's syntactic, semantic, and phonological abilities. The present article reports a set of experiments in support of this latter view, specifically focusing on the importance of the phonological make-up of plural forms for both production and comprehension. In Experiments 1 and 2, plural productions were elicited from 80 two-year-old children for nouns with codas with varying phonological properties. The results provide evidence that production of the plural morpheme is partly governed by the complexity of the coda and its sonority. Experiments 3 and 4 show that these constraints on codas hold for comprehension as well, suggesting that this effect is not simply articulatory, but also impacts the morphophonology of the plural.},
	Author = {Ettlinger, Marc and Zapf, Jennifer},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:05:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:06:26 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {294--313},
	Title = {The Role of Phonology in Children's Acquisition of the Plural},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Berent:2011,
	Abstract = {Across languages, onsets with large sonority distances are preferred to those with smaller distances (e.g., bw>bd>lb; Greenberg 1978). Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 2004) attributes such facts to grammatical restrictions that are universally active in all grammars. To test this hypothesis, here we examine whether children extend putatively universal sonority restrictions to onsets unattested in their language. Participants (M D 4;03) were presented with pairs of auditory words---either identical (e.g., lbif!lbif) or epenthetically related (e.g., lbif!lebif)---and asked to judge their identity. Results showed that, like adults, children's ability to detect epenthetic distortions was monotonically related to sonority distance (bw>bd>lb), and their performance was inexplicable by several statistical and phonetic factors. These findings suggest that sonority restrictions are active in early childhood, and their scope is broad.},
	Author = {Berent, Iris and Harder, Katherine and Lennertz, Tracy},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:03:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:04:37 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {281--293},
	Title = {Phonological Universals in Early Childhood: Evidence from Sonority Restrictions},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Ionin:2011,
	Abstract = {English uses three types of generic NPs: bare plurals (Lions are dangerous), definite singulars (The lion is dangerous), and indefinite singulars (A lion is dangerous). These three NP types are not interchangeable: definite singulars and bare plurals can have generic reference at the NP- level, while indefinite singulars are compatible only with sentence-level genericity. This study investigates whether L1-Russian and L1-Korean L2-English learners, whose article-less L1s do not morphologically encode the distinction between the two types of genericity, can distinguish between the different types of English generics. The results of a written acceptability judgment task with intermediate/advanced L2-learners showed that the learners exhibited sensitivity to the two types of genericity. They were target-like on their interpretation of bare plural and indefinite singular generics, but had not acquired the interpretation of definite singular generics. Theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.},
	Author = {Ionin, Tania and Montrul, Silvina and Kim, Ji-Hye and Philippov, Vadim},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 18:00:40 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 18:02:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {242--280},
	Title = {Genericity Distinctions and the Interpretation of Determiners in Second Language Acquisition},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Zukowski:2011,
	Abstract = {Previous research has suggested that very young children learning English adhere quite rigidly to a grammatical constraint on the possible contexts for contraction of want and to into the reduced form wanna. Two elicited production studies reported here suggest that young children do produce wanna in illicit contexts. One study identifies one factor that offers a partial explanation for the conflicting results, but this factor alone does not completely explain the earlier nearly categorical results observed for children. Our findings cast doubt on the claim that children have innate knowledge of a categorical constraint against contraction over a trace or of any absolute constraint on the occurrence of wanna, and highlight the need for further developmental work.},
	Author = {Zukowski, Andrea and Larsen, Jaiva},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:58:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:59:52 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {211--241},
	Title = {Wanna Contraction in Children: Retesting and Revising the Developmental Facts},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Gutierrez-Mangado:2011,
	Abstract = {The investigation of the comprehension of L1 relative clauses across different languages has shown that subject relatives (SRs) are acquired earlier and responded to more accurately than object relatives (ORs). Most of this work has been based on SVO nominative-absolutive languages. In this article we present the results obtained in a binary picture-sentence matching task from L1 Basque, a highly inflected, ergative-absolutive, SOV language with prenominal relatives. The results obtained reveal that in Basque, ORs are responded to more accurately than SRs, which indicates that children do not comprehend SRs with more accuracy universally. The results are discussed in the light of different hypotheses put forward in the literature in order to account for the previously observed SR preference.},
	Author = {Gutierrez-Mangado, M. Juncal},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:55:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:56:48 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {176--201},
	Title = {Children's Comprehension of Relative Clauses in an Ergative Language: The Case of {B}asque},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Grebenyova:2011,
	Abstract = {This article presents the results of four studies exploring the acquisition of the language-specific syntactic and semantic properties of multiple interrogatives in English, Russian, and Malayalam, languages that behave differently with respect to the syntax and semantics of multiple interrogatives. A corpus analysis investigated the frequency of occurrence of multiple interrogatives in parental speech, demonstrating that children face quite limited evidence in the input. It was followed with studies where multiple interrogatives were elicited from children and adults in specific contexts in English, Russian, and Malayalam. Children acquiring English and Malayalam demonstrated perfect knowledge of the properties of multiple questions, while Russian-acquiring children exhibited some difficulties with the language-specific syntax of these expressions. The learning process of multiple interrogatives is explored, considering several sources of evidence children are getting in the input.},
	Author = {Grebenyova, Lydia},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:53:55 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:58:11 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {139--175},
	Title = {Acquisition of Multiple Questions in {E}nglish, {R}ussian, and {M}alayalam},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Franck:2011,
	Abstract = {One major controversy in the field of language development concerns the nature of children's early representations of word order. While studies using preferential looking methods suggest that children as early as 20 months represent word order as an abstract, grammatical property, experiments using the Weird Word Order (WWO) paradigm suggest that it is represented as a lexical property until age four. In order to shed light on these contradictions, two types of arguments are developed. First, it is argued that the observations taken to support the lexical hypothesis, based on the WWO paradigm, have been incorrectly interpreted. Second, an experiment is reported using the standard WWO paradigm with minimal changes in the design. Two groups of French children were contrasted (mean ages 2;11 and 3;11). Both groups were found to (i) reproduce WWO at a similar, low rate; (ii) correct WWO at a similar rate, even with pseudo-verbs; (iii) reuse the grammatical, SVO order significantly more often than WWO; and (iv) produce grammatical markers, indicating productive use, in grammatical sentences only. We conclude that empirical evidence converges to support the grammatical hypothesis.},
	Author = {Franck, Julie and Millotte, Severine and Lassotta, Romy},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:51:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:52:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {121--135},
	Title = {Early Word Order Representations: Novel Arguments Against Old Contradictions},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Pearl:2011,
	Abstract = {Parametric systems have been proposed as models of how humans represent knowledge about language, motivated in part as a way to explain children's rapid acquisition of linguistic knowledge. Given this, it seems reasonable to examine if children with knowledge of parameters could in fact acquire the adult system from the data available to them. That is, we explore an argument from acquisition for this knowledge representation. We use the English metrical phonology system as a nontrivial case study and test several computational models of unbiased probabilistic learners. Special attention is given to the modeled learners' input and the psychological plausibility of the model components in order to consider the learning problem from the perspective of children ac- quiring their native language. We find that such cognitively inspired unbiased probabilistic learners uniformly fail to acquire the English grammar proposed in recent metrical studies from English child-directed speech, suggesting that probabilistic learning alone is insufficient to acquire the correct grammar when using this parametric knowledge representation. Several potential sources of this failure are discussed, along with their implications for the parametric knowledge representation and the trajectory of acquisition for English metrical phonology.},
	Author = {Pearl, Lisa S.},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:48:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:49:58 +0000},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {87--120},
	Title = {When Unbiased Probabilistic Learning Is Not Enough: Acquiring Parametric System of Metrical Phonology},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Zimmerman:2011,
	Abstract = {The article investigates the functional architecture of complex pronominal quantifying expressions (PQEs) in Low German, such as jeder-een `everyone' and keen-een `no-one', which provide overt evidence for a Num-projection, situated between the NP- and DP-layer. The feature specification of Num as [+lattice] or [−lattice] is responsible for whether the DP denotes into the domain of atomic or mass/plural entities, respectively. In the case of complex PQEs, the syntactic Num-head hosts the overt element een `a, one', which carries a [−lattice] feature, thus ensuring that the PQE ranges exclusively over the domain of atomic entities, but not mass or plural entities. The Num-head een differs from its simplex counterpart wat `something', which is analyzed as an NP-proform with an underspecified [lattice]-feature. As a result, wat can range over atomic and mass domains alike. In the final part of the article, it is argued that wat is also underspecified for the operator feature [rel/wh], for which reason it can also function as an interrogative expression (what) and as a relative pronoun (which), respectively, depending on the syntactic context. Throughout the article, the Low German data are compared with relevant data from other German dialects and Germanic and Romance languages, pointing out similarities and differences in the syntactic structure and feature content of PQEs across these languages and dialects.},
	Author = {Zimmerman, Malte},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:41:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:43:24 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {203--240},
	Title = {On the functional architecture of {DP} and the feature of content of pronominal quantifiers in {L}ow {G}erman},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Belder:2011a,
	Abstract = {This paper contributes to our understanding of countability in two ways. First, I derive the various mass and count readings from the interaction between two syntactic features, viz. [Div] (which creates countable items, cf. Borer 2005) and [Size] (which creates units). Second, I show how crosslinguistic variation in the expression of countability can be reduced to whether [Div] and [Size] each head their own projection or are combined on a single syntactic head (cf. Thr{\'a}insson 1996; Bobaljik and Thr{\'a}insson, Syntax, 1: 37-71, 1998). Finally, I discuss the various Germanic morphemes that can realize the [Size] feature.},
	Author = {Belder, Marijke De},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:40:05 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:41:40 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {173--202},
	Title = {A morphosyntactic decomposition of countability in {G}ermanic},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Zeijlstra:2011,
	Abstract = {Negative Indefinites (NIs) in languages such as Dutch and German may give rise to split-scope readings. Sentences like German Du must keine Krawatte anziehen (`you must wear no tie') have a reading where the modal takes scope in between the negation and the indefinite. In this paper I argue that West Germanic NIs are not negative quantifiers (in the Montegovian sense), but complex syntactic structures that consist of an abstract negative operator and an indefinite that are spelled out as a single word. Split-scope effects result from application of the copy theory of movement. I argue that in split-scope constructions, though they are spelled out as a single word, after Quantifier Raising the negative operator is interpreted in a higher copy and the indefinite in a lower copy of the NI. Furthermore I demonstrate that alternative analyses that take NIs in Dutch and German to be negative quantifiers, n-words, or the result of amalgamation or incorporation processes face problems that the analysis presented in this paper does not encounter.},
	Author = {Zeijlstra, Hedde},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:37:45 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:39:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--138},
	Title = {On the syntactically complex status of negative indefinites},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Putnam:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper pursues a minimalist analysis of the s-inflection that appears as an enclitic on the all in certain dialects of Midwestern American English; a construction called the alls-construction by Putnam & van Koppen (2009). Following Putnam & van Koppen, we demonstrate that the inter-clausal aspects of the alls-construction can be accounted for via Probe-Goal (Agree) relations similar in many respects to the generative treatment of C(omplementizer)-agreement in West Germanic languages and dialects. Regarding the intra-clausal dimension of this construction, based on the discussion of Den Dikken et al. (2000), we demonstrate that the alls-construction is most accurately described as a Type-A specificational pseudocleft. The analysis of the alls-construction developed here unites both the inter- and intra-clausal aspects of this construction in a parsimonious way.},
	Author = {Putnam, Michael T. and Koppen, Marjo van},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:34:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:37:00 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic LinguisticsJ},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {81--109},
	Title = {All there is to know about the \emph{alls}-construction},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kristoffersen:2011,
	Abstract = {This article discusses the transition from a system with contrastive, segmental quantity in Old Norse into the present day system characterizing most Norwegian and Swedish dialects, where stressed syllables are obligatorily bimoraic. Starting with variation within East Norwegian, two intermediate varieties between Old Norse and the modern system are identified, and the four varieties are then related to each other by means of constraint reranking within an Optimality Theory analysis. A full factorial typology based on the four constraints involved is then developed. This renders four possible intermediate stages between Old Norse and the modern system, of which two are attested in East Norwegian. When the scope subsequently is widened to all varieties of Norwegian and Swedish, it is shown that all the intermediate varieties predicted by the analysis are attested. More importantly, no other varieties than those predicted seem to exist, even if such varieties can be construed. This suggests that the grammar developed to account for the changes not only is empirically adequate, but also has explanatory value.},
	Author = {Kristoffersen, Gjert},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:33:23 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:37:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {47--80},
	Title = {Quantity in {O}ld {N}orse and modern peninsular {N}orth {G}ermanic},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Ott:2011a,
	Abstract = {In German, mass nouns can be turned into count nouns by means of two alternative strategies: either by using them in connection with a numeral classifier, or by adding the diminutive morpheme (-chen). In this paper, I argue that the two strategies are structurally exactly parallel, with both kinds of elements (numeral classifiers and diminutive -chen) being exponents of an individuating functional head. The (superficial) difference is that -chen--- which I show is a clitic-like element---triggers obligatory movement of the nominalized root to its Spec. By contrast, this movement is optional with a (non-deficient) numeral classifier, yielding both `analytic' and `compound' forms. The picture that emerges from the discussion is a unified analysis of count structures in German.},
	Author = {Ott, Dennis},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-31 17:31:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-31 17:32:09 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--46},
	Title = {Diminutive-formation in {G}erman},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@incollection{Sauerland:2008b,
	Address = {Berlin, Germany},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {The Discourse Potential of Underspecified Structures},
	Editor = {Steube, Anita},
	Pages = {581--600},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Implicated presuppositions},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{AnderBois:2010,
	Author = {AnderBois, Scott},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of SALT XX},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-25 22:01:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-25 22:04:56 +0000},
	Editor = {Li, Nan and Lutz, David},
	Pages = {451--470},
	Title = {Sluicing as Anaphora to Issues},
	Year = {2010}}

@techreport{Beecher:2006,
	Author = {Beecher, Henry},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-25 21:59:03 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-25 22:00:05 +0000},
	Institution = {University of California, San Diego},
	Title = {Pragmatic Licensing of Sluiced Prepositional Phrases},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Stalnaker:2002,
	Author = {Stalnaker, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-11 21:12:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-11 21:16:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {701--721},
	Title = {Common Ground},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Geuder:2002,
	Author = {Geuder, Wilhelm},
	Date-Added = {2012-03-04 20:11:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-03-04 20:12:08 +0000},
	School = {Universit{\"a}t T{\"u}bingen},
	Title = {Oriented Adverbs: Issues in the Lexical Semantics of Event Adverbs},
	Year = {2002}}

@book{Belder:2011,
	Author = {Belder, Marijke De},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:50:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:51:28 +0000},
	Publisher = {Landelijke Onderzoeckschool Taalwetenschap},
	Title = {Roots and Affixes: Eliminating Lexical Categories from Syntax},
	Year = {2011}}

@book{Heringa:2011,
	Author = {Heringa, Herman},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:49:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:50:23 +0000},
	Publisher = {Landelijke Onderzoeckschool Taalwetenschap},
	Title = {Appositional Constructions},
	Year = {2011}}

@book{Kahnemuyipour:2009,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Kahnemuyipour, Arsalan},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:47:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:48:59 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics},
	Title = {The Syntax of Sentential Stress},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Reuland:2011,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Reuland, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:45:07 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:47:26 +0000},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Anaphora and Language Design},
	Year = {2011}}

@book{Buring:2005b,
	Author = {B{\"u}ring, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:44:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:44:58 +0000},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Series = {Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics},
	Title = {Binding Theory},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Manetta:2012,
	Abstract = {In the most recent account of rightward displacement in Hindi-Urdu, Bhatt and Dayal (2007) claim that all postverbal constituents are derived via rightward movement of a remnant VP. In this article, I argue that the remnant-VP approach does not allow us to make distinctions between the positioning requirements of DPs and CPs. I propose an account of rightward scrambling (following Mahajan 1988) that cap- tures the correlation in Hindi-Urdu between scope and linear order, and I claim that finite complement CPs do not undergo scrambling, but are instead obligatorily aligned to the right edge of their containing clause at the level of PF.},
	Author = {Manetta, Emily},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:38:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:39:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--74},
	Title = {Reconsidering Rightward Scrambling: Postverbal Constituents in {H}indi-{U}rdu},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Harves:2012,
	Abstract = {A survey of a number of the world's languages reveals that only those languages that have a transitive verb used to express possession (i.e., Have-languages) also have a transitive verb `need'. No Be-language lacking a transitive verb for possession has a transitive verb `need'. This generalization suggests a Hale and Keyser (1993, 2002)--style incorporation approach, whereby nominal `need' incorporates to an unpronounced verbal HAVE, yielding transitive verbal `need'.},
	Author = {Harves, Stephanie and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:36:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:37:58 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {120--132},
	Title = {Having `Need' and Needing 'Have'},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Berent:2012,
	Abstract = {A computational model by Hayes and Wilson (2008) seemingly captures a diverse range of phonotactic phenomena without variables, contrasting with the presumptions of many formal theories. Here, we examine the plausibility of this approach by comparing generalizations of identity restrictions by this architecture and human learners. Whereas humans generalize identity restrictions broadly, to both native and nonnative phonemes, the original model and several related variants failed to generalize to nonnative phonemes. In contrast, a revised model equipped with variables more closely matches human behavior. These findings suggest that, like syntax, phonological grammars are endowed with algebraic relations among variables that support across- the-board generalizations.},
	Author = {Berent, Iris and Wilson, Colin and Marcus, Gary F. and Bemis, Douglas K.},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:35:03 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:36:37 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {97--119},
	Title = {On the Role of Variables in Phonology: Remarks on {H}ayes and {W}ilson 2008},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Barrie:2012,
	Author = {Barrie, Michael and Mathieu, {\'E}ric},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:33:58 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:34:57 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {133--142},
	Title = {Head Movement and Noun Incorporation},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Ackema:2012,
	Abstract = {Benmamoun and Lorimor (2006) dispute the claim made in Ackema and Neeleman 2003 that certain agreement alternations in Standard Arabic, and various related phenomena, can successfully be analyzed in terms of postsyntactic spell-out rules that are sensitive to prosodic structure. In this reply, we argue that the data discussed by Benmamoun and Lorimor do not warrant their conclusion, and in fact provide further evidence in favor of our original analysis.},
	Author = {Ackema, Peter and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:32:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:33:32 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--96},
	Title = {Agreement Weakening at {PF}: A Reply to {B}enmamoun and {L}orimor},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Aguero-Bautista:2012,
	Abstract = {It is generally assumed that the weak crossover (WCO) effect arises when an operator fails to bind a pronoun that stands in a particular syntactic configuration with the given operator. In this article, I introduce a new kind of crossover effect in which the binding dependencies of two different operators work in tandem to yield the given effect. The new effect is radically different from the traditional crossover cases, which involve the binding dependency of just one operator. I show that theories that define the WCO principle as a condition regulating the binding of pronouns cannot account for the new effect. I also show that to account for all the varieties of crossover effects, the WCO principle must be defined as a condition regulating the semantic relation of dependence and must make use of the notion of Spell-Out domain discussed by Chomsky (2001, 2004).},
	Author = {Ag{\"u}ero-Bautista, Calixto},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:31:21 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:32:25 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--41},
	Title = {Team Weak Crossover},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Larson:2012,
	Author = {Larson, Bradley},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:30:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:31:07 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {143--150},
	Title = {A Dilemma with Accounts of {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising},
	Volume = {43},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Roelofsen:2011,
	Author = {Roelofsen, Floris},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:28:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:29:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {682--697},
	Title = {Free Variable Economy},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Morzycki:2011,
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:26:20 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:27:57 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {671--682},
	Title = {Quantification Galore},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Shlonsky:2011,
	Abstract = {Why and its counterparts in some languages are argued to be externally merged in a low left-peripheral specifier of a dedicated functional category and subsequently moved to a criterial position higher in the left-peripheral space. The analysis considers both short- and long-distance construals of why, asymmetries of why-extraction in finite and nonfinite complement clauses, the position of `why' in a multiple wh-movement language like Romanian, and the differences between why and how come. The analysis sharpens the formal differences between movement to a criterial position and movement out of cyclic domains via escape hatches.},
	Author = {Shlonsky, Ur and Soare, Gabriela},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:24:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:25:43 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {651--669},
	Title = {Where's `Why'?},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Harbour:2011,
	Abstract = {The semantic basis and morphosyntactic reflexes of Kiowa-Tanoan noun classification are perspicuously captured in a system with three bivalent number features: [+-singular], [+-augmented], [+-group]. Privative analyses of the same facts require, inter alia, features without semantic motivation, syntactic mechanisms that violate Inclusivity, and feature annotation reminiscent of bivalence. The semantic atoms of number are, therefore, bivalent.},
	Author = {Harbour, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:23:19 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:24:24 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {561--594},
	Title = {Valence and Atomic Number},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Iatridou:2011,
	Abstract = {Lasnik (1999) has claimed that NegDPs in derived subject position cannot be interpreted in the embedded clause and do not undergo A-chain reconstruction. We show that with a well-defined set of predi- cates, including deontic modals and raising predicates, scope diminishment of NegDP is observed. We argue, nevertheless, that scope diminishment in these cases is not produced by A-chain reconstruction. We also show that A-chain reconstruction of the indefinite part is possible. We conclude that the claim that NegDP does not undergo reconstruc- tion reduces to the observation that the negative ingredient cannot reconstruct, and we suggest why this should be so. If we are correct, the analysis removes an obstacle to the view that A-chains exhibit syntactic reconstruction.},
	Author = {Iatridou, Sabine and Sichel, Ivy},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:21:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:23:04 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {595--629},
	Title = {Negative {DP}s {A}-Movement, and Scope Diminishment},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kaplan:2011,
	Abstract = {This article argues that some ostensible advantages of Optimality The- ory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) over classic OT are actually liabil- ities. OT-CC correctly predicts that Chamorro umlaut occurs only when trigger and target are adjacent. But OT-CC is incompatible with similar phenomena like Central Venetan metaphony, and attempts to modify OT-CC to produce metaphony impair the theory's handling of umlaut. Classic OT provides a superior approach: constraints grounded in prominence asymmetries produce the umlaut facts, and there is no conflict with analyses of metaphony. This result suggests that despite OT-CC's advancements in treatments of opacity, the theory's machinery remains inadequate in important ways.},
	Author = {Kaplan, Aaron},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:20:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:21:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {631--650},
	Title = {Harmonic Improvement without Candidate Chains in Chamorro},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Donati:2011,
	Abstract = {A tenet of any version of phrase structure theory is that a lexical item can transmit its label when merged with another category. We assume that if it is internally merged, a lexical item can turn a clause into a nominal phrase. If the relabeling lexical item is a wh-word, a free relative results; if it is an N, a full relative results; if it is a non-wh D, a pseudorelative results. It follows that the head of a relative construction cannot be more complex than a lexical item. We show massive evidence that when it is otherwise (e.g., the book about Obama that you bought), the modifier is late-merged after the noun has moved and relabeled the structure.},
	Author = {Donati, Caterina and Cecchetto, Carlo},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:18:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:20:08 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {519--560},
	Title = {Relabeling Heads: A Unified Account for Relativization Structures},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Almotahari:2011,
	Author = {Almotahari, Mahrad},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:16:23 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:17:39 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {509--517},
	Title = {An Antinomy about Anaphora},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Tanaka:2011,
	Abstract = {On the basis of an asymmetry between VP-deletion and pseudogapping, Merchant (2008a) concludes that ellipsis is conditioned by syntax. This article demonstrates that both pseudogapping and VP-deletion potentially allow voice mismatch. The unacceptable cases of voice mismatch in these constructions are attributed to a discourse factor (Kehler 2000, 2002). Nevertheless, since sluicing does not allow voice mismatch (Merchant 2001, 2007) even in the same context that allows voice mismatch in VP-ellipsis, Merchant's (2007, 2008a) conclusion is still valid. A syntactic condition on ellipsis is proposed, based on a semantic condition from Takahashi and Fox 2005. Kehler's discourse explanation is phrased in a revised format.},
	Author = {Tanaka, Hidekazu},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:14:49 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:16:06 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {470--490},
	Title = {Voice Mismatch and Syntactic Identity},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Watanabe:2011,
	Abstract = {Corver (2009) accounts for the postadjectival placement of the measure phrase in Romance by preposing the adjectival phrase over the measure phrase. I show that this movement serves to avoid violating locality when the T head tries to enter into a multiple agreement relation with the adjective as well as with the subject. I also suggest that the feature content of the potentially intervening measure phrase influences the range of parametric options.},
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:13:41 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:14:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {490--507},
	Title = {Adjectival Inflection and the Position of Measure Phrases},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Steddy:2011,
	Abstract = {We propose an analysis that derives Cinque's (2005) typology of linear orders involving a demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun through four Optimality Theory constraints requiring leftward align- ment of these items. We show that remnant movement is ungrammatical whenever it produces universally suboptimal alignments, compared with remnant-movement-free structures. Any movement is permitted, but only the best alignment configurations surface as grammatical. We also show that Cinque's original analysis must encode the structural derivations of all attested orders as parametric values of the associated languages. Our analysis need not make similar structural stipulations, as the different attested structures emerge from constraint reranking.},
	Author = {Steddy, Sam and Samek-Lodovici, Vieri},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:11:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:12:51 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {445--469},
	Title = {On the Ungrammaticality of Remnant Movement in the Derivation of Greenberg's Universal 20},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Moro:2011,
	Abstract = {Why must a coordinative head show up before an adverbial wh-phrase in situ in Italian? In this article, I explore this rather neglected fact, showing that it reveals an otherwise hidden structure. More specifically, I propose that the coordinative head does not directly merge with the wh-phrase it precedes; rather, it takes a full clausal complement, inducing remnant movement and stranding of the highest wh-phrase. This configuration yields the observed word order and explains many properties of these constructions by means of independent locality conditions. I argue that it is a rescue strategy languages may adopt to meet a structural property of the left periphery, and I address some questions that the comparative perspective raises.},
	Author = {Moro, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:10:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:11:42 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {389--411},
	Title = {Clause Structure Folding and the ``Wh-in-Situ Effect''},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Nevins:2011a,
	Abstract = {This article discusses morphological markedness as a trigger and target of postsyntactic feature-deletion operations (impoverishment; Bobaljik 2003, Bonet 1991, Halle 1997, Halle and Marantz 1993, Harley 2008, Noyer 1992, 1998) and, taking number as a case study, argues that dual is more marked than plural, in accordance with traditional and more recent approaches to inflectional morphology. In a system that employs abstract binary features, dual may be represented by a combination of the features [-singular,-augmented] (Conklin 1962, Noyer 1992), and the feature [-augmented] is marked in the context of [-singular]. This article draws a formal distinction between markedness- targeted impoverishment and markedness-triggered impoverishment, arguing that the latter is an important diagnostic for morphological markedness. Exemplification comes from syncretisms either directed at or conditioned by the dual in S{\'a}mi, Sorbian, Slovenian, Warlpiri, and Zuni, the last of which has been argued by Cowper (2005) to show that dual is less marked than plural.},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:08:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:10:19 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {413--444},
	Title = {Marked Targets versus Marked Triggers and Impoverishment of the Dual},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Hartman:2011,
	Abstract = {This article presents an argument from ellipsis parallelism that traces of all types of movement receive a bound variable interpretation at LF. MaxElide, a constraint on ellipsis, is used to probe the size of parallelism domains and detect the semantic contribution of a variety of traces. The data examined reveal a detailed interaction between wh-movement from various positions, T-to-C movement, and move- ment of subjects. I offer an analysis based on the overlapping variable- binder relationships created by these movements. The theoretical con- clusion is that A'-, A-, and head movement all produce traces that feed interpretation. This conclusion argues directly against several proposals that deprive non-A' movements of (certain) semantic effects---for example, proposals that head movement occurs at PF, or that A-movement does not leave traces.},
	Author = {Hartman, Jeremy},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 17:05:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:07:39 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {367--388},
	Title = {The Semantic Uniformity of Traces: Evidence from Ellipsis Parallelism},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Panagiotidis:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper takes a comparative look at idiosyncratic instances of mixed categories in Korean, Japanese, Hebrew, and Greek, arguing them to be genuine mixed projections, despite their inability to function as arguments---which in turn is a well-known characteristic of mixed projections, such as English gerunds. After their syntactic behavior is examined, it is argued that these nonargumental mixed projections are embedded within prepositional phrases headed by (null) temporal prepositions. This derives their peculiar properties while successfully capturing the differences between them and purely verbal/clausal projections such as infinitivals.},
	Author = {Panagiotidis, E. Phoevos},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:59:45 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:01:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {165--182},
	Title = {Nonargumental Mixed Projections},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hiraiwa:2010a,
	Abstract = {It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell-Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, ``remnant movement'' just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling.},
	Author = {Hiraiwa, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:56:37 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:59:16 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {133--164},
	Title = {Scrambling to the Edge},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Baker:2010a,
	Abstract = {The Ibibio language has the special property that agreement with a single grammatical subject can appear multiple times in the same clause. After showing that this is a general phenomenon in the language, we argue that every verbal functional head in Ibibio---Aspect, Auxiliary, Mood, and Participle, as well as Tense---acts as a probe, capable of initiating an Agree relationship. Furthermore, a close comparison of agreement in indicative, subjunctive, negative, and infinitival clauses shows that these functional heads do not agree with the subject directly; rather each agrees with the next highest functional head within the extended projection. The facts of Ibibio thus point toward a version of Chomsky's theory of Agree in which any functional head can be the probe in an agreement relation, and any functional head can be the goal in such a relation.},
	Author = {Baker, Mark and Willie, Willie Udo},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:54:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:56:39 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--132},
	Title = {Agreement in {I}bibio: From Every Head to Every Head},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Cecchetto:2010,
	Abstract = {In this paper, we critically reexamine the two algorithms that govern phrase structure building according to Chomsky (2008). We replace them with a unique algorithm, the Probing Algorithm, which states that the Probe of any kind of Merge always provides the label. In addition to capturing core cases of phrase structure building, this algorithm sheds light on Principle C effects and on the syntax of wh-constructions, which we analyze as cases of conflict between two Probes. In these two configurations a lexical item (which should become the label, being endowed with an Edge Feature that qualifies it by definition as a Probe) is merged with a syntactic object that, being the probe of the operation, should also become the label. In one case, this conflict produces two alternative outputs (a question or a free relative) that are both acceptable. In Principle C configurations, one of the resulting outputs (the one where the lexical item ``wins'') produces an object that is not interpretable. This way, Principle C effects are reduced to cases of mislabeling, with no need to postulate a specific condition to rule them out.},
	Author = {Cecchetto, Carlo and Donati, Caterina},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:53:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:54:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {241--278},
	Title = {On Labeling: Principle {C} and Head Movement},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kramer:2010,
	Abstract = {The definite marker in Amharic has an unusually complex pattern of distribution---its position varies depending on whether the DP contains an adjective, a relative clause, multiple adjuncts, a demonstrative, or just a noun. In this paper, a minimalist/Distributed Morphology analysis of the definite marker is developed based on the idea that the definite marker is the realization of D when it is obligatory, and the reflex of a definiteness agreement process when it is optional. Evidence is presented that D undergoes the morphological operation Local Dislocation (Embick & Noyer 2001) in Amharic, and that Local Dislocation is subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition---the definite marker cannot attach within a phase that has been previously spelled out. Definiteness agreement, however, does not seem to respect phase impenetrability, which leads to the suggestion that phase impenetrability is only relevant after Linearization. From a broader perspective, the paper explores the effect of minimalist assumptions about syntactic cyclicity (cyclic spell-out by phase, phase impenetrability) on the cyclicity of morphological operations.},
	Author = {Kramer, Ruth},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:52:08 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:53:06 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {196--240},
	Title = {The {A}mharic Definite Marker and the Syntax-Morphology Interface},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Fedorenko:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper quantitatively evaluates the empirical claim that adding a third wh-phrase to object-initial multiple-wh-questions increases their acceptability (e.g., Bolinger 1978, Kayne 1983)---a claim that posed a problem for accounts of the subject/object asymmetry in multiple-wh-questions (e.g., Chomsky 1973, 1993; Lasnik & Saito 1984; Pesetsky 1987, 2000; Richards 2001). Recently, Clifton et al. (2006) evaluated this claim using quantitative methods and failed to find support for it. However, a potential concern with Clifton et al.'s results was insufficient power to detect the effect of the third wh-phrase, possibly because of variance associated with several potential interpretations of multiple-wh-questions in null contexts. The goal of this paper is to extend the findings of Clifton et al. to cases where the critical sentences are presented in supportive contexts, so that the pair-list reading---the reading that has been argued to result in Superiority effects---is unambiguously supported. The results of the current study were similar to those of Clifton et al. and therefore provide further evidence against the claim that adding a third wh-phrase to object-initial multiple-wh-questions increases their acceptability.},
	Author = {Fedorenko, Evelina and Gibson, Edward},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:50:11 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:51:33 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--195},
	Title = {Adding a Third Wh-phrase Does Not Increase the Acceptability of Object-initial Multiple-wh-questions},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Neeleman:2010,
	Abstract = { In this paper we consider the impact of the theory of phrase structure for the encoding of syntactic dependencies and, in particular, for the way movement is represented. We show that the conception of movement as copying plus deletion (the so-called copy theory of movement) is incompatible with well-motivated conditions on phrase structure. The alternative we develop is a local encoding mediated by percolation of selectional requirements comparable to the slash features of HPSG. The proposed local encoding of movement is superior to the copy theory in at least three respects: (i) it explains why movement must target a c-commanding position, (ii) it can account for surprising restrictions on scope reconstruction, and (iii) it can capture patterns of interaction between different types of movement. In the first two cases, the copy theory falls short of the mark; in the third, the theory proposed here seems more parsimonious.},
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Koot, Hans van de},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:47:11 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:49:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {331-372},
	Title = {A Local Encoding of Syntactic Dependencies and its Consequences for the Theory of Movement},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Jayaseelan:2010,
	Abstract = { It is assumed that verbal stems and their suffixal inflection come together by phrasal movement---specifically, remnant-VP preposing. Remnant-VP preposing is analyzed as two movements: the ``evacuation'' of a V's complement out of the VP (termed stacking), and the ``evacuated'' VP's movement to the (immediate) left of Inflection for V to pick up inflection. The VP movement can strand or pied-pipe the stacked material, giving rise to VO or OV order. The fact that sequences of Vs in the head-final order cannot be ``interrupted'' by scrambled material is shown to be a consequence of the stacking analysis. The position of Focus in VO and OV languages is also explained in this way. Stacking and VP preposing can be separated by merge of other elements than Inflection in some languages, although not in others. French allows such anticipatory stacking and English does not---giving rise to their seeming difference regarding ``V raising.''},
	Author = {Jayaseelan, K. A.},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:46:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:49:29 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {298--330},
	Title = {Stacking, Stranding, and Pied-Piping: A Proposal about Word Order},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Clifton:2010a,
	Abstract = {Ellipsis is subject to both syntactic and discourse conditions. Here we explore the discourse condition that favors antecedents that are part of the main assertion of an utterance. We argue that the main assertion tendency is best captured in the processor, not the grammar. Two experiments test verb-phrase ellipsis examples with antecedents in a conditional. One suggests that, because of the main assertion tendency, a reader considers full conditional antecedents and not just verb-phrase antecedents. However, when the antecedent of the conditional expresses already-given information and essentially becomes redundant, fewer full conditional antecedents are chosen for the verb-phrase ellipsis, as if the consequent clause has become the assertion of the conditional sentence with the if-clause essentially canceling out. The second experiment explores examples where a modal is added inside the if-clause, rendering the conditional counterfactual. As in other examples of flawed or imperfect ellipsis, the nonactuality entailment/implicature improves the acceptability of such examples.},
	Author = {Clifton, Charles, Jr. and Frazier, Lyn},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:44:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:49:50 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {279--297},
	Title = {Imperfect {E}llipsis: Antecedents beyond Syntax?},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Richards:2011,
	Abstract = {This article offers a critical conceptual discussion and refinement of Chomsky's (2000, 2001, 2007, 2008) phase system, addressing many of the problematic aspects highlighted in the critique of Boeckx & Grohmann (2007) and seeking to resolve these issues, in particular the stipulative and arbitrary properties of phases and phase edges encoded in the (various versions of the) Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). Chomsky's (2000) original conception of phases as lexical subarrays is demonstrated to derive these properties straightforwardly once a single assumption about the pairwise composition of phases is made, and the PIC is reduced to its necessary core under the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT)---namely, the provision of an edge. Finally, a comparison is undertaken of the lexical-subarray conception of phases with the feature-inheritance system of Chomsky 2007, 2008, in which phases are simply the locus of uninterpretable features (probes). Both conceptions are argued to conform to the SMT, and both converge on a pairwise composition of phases. However, the two conceptions of phases are argued to be mutually incompatible in numerous fundamental ways, with no current prospect of unification. The lexical-subarray conception of phases is then to be preferred on grounds of greater empirical adequacy.},
	Author = {Richards, Marc D.},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:43:13 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:44:23 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {74--95},
	Title = {Deriving the Edge: What's in a Phase?},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Lin:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on this discovery, shows that the EPP is the driving force for A-movement. The evidence is the raising of arguments from the TP complements of different kinds of modals. It is argued that the epistemic modals in Mandarin Chinese take a finite TP complement, whereas the modal hui`will' and the root modals take a nonfinite TP complement. Though the epistemic modals take a finite TP complement, they nonetheless permit subject-to-subject raising. This phenomenon can be accounted for if we assume that the EPP drives A-movement, and agreement blocks it. Mandarin Chinese does not have grammatical features; as a consequence, the subject of a finite clause does not perform checking of grammatical features, and thus is free to raise. This phenomenon, therefore, is evidence against the checking-based theory of A-movement. If feature checking is involved in raising in Mandarin Chinese sentences, extra assumptions must be made, with a heavy burden of proof on the checking-based theory.},
	Author = {Lin, Tzong-Hong Jonah},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:41:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:42:49 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {48--73},
	Title = {Finiteness of Clauses and Raising of Arguments in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Goodall:2011,
	Abstract = {Both English and Spanish exhibit an inversion effect in wh-questions: a verbal element must appear to the left of the subject. Analyses differ, however, as to whether this effect is due to similar syntactic mechanisms in the two languages or not. The phenomenon of judgment satiation, in which certain unacceptable sentence types improve upon repeated exposure, is used here to provide new evidence addressing this issue. It is shown that unacceptable wh-questions in Spanish are susceptible to satiation, but their counterparts in English are not, which suggests that different mechanisms are responsible for the inversion effect in the two languages. In addition to providing new evidence regarding the nature of inversion in wh-questions, this study also constitutes a test case for using satiation in the service of comparative syntax.},
	Author = {Goodall, Grant},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:40:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:41:28 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {29--47},
	Title = {Syntactic Satiation and the Inversion Effect in {E}nglish and {S}panish Wh-Questions},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Fernandez-Salgueiro:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper reevaluates approaches that attempt to explain the properties of null subjects in Romance null-subject languages (NSLs) by appealing to the parameterized existence of a lexical entry of a null pronominal category, namely, pro. I propose instead that the fact that these languages allow null subjects in finite-clause contexts can be deduced from other properties of their grammars, and so it need not be lexically stipulated. I show that within a derivational approach without look-ahead, the theoretical apparatus needed to generate further-raising (A-movement after Spec--head agreement with a φ-complete Tense), a phenomenon that is found in Romance NSLs, automatically generates null subjects as well. I will then account for the thus-far-unexplained correlation that if a language allows further-raising it also allows null subjects. I first argue that the operation of Agree is parameterized with respect to Case feature valuation. Then I argue that, given this parametric difference, the phonological features of DPs in Romance NSLs can remain uninterpretable at the Sensory-Motor Interface, yielding the surface effect of a null subject, under certain assumptions about Case and its role in the derivation and about the interpretation of phonological features at the Sensory-Motor Interface.},
	Author = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Salgueiro, Gerardo},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:38:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:39:45 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--28},
	Title = {Romance Null Subjects at the Sensory-Motor Interface},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Sprouse:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper reports a series of formal acceptability-judgment experiments designed to investigate the syntactic properties of a relatively understudied type of wh-dependency: multiple wh-questions in English. By using a factorial definition of island effects made available only by formal experiments, we report an unpredicted pattern of acceptability that suggests the existence of reverse island effects for whether and adjunct islands inside of multiple wh-questions, but not for subject and CNPC islands. We argue that this unpredicted effect can best be analyzed by taking into account the parsing processes that are necessary for real-time comprehension of multiple wh-questions in English. We propose that multiple wh-questions require a backward search for an antecedent that is in many ways similar to the forward search for a gap site that occurs in single wh-questions in English (Frazier & Clifton 1989). We then present additional acceptability-judgment experiments in both English and Japanese to test the predictions of the backward-search analysis.},
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon and Fukuda, Shin and Ono, Hajime and Kluender, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:35:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:37:40 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {179--203},
	Title = {Reverse Island Effects and Backward Search for a Licensor in Multiple Wh-Questions},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Sigurdhsson:2011a,
	Abstract = {The so-called New Passive in Icelandic takes the form `it was elected us' (or, e.g., `then was elected us', without an expletive), instead of the standard passive form `we were elected'. It has neither A-movement to subject nor acc-to-nom conversion, which are otherwise diagnostic of the canonical passive in Icelandic and related languages. Some researchers have argued that ``passive'' is in fact a misnomer and that the construction should instead be analyzed as an active one, with a nominative pro. This paper argues instead in favor of a minimalist analysis, where the New Passive is closely related to the impersonal P passive (with a PP, type `then was shouted at us'), which is highly common and productive in Icelandic. On the approach pursued, acc-to-nom conversion involves case-star deletion, absent from the New Passive (much as from so-called psych and fate (un)accusatives in standard Icelandic). Additionally, the New Passive has a strong vP phase edge, blocking A-movement, in contrast to the defective vP edge in the canonical passive. The paper argues that A-grounding or ``freezing'' is brought about by φ-minimality, A-islands thus arising in a parallel fashion with A′-islands.},
	Author = {Sigur{\dh}sson, Halld{\'o}r {\'A}rmann},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:34:29 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:35:12 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {148--178},
	Title = {On the New Passive},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Obata:2011,
	Abstract = {A central goal of this paper is to present a new account of improper-movement phenomena based on Chomsky's (2007, 2008) phase-based derivational approach. We claim that improper movement is excluded by virtue of Agree failure between a moving element and a finite T as a consequence of ``feature-splitting'' Internal Merge, which we argue is the most (or at least a very) natural implementation of Chomsky's φ-feature-inheritance system and Richards's (2007) value--transfer-simultaneity analysis. This analysis has a number of empirical and theoretical consequences: (i) regarding the explanation of A′-opacity/-transparency intervention effects (Rezac 2003, Carstens 2005); (ii) the possible elimination, or reduction in scope, of the Activity Condition; and (iii) the possible characterization of A/A′-position types solely in terms of categorial features. Moreover, we propose that (iv) the ban on improper movement is, in fact, not universal but is morphologically parameterized (at least) between English and the Bantu language Kilega.},
	Author = {Obata, Miki and Epstein, Samuel David},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:32:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:33:56 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {122--147},
	Title = {Feature-Splitting Internal Merge: Improper Movement, Intervention and the {A/A'} Distinction},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Legate:2011,
	Abstract = {This article analyses the wh-scope-marking construction in Warlpiri. The literature on wh-scope-marking constructions in other languages debates the relative merits of two types of analyses---the direct-dependency account, which posits covert movement of an embedded wh-phrase to replace a matrix expletive, and the indirect-dependency account, which treats the embedded question as the restriction of a matrix wh-phrase. I argue that an explanation of the Warlpiri data can only be achieved through a variant of the indirect-dependency approach.},
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:30:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:32:10 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {97--121},
	Title = {Warlpiri Wh-Scope Marking},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Otsuka:2011,
	Abstract = {This paper examines the null arguments occurring in adverbial `o-clauses in Tongan, whose characteristics are distinct from other kinds of empty categories attested in the language. I argue (a) that the empty category in question should be understood as a phonetically null SE anaphor and (b) that local- and medium-distance binding of SE anaphors must be licensed by Agree with the functional category that assigns the primary case (i.e., T in accusative languages and v in ergative languages). The study also observes that `o-clauses are similar to telic to-clauses in English as well as control subjunctives in Balkan languages in that they contain anaphoric tense, and suggests that some instances of what has been regarded as PRO in the literature might be better understood as an instance of a null SE.},
	Author = {Otsuka, Yuko},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:29:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:30:30 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {265--296},
	Title = {{PRO} versus Null {SE}: Case, Tense, and Empty Categories in {T}ongan},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Mikkelsen:2011,
	Abstract = {Recent work on object shift in the Scandinavian languages has rejected earlier syntactic analyses in favor of prosodic or information-structural accounts. In this paper I present new evidence from Danish copular clauses that argues against a prosodic analysis of the phenomenon. In particular, I show that specificational copular clauses do not allow object shift and that this fact cannot be accounted for in prosodic terms. I propose that the observed lack of object shift is due to the fixed information structure of specificational clauses: the object is invariably focused and that is what prevents it from shifting. This account dovetails with the focus-based analysis of object shift proposed by Holmberg (1999), and is also compatible with the syntactic analysis developed by Sells (2001).},
	Author = {Mikkelsen, Line},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:27:35 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:28:45 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {230--264},
	Title = {On Prosody and Focus in Object Shift},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Marelj:2011,
	Abstract = {Since the seminal work of Reinhart (1976, 1984), it has been recognized that the structural configuration for bound-variable anaphora is that of c-command. One way of deriving this variable-binding condition is to capitalize on the similarities between traces and bound pronouns and to analyze the latter as spelled-out traces (see Aoun 1982, also Hornstein 2001 for a somewhat different implementation of Aoun's idea). Taking Hornstein's (2001) analysis of bound pronouns in English as a starting point, I account for some puzzling differences between English and Serbo-Croatian in the domain of the intrasentential pronominal anaphora. By establishing the correlation between the way English and Serbo-Croatian behave with respect to the Pronoun Insertion strategy, on the one hand, and the Left Branch Condition (Ross 1967/1986), on the other, I argue that the differences under consideration boil down to the presence or absence of a DP-layer in a given language. The validity of this hypothesis is tested on a broader set of crosslinguistic data, including data from Dutch, Latin, Russian, and Spanish. The analysis I put forth supports the minimalist view of binding (Hornstein 2001, 2006; Grohmann 2003) as well as accounts of left branch extraction languages as D-less (Uriagereka 1988; Corver 1992; Boskovic 2005, 2008).},
	Author = {Marelj, Marijana},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:22:33 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:27:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--229},
	Title = {Bound-Variable Anaphora and Left Branch Condition},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Levinson:2011,
	Abstract = {A central question regarding the syntax--semantics interface is the extent to which semantic primitives correspond one-to-one with syntactic primitives. Den Dikken (1995) proposed that all possession structures can be derived from an underlying locative structure, extending the work of Freeze (1992). This paper argues that such a unified approach is untenable, as there are possession expressions in Icelandic that cannot be derived from locative structures. The Icelandic vera með construction, translated as `is with', provides important insight into the nature of have verbs. It is argued, along the lines of Kayne 1993 and Harley 2002, that have is derived from nonlocative prepositions like English with as in the man with blue eyes. A microcomparative investigation within Germanic supports an analysis whereby the variation in incorporation is correlated with variations in p heads. This analysis allows for a more natural account of the differences between have and be languages beyond Germanic.},
	Author = {Levinson, Lisa},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:19:53 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:22:03 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {355--393},
	Title = {Possessive {HAVE} in {G}ermanic: {HAVE} and the Role of {P}},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kim:2012,
	Abstract = {This paper lays the foundations for a processing model of relative acceptability levels in verb phrase ellipsis (VPE). In the proposed model, mismatching VPE examples are grammatical but less acceptable because they violate heuristic parsing strategies. This analysis is presented in a Minimalist Grammar formalism that is compatible with standard parsing techniques. The overall proposal integrates computational assumptions about parsing with a psycholinguistic linking hypothesis. These parts work together with the syntactic analysis to derive novel predictions that are confirmed in a controlled experiment.},
	Author = {Kim, Christina S. and Kobele, Gregory M. and Runner, Jeffrey T. and Hale, John T.},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:17:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:19:50 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {318--354},
	Title = {The Acceptability Cline in {VP} Ellipsis},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Danon:2011,
	Abstract = { An implicit assumption in most minimalist work is that DP as a whole carries all the φ-features with which external heads agree. In this paper I argue that under this assumption and the assumption that only a node that is φ-complete can delete the φ-features of a node with which it agrees, Chomsky's (2000, 2001) model of feature valuation is incompatible with a large body of work on the DP-internal distribution of φ-features, according to which neither N nor D enter the derivation being φ-complete. I consider several possible solutions and argue that this problem can most easily be avoided by adopting a feature-sharing model of the operation Agree, as proposed by Frampton & Gutmann (2006) and Pesetsky & Torrego (2007). Finally, several implications for Chomsky's theory of abstract Case are also discussed.},
	Author = {Danon, Gabi},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:15:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:20:35 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--317},
	Title = {Agreement and {DP}-Internal Feature Distribution},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Potsdam:2012,
	Abstract = {This paper documents and analyzes an instance of covert A-movement, specifically covert subject-to-subject raising, in the Northwest Caucasian language Adyghe. We argue that Adyghe has a subject-to-subject raising construction in which the subject of an unaccusative verb's complement clause undergoes A-movement into the matrix clause, but it does so covertly. We refer to this phenomenon as backward raising. True backward raising is distinguished from apparent cases that have similar agreement patterns but do not show any of the other evidence for movement found in the Adyghe construction. We illustrate the contrast between true and apparent backward raising by comparing Adyghe to Greek. The existence of backward raising helps to adjudicate between various theories of covert movement. It supports a theory in which covert movement involves actual phrasal movement. Covert movement cannot be reduced to a long-distance feature-matching relation such as Agree (Chomsky 2000). Linguistic theory thus needs to incorporate both mechanisms.},
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric and Polinsky, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:13:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:15:12 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--108},
	Title = {Backward Raising},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Abels:2012,
	Abstract = { Kayne (1994) was instrumental in putting linear asymmetries on the generative research agenda. His Linear Correspondence Axiom is seen as a restrictive, conceptually attractive proposal supported by a wealth of empirical evidence. In this paper, we take issue with this assessment. (i) We show that for every structure that violates the LCA, there is an LCA-compatible counterpart, including rightward movement structures and structures with rightward specifiers. (ii) We discuss Cinque's (2005) LCA-based analysis of word order in the extended nominal projection, demonstrating that the data in fact do not support any hypothesis stronger than a ban on rightward movement. (iii) We demonstrate that claims to the effect that central properties of phrase structure (such as headedness and the single-specifier restriction) follow from the LCA are incorrect. (iv) We show that the LCA is toothless without a restrictive theory of movement, but that it can only be reconciled with the data in the absence of such a theory.},
	Author = {Abels, Klaus and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:11:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:13:22 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {25--74},
	Title = {Linear Asymmetries and the {LCA}},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2012},
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@article{Chou:2012,
	Abstract = {Based on previously unnoted data concerning wh-the-hell attitude-bearing questions in Mandarin Chinese, I argue that integrating the pragmatic notion ``point of view'' into the syntactic computation enables us to capture certain properties of wh-the-hell questions in Mandarin Chinese in a systematic and illuminating way. The two central phenomena analyzed are (1) causal zenme`how come' is not compatible with daodi`the-hell' in Chinese, and (2) in Chinese wh-the-hell questions, when daodi`the-hell' takes matrix scope while staying overtly in the embedded clause, the person feature of the matrix subject cannot be third person. I argue that explaining these phenomena depends on recognizing the logophoricity of the negative attitudes carried by daodi and causal zenme. The valuation relation that I postulate between the Point-of-View operator and an unvalued Point-of-View feature of daodi and causal zenme not only explains these data but also formally captures certain properties of the Chinese logophor ziji (cf. Huang & Liu 2001).},
	Author = {Chou, Chao-Ting Tim},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-19 16:08:33 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 16:11:05 +0000},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--24},
	Title = {Syntax-Pragmatics Interface: {M}andarin {C}hinese Wh-the-hell and Point-of-view Operator},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2012},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@phdthesis{Bhatt:1999,
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-08 03:16:14 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-08 03:16:45 +0000},
	School = {University of Pennsylvania},
	Title = {Covert Modality in Non-Finite Contexts},
	Year = {1999}}

@phdthesis{Szczegielniak:2004,
	Author = {Szczegielniak, Adam},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-05 14:05:27 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-05 14:06:21 +0000},
	School = {Harvard University},
	Title = {Relatativization and Ellipsis},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Szczegielniak:2006,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Szczegielniak, Adam},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the {N}orth {E}ast {L}inguistic {S}ociety 35},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-05 14:03:44 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-05 14:05:02 +0000},
	Editor = {Bateman, Leah and Ussery, Cherlon},
	Pages = {603--615},
	Publisher = {Graduate Linguistic Student Association},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis and Topicalization},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Szczegielniak:2008,
	Address = {Somerville, MA},
	Author = {Szczegielniak, Adam},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2012-02-05 14:02:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-05 14:03:39 +0000},
	Editor = {Abner, Natasha and Bishop, Jason},
	Pages = {404--412},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Islands in {S}luicing in {P}olish},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Kiparsky:2002,
	Author = {Kiparsky, Paul},
	Booktitle = {More than Words},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-25 16:13:48 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-25 16:15:48 +0000},
	Editor = {Kaufmann, Ingrid and Stiebels, Barbara},
	Pages = {179--226},
	Publisher = {Akademie Verlag},
	Series = {Studia Grammatica},
	Title = {Disjoint Reference and the Typology of Pronouns},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Fortin:2007,
	Author = {Fortin, Catherine Rose},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-25 15:28:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-25 15:30:18 +0000},
	School = {The University of Michigan},
	Title = {Indonesian {S}luicing and {V}erb {P}hrase {E}llipsis: Description and Explanation in a {M}inimalist {F}ramework},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Craenenbroeck:2010a,
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-25 15:22:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-25 15:23:55 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The Syntax of Ellipsis: Evidence from {D}utch Dialects},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Hardt:2004a,
	Author = {Hardt, Dan},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-25 15:06:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-25 15:07:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Acta Linguistica Hafniensia},
	Pages = {65-77},
	Title = {Ellipsis Resolution and Inference},
	Volume = {36},
	Year = {2004}}

@book{Kluck:2011,
	Address = {Groningen},
	Author = {Kluck, Marlies},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-24 21:16:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-24 21:18:17 +0000},
	Publisher = {Landelijke Onderzoeckschool Taalwetenschap},
	Title = {Sentence Amalgamation},
	Year = {2011}}

@inproceedings{Lakoff:1974,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Booktitle = {Papers from the 10th Regional Meeting of the {C}hicago {L}inguistic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-24 21:05:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-24 21:07:49 +0000},
	Editor = {Galy, Michael and Fox, Robert and Bruck, Anthony},
	Pages = {321--344},
	Title = {Syntactic Amalgams},
	Year = {1974}}

@unpublished{Vicente:2008,
	Author = {Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-24 20:14:36 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-24 20:15:30 +0000},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, UC, Santa Cruz},
	Title = {Syntactic Isomorphism and non-Isomorphism under Ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{Rodrigues:2006,
	Author = {Rodrigues, Cilene and Nevins, Andrew and Vicente, Luis},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of Going Romance 2006},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-24 20:12:34 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-24 20:13:53 +0000},
	Editor = {Wetzels, W. Leo},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Cleaving the Interactions between Sluicing and {P}-stranding},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Chung:2006a,
	Address = {Berkeley, California},
	Author = {Chung, Sandra},
	Booktitle = {Berkeley Linguistic Society 31},
	Date-Added = {2012-01-24 12:07:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-24 12:09:20 +0000},
	Editor = {Cover, Rebecca T. and Kim, Yuni},
	Organization = {Berkeley Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {73--91},
	Publisher = {UC, Berkeley},
	Title = {Sluicing and the Lexicon: The Point of No Return},
	Year = {2006}}

@book{Barwise:1987,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Barwise, John and Etchemendy, J.},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-17 14:22:15 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-17 14:22:51 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The Liar},
	Year = {1987}}

@article{Craenenbroeck:2010,
	Abstract = {Merchant (2001:120--127) presents 10 arguments against an analysis of sluicing that posits an elided cleft  in the ellipsis site. This seems at odds with the growing body of literature that argues sluicing can resort to underlying clefts in order to circumvent otherwise illicit instances of preposition stranding. In this short paper I reexamine Merchant's arguments and show (a) that some of them are orthogonal to the issue at hand, and (b) that the remaining ones are compatible with the Last Resort scenario adopted by the sluicing-as-cleft literature. As such, the discussion sheds new light on the precise form of the unpronounced syntactic structure found in sluicing.},
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-15 17:52:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-15 17:58:21 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {7},
	Pages = {1714--1726},
	Title = {Invisible Last Resort: A note on clefts as the underlying source for sluicing},
	Volume = {120},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Davidson:1967a,
	Author = {Davidson, Donald},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:37:59 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:38:59 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Philosophy},
	Pages = {691--703},
	Title = {Causal Relations},
	Volume = {64},
	Year = {1967}}

@book{Davidson:1980,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Davidson, Donald},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:37:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:37:54 +0000},
	Publisher = {Clarendon Press},
	Title = {Essays on Actions and Events},
	Year = {1980}}

@book{Barwise:1983,
	Author = {Barwise, John and Perry, John},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:35:32 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:36:04 +0000},
	Publisher = {The MIT Press},
	Title = {Situations and Attitudes},
	Year = {1983}}

@book{Barwise:1988,
	Author = {Barwise, John},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:34:38 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:35:12 +0000},
	Publisher = {Stanford: CSLI},
	Title = {The Situation in Logic},
	Year = {1988}}

@article{Barwise:1981a,
	Author = {Barwise, John},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:33:51 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:34:29 +0000},
	Journal = {The Journal of Philosophy},
	Pages = {369--397},
	Title = {Scenes and Other Situations},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {1981}}

@article{Bach:1986,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:32:58 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-06 12:33:34 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {5--16},
	Title = {The Algebra of Events},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1986}}

@book{Austin:1950,
	Author = {Austin, J. L.},
	Date-Added = {2011-12-06 12:31:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-12-17 14:19:28 +0000},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Truth. Philosophical Papers},
	Year = {1950}}

@phdthesis{Aelbrecht:2009,
	Author = {Lobke Aelbrecht},
	Date-Added = {2011-11-26 17:45:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-11-26 17:46:16 +0000},
	School = {Katholieke Universiteit Brussel},
	Title = {You have the right to remain silent: The syntactic licensing of ellipsis},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Beck:2005,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a cross-linguistic survey of the interpretations that decomposition adverbs like again permit. The survey distinguishes two different types of predicates that are combined with again: lexical accomplishments like `open the door', on the one hand, and combinations of a motion verb with a directional Prepositional Phrase (PP) on the other (for example, `walk to the summit'). There is systematic cross- linguistic variation with the latter type of predicate: a language only permits a restitutive reading of again with such a predicate if the language has resultative constructions. I argue that in these languages the PP can function as a result phrase. In languages without resultatives, the PP cannot be a result phrase, and a restitutive reading is impossible. The data support an analysis of restitutive again that is sensitive to the presence of a result phrase in the syntax.},
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid},
	Date-Added = {2011-11-22 15:36:44 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-11-22 15:37:36 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--51},
	Title = {There and Back Again: A Semantic Analysis},
	Volume = {22},
	Year = {2005},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Bolinger:1967,
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Date-Added = {2011-10-27 11:46:44 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-10-27 11:47:31 +0000},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Title = {Adjectives in {E}nglish: Attribution and predication},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {1967}}

@article{Rizzi:1990a,
	Author = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Date-Added = {2011-10-24 22:54:17 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-10-24 22:55:02 +0000},
	Journal = {Rivista di Grammatica Generativa},
	Pages = {27--42},
	Title = {On the Anaphor Agreement Effect},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Steedman:1989,
	Author = {Steedman, Mark},
	Booktitle = {Alternative conceptions of phrase structure},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 20:13:39 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 20:16:24 +0000},
	Editor = {Baltin, Mark R. and Kroch, Anthony S.},
	Pages = {201--231},
	Publisher = {Chicago University Press},
	Title = {Constituency and Coordination in a Combinatory Grammar},
	Year = {1989}}

@incollection{Fukui:2001,
	Author = {Fukui, Naoki},
	Booktitle = {The handbook of contemporary syntactic theory},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 20:09:50 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 20:10:35 +0000},
	Editor = {Baltin, Mark and Collins, Chris},
	Pages = {374--406},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
	Title = {Phrase Structure},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Bernstein:2001a,
	Author = {Bernstein, Judy B.},
	Booktitle = {The handbook of contemporary syntactic theory},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 20:06:04 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 20:08:07 +0000},
	Editor = {Baltin, Mark and Collins, Chris},
	Pages = {536--561},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
	Title = {The {DP} Hypothesis: Identifying Clausal Properties in the Nominal Domain},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Dechaine:2002a,
	Author = {D{\'e}chaine, Rose-Marie and Wiltschko, Martina},
	Booktitle = {From {NP} to {DP}},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 20:01:42 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 20:03:03 +0000},
	Editor = {Coene, Martine and D'hulst, Yves},
	Pages = {71--90},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {On pro-nouns and other ``pronouns''},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Coene:2002,
	Author = {Coene, Martine and D'hulst, Yves},
	Booktitle = {From {NP} to {DP}},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 19:59:24 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 20:01:32 +0000},
	Editor = {Coene, Martine and D'hulst, Yves},
	Pages = {1--46},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Introduction: The syntax and semantics of noun phrases},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@phdthesis{Farmer:1980,
	Author = {Farmer, Ann K.},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 18:23:12 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 18:24:55 +0000},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {On the Interaction of Morphology and Syntax},
	Year = {1980}}

@book{Inkelas:1990,
	Address = {Chicago Illinois},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 01:26:56 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 01:29:28 +0000},
	Editor = {Inkelas, Sharon and Zec, Draga},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	Title = {The Phonology-Syntax Connection},
	Year = {1990}}

@article{Selkirk:1986,
	Author = {Selkirk, Elisabeth O.},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 01:09:10 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 01:09:59 +0000},
	Journal = {Phonology},
	Pages = {371-405},
	Title = {On Derived Domains in Sentence Phonology},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1986}}

@phdthesis{Pierrehumbert:1980,
	Author = {Pierrehumbert, Janet},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 01:04:03 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 01:04:37 +0000},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {The Phonetics and Phonology of {E}nglish Intonation},
	Year = {1980}}

@article{Beckman:1986,
	Author = {Beckman, Mary and Pierrehumbert, Janet},
	Date-Added = {2011-09-04 01:01:30 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-09-04 01:02:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Phonology},
	Pages = {255--309},
	Title = {Intonational structure of {J}apanese and {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Holmberg:1999,
	Author = {Holmberg, Anders},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-30 17:54:18 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-30 17:55:01 +0000},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--39},
	Title = {Remarks on {H}olmberg's Generalization},
	Volume = {53},
	Year = {1999},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@incollection{Stabler:2011,
	Author = {Stabler, Edward},
	Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Minimalism},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:47:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:48:09 +0000},
	Pages = {617--641},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Computational perspectives on minimalism},
	Year = {2011}}

@incollection{Stabler:1995,
	Author = {Stabler, Edward and Keenan, Edward},
	Booktitle = {Configurations: Essays on Structure and Interpretation},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:45:57 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:46:48 +0000},
	Editor = {di Sciullo, Maria},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Abstract Syntax},
	Year = {1995}}

@book{Kracht:2003,
	Author = {Kracht, Marcus},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:42:52 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:43:59 +0000},
	Number = {63},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Series = {Studies in Generative Grammar},
	Title = {The Mathematics of Language},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Kracht:1995a,
	Author = {Kracht, Marcus},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:41:26 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:42:17 +0000},
	Journal = {Journal of Logic, Langauge and Information},
	Pages = {41--60},
	Title = {Syntactic Codes and Grammar Refinement},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1995}}

@inproceedings{Kracht:1993,
	Author = {Kracht, Marcus},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the European Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:40:09 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:41:16 +0000},
	Editor = {240--249},
	Title = {Mathematical Aspects of Command Relations},
	Year = {1993}}

@incollection{Kracht:2001,
	Author = {Kracht, Marcus},
	Booktitle = {Logical Aspects of Computational Linguistics 98},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:38:25 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:39:53 +0000},
	Editor = {Moortgat, Michael},
	Pages = {126--142},
	Publisher = {Springer},
	Title = {Strict Compositionality and Literal Movement Grammars},
	Year = {2001}}

@book{Whitehead:1910,
	Author = {Whitehead, Alfred North and Russell, Bertrand},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-26 14:29:28 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-26 14:30:14 +0000},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Principia Mathematica},
	Year = {1910}}

@article{Muller:2005,
	Author = {M{\"u}ller, Gereon},
	Date-Added = {2011-07-17 16:51:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-07-17 16:52:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
	Number = {1-1},
	Pages = {159--171},
	Title = {Remarks on cyclic linearization and order preservation},
	Volume = {31},
	Year = {2005},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Sato:2011,
	Author = {Sato, Yosuke},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:45:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:47:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {356--365},
	Title = {Radical {P}ro {D}rop and Fusional Pronominal Morphology in Colloquial {S}ingapore {E}nglish: Reply to {N}eeleman and {S}zendr{\"o}i},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Potsdam:2011,
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric and Polinsky, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:42:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:43:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {345--355},
	Title = {Against Covert {A}-Movement in {R}ussian Unaccusatives},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011}}

@article{Nevins:2011,
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:41:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:45:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {339--344},
	Title = {Convergent Evidence for Rolling Up {C}atalan Adjectives},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Syrett:2042,
	Abstract = {We revisit the purported locality constraint on Quantifier Raising (QR) by investigating children's and adults' interpretation of antecedent- contained-deletion (ACD) sentences, where the interpretation depends on the landing site targeted by QR out of an embedded clause. When ACD is embedded in a nonfinite clause, 4-year-old children and adults access both the embedded and the matrix interpretations. When ACD is embedded in a finite clause, and the matrix interpretation is generally believed to be ungrammatical, children and even some adults access both readings. These findings allow for the possibility that the source of QR's reputed locality constraint may instead be extragrammatical, and they provide insight into the development of the human sentence parser.},
	Author = {Syrett, Kristen and Lidz, Jeffrey},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:39:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:41:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {305--337},
	Title = {Competence, Performance, and the Locality of Quantifier Raising: Evidence from 4-year-old Children},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {42},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Sigurdhsson:2011,
	Abstract = {This article pursues the idea that null arguments are derived without any statement or parameter, instead following ``naturally'' from 3rd factor principles and effects (in the sense of Chomsky 2005). The article thus contributes to the program of eliminating statements in grammar in favor of general factors. More specifically, it develops a theory of C/edge linking in terms of syntactically active but silent C-features, where all referential definite arguments, overt and silent, must match these features in order to be successfully C/edge-linked (interpreted). On the approach pursued, radically silent argu- ments---such as Germanic zero topics and controlled 3rd person null subjects in Finnish---commonly raise across a lexical C (a comple- mentizer or a verb-second (V2) verb) into the edge of the C-domain for the purpose of successful C/edge linking (circumventing C-inter- vention), thereby showing A ̄ -behavior not observed for other types of arguments (including the Romance type of pro). Silent arguments are universally available in syntax, whereas their C/edge linking is con- strained by factors (such as Germanic V2) that may or may not be present or active in individual languages and constructions.},
	Author = {Sigur{\dh}sson, Halld{\'o}r {\'A}rmann},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:38:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:39:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {267--304},
	Title = {Conditions on Argument Drop},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Delfitto:2011,
	Abstract = {This article aims at clarifying the role of person at the interface between syntax and the interpretive systems. We argue that first person interpre- tations of third person pronouns (de se readings) stem from the option of leaving the referential index underspecified on the pronoun, thus accounting for the interplay of this phenomenon with the anaphoric usage of first person indexicals (pronoun shifting) and logophoric pro- nouns. The results include proposals on the connection between the semantics of first person and the syntax of the left periphery, a neo- Davidsonian treatment of the semantics of first person indexicals, and a novel view of pronominal anaphora according to which Higgin- botham's (1983) asymmetric relation of linking involves a mechanism of ﰀ-role inheritance tied to the semantics of first person.},
	Author = {Delfitto, Denis and Fiorin, Gaetano},
	Date-Added = {2011-06-01 08:35:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-06-01 08:37:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {193--224},
	Title = {Person Features and Pronominal Anaphora},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@incollection{Bachrach:2009,
	Author = {Bachrach, Asaf and Katzir, Roni},
	Booktitle = {InterPhases: Phase-Theoretic Investigations of Linguistic Interfaces},
	Date-Added = {2011-04-06 12:07:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-04-06 12:08:36 -0400},
	Editor = {Grohmann, Kleanthes K.},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Right-Node Raising and Delayed Spellout},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Vries:2011,
	Author = {de Vries, Mark},
	Booktitle = {Ways of Structure Building},
	Date-Added = {2011-04-05 08:07:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-04-05 08:08:30 -0400},
	Editor = {Uribe-Etxebarria, Myriam and Valmala, Vidal},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Unconventional Mergers},
	Year = {to appear}}

@inproceedings{Kluck:2008,
	Author = {Kluck, Marlies},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of Console {XVI}},
	Date-Added = {2011-04-05 07:58:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2011-04-05 07:59:58 -0400},
	Pages = {77--101},
	Title = {Intertwined clauses, interacting propositions. A note on the interpretive aspects of sentence amalgamation.},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Ott:2011,
	Author = {Ott, Dennis},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:31:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:32:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {183--192},
	Title = {A Note on Free Relative Clauses in the Theory of Phases},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{McCarthy:2011,
	Author = {McCarthy, John J.},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:23:24 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:24:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {171--183},
	Title = {Perceptually Grounded Faithfulness in {H}armonic {S}erialism},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Larson:2011,
	Author = {Larson, Bradley},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:19:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:23:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {163--171},
	Title = {Problems with a Movement Analysis of {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising in {T}agalog},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Kahnemuyipour:2011,
	Author = {Kahnemuyipour, Arsalan and Megerdoomian, Karine},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:18:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:21:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {152--162},
	Title = {Second-Position Clitics in the vP Phase: The Case of the {A}rmenian Auxiliary},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Heestand:2011,
	Author = {Heestand, Dustin and Xiang, Ming and Polinsky, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:17:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:19:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {138--152},
	Title = {Resumption Still Does Not Rescue Islands},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Cable:2011,
	Author = {Cable, Seth},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:16:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:17:20 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {131--138},
	Title = {A New Argument for Lexical Decomposition: Transparent Readings of Verbs},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Gebhardt:2011,
	Abstract = {Wu and Bodomo (2009) dispute Cheng and Sybesma's (1999, 2005) analysis of Chinese numeral classifiers as being able to function as definite articles. While I agree with Wu and Bodomo's overall conclu- sion, here I focus on parts of their argument that do not stand up to scrutiny and distract from their main point. In particular, I argue that Wu and Bodomo's conclusion that numeral classifiers are lexical items is incorrect. Also, I question their apparent conclusion that the availability of numeral classifiers in a language indicates that that lan- guage's nouns are inherently mass.},
	Author = {Gebhardt, Lewis},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:14:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:15:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {125--130},
	Title = {Classifiers are Functional},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Sportiche:2011,
	Abstract = {Starting from Kayne's (1976) motivation for the existence of the French que/qui rule based on the complementizer system of French relative clauses, I show that French in fact has a double paradigm of wh-elements, a weak one and a strong one, much like what is found in the (strong/weak) pronominal system. Although only French is discussed here in any detail, such a split seems to have much wider relevance, in other Romance languages, in some Germanic and Scandinavian languages, and beyond (Wolof). This split in turn shows that the que/qui rule (and its cognates) should be looked at differently---in particular, that they should be uncoupled from constraints on subject extraction.},
	Author = {Sportiche, Dominique},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:12:54 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:14:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--124},
	Title = {French Relative \emph{Qui}},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Katzir:2011,
	Abstract = {Agreement and concord involve mismatches between the position where a syntactic or semantic contribution is made and where it is expressed morphologically. Such mismatches are often taken to involve either movement or the spreading and realization of features. I examine a number of superficially different instances of this kind of mismatch that seem to resist an account based on realization and movement alone. I argue that the patterns involved should receive a unified account in terms of licensors, elements subject to a condition of structural economy that associate indirectly with semantically contentful heads through features that those heads spread and that require a c-commanding licensor.},
	Author = {Katzir, Roni},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:10:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:12:11 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {45--82},
	Title = {Morphosemantic Mismatches, Structural Economy, and Licensing},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Boskovic:2011,
	Abstract = {The article demonstrates that the rescue-by-PF-deletion account of the amelioration effect of island violations under ellipsis, originally noted by Ross (1969), can be extended to account for the that-trace effect, including the adverb amelioration effect, and the lack of intervention effects with certain null arguments that are otherwise found with their overt counterparts, as well as to deduce the generalizations that traces do not count as interveners for relativized minimality effects and that traces void islandhood. The fact that the rescue-by-PF-deletion analysis makes it possible to unify a number of previously unrelated phe- nomena should be taken as a strong argument in its favor. The current extension of the rescue-by-PF-deletion approach, on which the rescue can arise not only through the deletion process involved in ellipsis but also through regular copy deletion, also accounts for the different behavior of the Superiority Condition and the Wh-Island Condition with respect to the amelioration effect under ellipsis, a surprising difference given that both of these are generally subsumed under relativized minimality effects in current research.},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2011-03-05 13:07:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-03-05 13:09:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--44},
	Title = {Rescue by {PF} Deletion, {T}races as (Non)interveners, and the \emph{That}-{T}race Effect},
	Volume = {42},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Gabriele:2011,
	Abstract = {The study investigates whether advanced second language (L2) learners can extend beyond the grammatical properties of the first language (L1) to successfully acquire tense and aspect. We examine the acquisition of the semantics of the imperfective marker te-iru in Japanese by native speakers of Mandarin Chinese, a language that grammatically encodes aspect but not tense. The results of an interpretation task suggest that Chinese learners cannot extend beyond the properties of the L1. However, these results are interpreted in light of a series of related studies that show that Chinese learners can acquire tense and aspect in L2 English and that English native speakers also have difficulty with the imperfective in L2 Japanese. We argue that difficulty with the interpretation of imperfectives in L2 acquisition is not related solely to the properties of the L1, but rather to two properties of the target language: the specific morphological encoding of tense and aspect and the complexity of the semantic computation.},
	Author = {Gabriele, Alison and McClure, William},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 10:09:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 10:10:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--83},
	Title = {Why Some Imperfectives Are Interpreted Imperfectly: A Study of {C}hinese Learners of {J}apanese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Friedmann:2011,
	Abstract = {In Hebrew, European Portuguese, Palestinian Arabic, and Spanish, both SV and VS orders are possible. However, when children acquire these languages, they do not use the whole array of word orders in their language at the first stage of sentence construction. Interestingly, their word order preference in the early stage of acquisition differs in the different languages: in Hebrew and European Portuguese they use both SV and VS orders with unaccusative verbs, but only SV with unergative and transitive verbs. In Spanish and Palestinian Arabic, children prefer to use VS order with unaccusative, unergative, and transitive verbs in the first stage. We present 11 experiments and 5 spontaneous speech analyses in the four languages, eliciting these word order patterns in 257 different children, and analyzing the patterns in spontaneous speech in 80 more children. Based on these results we propose an account for these cross-linguistic differences and similarities, according to which children at this stage can already move the verb to I, but cannot move the subject outside of the VP yet. As a result, at this stage the subjects stay within the VP. Whether or not the verb moves to I depends on whether the linear order of SV within the VP can be violated---languages in which children assume IP as the Spell-out domain, Spanish and Palestinian Arabic, allow the verb to appear before the subject, whereas Hebrew and European Portuguese, in which the Spell-out domain is initially taken to be VP, do not allow the verb to move to I until the Spell-out domain widens.},
	Author = {Friedmann, Naama and Costa, Jo{\~a}o},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 10:06:36 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 10:08:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--38},
	Title = {Acquisition of {SV} and {VS} {O}rder in {H}ebrew, {E}uropean {P}ortuguese, {P}alestinian {A}rabic, and {S}panish},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2011},
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@article{Soehn:2010,
	Abstract = {Asthenatureofnegativepolarityitems(NPIs)andtheirlicensingcontexts is still under much debate, a broad empirical basis is an important cornerstone to support further insights in this area of research. The work discussed in this paper is intended as a contribution to realizing this objective. We briefly introduce the phe- nomenon of NPIs and outline major theories about their licensing and also various licensing contexts before discussing our major topics: Firstly, a corpus-based retrieval method for NPI candidates is described that ranks the candidates according to their distributional dependence on the licensing contexts. Our method extracts single-word candidates and is extended to also capture multi-word candidates. The basic idea for automatically collecting NPI candidates from a large corpus is that an NPI behaves like a kind of collocate to its licensing contexts. Manual inspection and interpretation of the candidate lists identify the actual NPIs. Secondly, an online repository for NPIs and other items that show distributional idiosyncrasies is presented, which offers an empirical database for further (theoretical) research on these items in a sustainable way.},
	Author = {Soehn, Jan-Philipp and Trawi\'{n}ski, Beata and Lichte, Timm},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 10:03:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 10:04:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {931--952},
	Title = {Spotting, collecting and documenting negative polarity items},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Krifka:2010,
	Abstract = {The following contribution was inspired by Cleo Condoravdi's article on NPI licensing in temporal clauses (Condoravdi 2010). Condoravdi gives a coherent and comprehensive account of before which crucially involves coercion of proposi- tions to the earliest or maximal times at which the propositions are true, and a modal component for non-factual interpretations. I argue for a non-modal, non-coercive analysis of clauses like [A before B] as `A is the case when B has not been the case', triggering a conversational implicature that B will be the case later. I will also discuss temporal operators involving measure phrases, like three hours before.},
	Author = {Krifka, Manfred},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 10:01:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 10:02:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {911--929},
	Title = {\emph{Before} and \emph{After} without coercion: comment on the paper by {C}leo {C}ondoravdi},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Condoravdi:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper offers a systematic semantically-based approach to NPI licens- ing in temporal clauses based on Beaver and Condoravdi (2003, in progress). It mo- tivates the presuppositional nature of temporal clauses and shows how temporal or- dering induces an ordering of semantic strength in each case. The proposed analysis is uniform across veridical and non-veridical readings of before and brings under the semantic fold seemingly exceptional or pragmatically-based cases of NPI licens- ing observed with after, since and until. Crucial throughout is the more restricted, presupposition-dependent notion of entailment, Strawson entailment, proposed by von Fintel (1999). The paper also relates Strawson entailment to the alternative-based analysis of NPIs by Krifka (1995), proposing a particular kind of contextual update, Strawson update, for calculating informational strength.},
	Author = {Condoravdi, Cleo},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 10:00:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 10:01:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {877--910},
	Title = {{NPI} licensing in temporal clauses},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Giannakidou:2010,
	Abstract = {In this brief commentary, I consider Hoeksema's data on enig and sug- gest that there is actually no shift from non-veridicality to downward entailment, but rather from weak to strong negative polarity. This shift in distribution comes with a change in intonation, observed often with strong NPIs crosslinguistically (Greek, Korean, Japanese). The path of enig to strong NPI-hood can therefore be regarded as grammaticalizing intonational properties as well. In comparing the older versus more modern usages of Dutch enig, I suggest that the two major sources for NPI-hood known from the literature, scalarity and referential deficiency, may correlate with the weak versus strong NPI distinction. Finally, it is suggested that the distributional change comes with a concomitant meaning shift and the emergence of an additional scalar dimension in the Modern Dutch NPI enig (e.g. via an EVEN component).},
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 09:58:56 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 09:59:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {861--875},
	Title = {The dynamics of change in {D}utch \emph{enig}: from nonveridicality to strong negative polarity},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Hoeksema:2010,
	Abstract = {Incombinationswithsingularcountnouns,theDutchindefinitedeterminer enig `some/any' shows a diachronic distributional shift from nonveridical environ- ments in general to a strict subset thereof, namely negative, conditional and interrog- ative contexts. Similarities with Greek indefinites of the kanenas-series are explored, and an argument is given that at some point enig has split into two uses, one of which is currently on its way out. Nonemphatic, nonreferring enig is disappearing, whereas emphatic enig is stable within a set of environments similar to those of English any or ever.},
	Author = {Hoeksema, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 09:57:15 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 09:58:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {837--859},
	Title = {Dutch \emph{ENIG}: from nonveridicality to downward entailment},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Biberauer:2010,
	Abstract = {This response focuses on two synchronic and two diachronic issues raised by Agnes J{\"a}ger's contribution to this volume. On the synchronic front, we take a closer look at the limits of the featural underspecification approach adopted by J{\"a}ger, arguing for the need to draw a featural distinction between ``ordinary'' indefinites and positive polarity items, and also highlighting that the [affective] feature appears to play a rather central role not only in the domain of indefinites, but also beyond. In the diachronic domain, we briefly take issue with the feasibility of constraint reranking as an explanation for change, and then turn to a consideration of how a reinterpre- tation of Roberts and Roussou's (2003) analysis of ``increasing negativity'' may be captured in terms of an Agree-based system (cf. Biberauer and Roberts 2010b). Like J{\"a}ger's proposed system, this alternative does not predict that indefinite-related de- velopments should always be unidirectional, as has sometimes been supposed (cf. i.a. also Hoeksema 2010).},
	Author = {Biberauer, Theresa and Roberts, Ian},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 09:55:11 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 09:56:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {823--836},
	Title = {Comments on J{\"a}ger ``\emph{Anything} is \emph{nothing} is \emph{something}'': on the diachrony of polarity types of indefinites},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Jager:2010,
	Abstract = {Three main types of syntactic contexts and accordingly three types of in- definites may be distinguished with respect to negation and polarity. This paper in- vestigates diachronic changes of indefinites from one polarity type to another. A dis- cussion of the development of the indefinites in German illustrates the effect these changes may have on the entire indefinite system of a language and crucially pro- vides evidence for changes towards both `more negative' as well as `more positive'. Additional data from a wide range of languages further supports the conclusion that polarity-type changes are not unidirectional. The observed changes are analyzed in terms of lexical underspecification theory as the result of one of only two possible diachronic operations: introduction of a plus-valued feature or complete loss of a feature in the lexical entries of the respective indefinites.},
	Author = {J{\"a}ger, Agnes},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 09:53:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 09:54:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {787--822},
	Title = {\emph{Anything} is \emph{nothing} is \emph{something}},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Penka:2010,
	Abstract = {This introduction addresses some key issues and questions in the study of negation and polarity. Focussing on negative polarity and negative indefinites, it summarizes research trends and results. Special attention is paid to the issues of syn- chronic variation and diachronic change in the realm of negative polarity items, which figure prominently in the articles and commentaries contained in this special issue.},
	Author = {Penka, Doris and Zeijlstra, Hedde},
	Date-Added = {2011-02-22 09:51:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-02-22 09:52:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {771--786},
	Title = {Negation and Polarity: an introduction},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@incollection{Grice:1989,
	Author = {Grice, Paul},
	Booktitle = {Studies in the Way of Words},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 18:13:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 18:15:17 -0500},
	Pages = {22--40},
	Publisher = {Harvard University Press},
	Title = {Logic and Conversation},
	Year = {1989}}

@incollection{Bolinger:1979,
	Address = {New York},
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 12: Discourse and Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 17:01:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 17:06:01 -0500},
	Editor = {Giv{\'o}n, Talmy},
	Pages = {289--309},
	Publisher = {Academic Press},
	Title = {Pronouns in Discourse},
	Year = {1979}}

@incollection{Heim:1991b,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Heim, Irene},
	Booktitle = {Semantik: Ein internationales {H}andbuch der zeitgenossischen {F}orschung},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 16:43:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 16:45:11 -0500},
	Pages = {487--535},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Artikel und Definitheit},
	Year = {1991}}

@inproceedings{Kazanina:2001,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Kazanina, Nina and Phillips, Colin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 25th Boston University Conference on Language Development},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 16:01:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2012-04-30 20:55:41 +0000},
	Editor = {Do, Anna H.-J. and Dom{\'\i}nguez and Johansen, Aimee},
	Pages = {413--424},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Coreference in child {R}ussian: Distinguishing syntactic and discourse constraints},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Lust:1980,
	Author = {Lust, Barbara and Loveland, Katherine A. and Kornet, R.},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:59:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 16:01:00 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Pages = {359--391},
	Title = {The Development of Anaphora in First Language: Syntactic and Pragmatic Constraints},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1980}}

@inproceedings{Crain:1986,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Crain, Stephen and McKee, Cecil},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {N}orth {E}ast {L}inguistics {S}ociety 16},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:53:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:58:54 -0500},
	Editor = {Berman, Stephen and Choe, Jae--Woong and McDonough, Joyce},
	Organization = {Graduate Linguistic Student Association},
	Pages = {94--110},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Structural Restrictions on Anaphora},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Lust:1992,
	Author = {Lust, Barbara and Eisele, Julie and Mazuka, Reiko},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:51:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:53:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Pages = {333--358},
	Title = {The Binding Theory Module: Evidence from First Language Acquisition for Principle {C}},
	Volume = {68},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{McDaniel:1990,
	Author = {McDaniel, Dana and Cairns, Helen Smith and Hsu, Jennifer},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:50:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:51:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Pages = {121--139},
	Title = {Binding Principles in the Grammars of young Children},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1990},
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@article{Runner:2003a,
	Author = {Runner, Jeffre and Sussman, Rachel S. and Tanenhaus, Michael K.},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:48:45 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:50:10 -0500},
	Journal = {Cognition},
	Pages = {B1--B13},
	Title = {Assignment of reference to reflexives and pronouns in picture noun phrases: Evidence from eye-movements},
	Volume = {89},
	Year = {2003}}

@book{Solan:1983,
	Author = {Solan, Lawrence},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:47:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:48:41 -0500},
	Publisher = {Dordrecht: Reidel},
	Title = {Pronominal Reference: Child Language and the theory of grammar},
	Year = {1983}}

@article{Guasti:1999,
	Author = {Guasti, Maria Teresa and Chierchia, Gennaro},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-22 15:46:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-22 15:47:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Pages = {129--170},
	Title = {Reconstruction in Child Grammar},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1999/2000}}

@article{Schlenker:2004a,
	Author = {Schlenker, Philippe},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-16 21:40:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-16 21:45:33 -0500},
	Journal = {Italian Journal of Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {155--218},
	Title = {Person and {B}inding: A Partial Survey},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Stechow:2003,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Stechow, Arnim von},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-16 21:37:06 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-16 21:39:32 -0500},
	Editor = {Kadowaki, Makoto and Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Organization = {Graduate Linguistic Student Association},
	Pages = {377--403},
	Publisher = {University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {Feature deletion under semantic binding},
	Volume = {33},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Partee:1989a,
	Address = {Chicago Illinois},
	Author = {Partee, Barbara},
	Booktitle = {Papers from the 25th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society, Part One},
	Date-Added = {2011-01-16 21:21:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2011-01-16 21:24:08 -0500},
	Editor = {Wiltshire, Caroline R. and Graczyk, Randolph and Music, Bradley},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {342--365},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago},
	Title = {Binding implicit variables in quantified contexts.},
	Year = {1989}}

@article{Hiraiwa:2010,
	Abstract = {This article aims to elucidate the true nature of the so-called Double-o Constraint (DoC) in Japanese. The nature of the DoC has long been discussed in the literature since Harada's work back in the 1970's, but it has eluded a principled explanation. The DoC has been known to apply to certain domains and a careful study presented in this article shows that these domains correspond to phases. Thus, the DoC reduces to a PF constraint against realizing multiple occurrences of the accusative Case value within a single Spell-Out domain. Specifically, I argue that the DoC applies cyclically phase-by-phase and thus that the DoC provides solid evidence for the cyclic phase-based computation in the current minimalist theorizing (Chomsky 2001, 2004, 2008). If correct, Case in Japanese has two facets: a Case is valued in narrow syntax but its value is only realized at Spell-Out, at which point PF interface conditions apply. It is further suggested that the DoC reduces to a syntactic OCP (Obligatory Contour Principle). The DoC, therefore, is considered to be a case in which an apparently language-particular and hence peripheral phenomenon provides empirical support for the architecture of the Universal Grammar.},
	Author = {Hiraiwa, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:28:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:29:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {723--770},
	Title = {Spelling out the {D}ouble-\emph{o} {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Heck:2010,
	Abstract = {Southern Tiwa (Tanoan) exhibits agreement with up to three arguments (ergative, absolutive, dative). This agreement is subject to certain restrictions resembling the Person-Case Constraint paradigm (Bonet 1991). Moreover, there is a cor- relation between agreement restrictions and conditions on (the obviation of) noun- incorporation in Southern Tiwa, as explicitly and elegantly captured by Rosen (1990) in terms of a heterogeneous feature hierarchy and rules of association. We attempt to recast Rosen's central insights in terms of Anagnostopoulou's probe-sharing model of Person-Case Constraint effects (Anagnostopoulou 2003, 2006), to show that the full range of Southern Tiwa agreement and (non-)incorporation restrictions can be given a single, unified analysis within the probe-goal-Agree framework of Chomsky (2001). In particular, we argue that Southern Tiwa's triple-agreement system is characterized by (a) an independent class probe located on the heads T and v, and (b) a rule that allows this class probe to be deleted in the context of local-person T- agreement. The various restrictions on agreement and non-incorporation then reduce to a single source: failure of class-valuation with DP (as opposed to NP) arguments.},
	Author = {Heck, Fabian and Richards, Marc},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:26:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:27:46 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {681--721},
	Title = {A probe-goal approach to agreement and non-incorporation restrictions in {S}outhern {T}iwa},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Pajak:2010,
	Abstract = {Bakovic ́ (2005) analyzes the avoidance of `sufficiently similar' adjacent consonants as the interaction of independent antigemination and assimilation processes. We present evidence from the phonology of monoconsonantal proclitics in Polish in support of the primary consequence of this analysis, that any conditions on antigemination or assimilation will also be conditions on `sufficient similarity' avoidance. These conditions concern the segmental contexts in which geminates are disallowed in Polish and the variability of one of the assimilation processes involved. The analysis is further corroborated by the coincidence of two changes in progress: as the rate of variable assimilation has gone down, so has the rate of `sufficient similarity' avoidance.},
	Author = {Pajak, Bozena and Bakovi{\'c}, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:23:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:31:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {643--680},
	Title = {Assimilation, antigemination, and contingent optionality: The phonology of monoconsonantal proclitics in {P}olish},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {YnBsaXN0MDDUAQIDBAUGJCVYJHZlcnNpb25YJG9iamVjdHNZJGFyY2hpdmVyVCR0b3ASAAGGoKgHCBMUFRYaIVUkbnVsbNMJCgsMDxJXTlMua2V5c1pOUy5vYmplY3RzViRjbGFzc6INDoACgAOiEBGABIAFgAdccmVsYXRpdmVQYXRoWWFsaWFzRGF0YV8QRi4uLy4uLy4uLy4uL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qTkxMVC8yOC4zUmFqYWtfQmFrb3ZpYy5wZGbSFwsYGVdOUy5kYXRhTxEB1gAAAAAB1gACAAAMTWFjaW50b3NoIEhEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAx9RfkUgrAAACXQyqFTI4LjNSYWpha19CYWtvdmljLnBkZgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJdDfLJMSOHAAAAAAAAAAAABAAFAAAJIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUqTkxMVAAAEAAIAADH1JfRAAAAEQAIAADJMWnXAAAAAQAYAl0MqgAK8KYACvCVAAhL5QAIS9gAAJLzAAIAV01hY2ludG9zaCBIRDpVc2VyczoAa2JqOgBEb2N1bWVudHM6AEJvb2tlbmRzOgBBdHRhY2htZW50czoAKk5MTFQ6ADI4LjNSYWpha19CYWtvdmljLnBkZgAADgAsABUAMgA4AC4AMwBSAGEAagBhAGsAXwBCAGEAawBvAHYAaQBjAC4AcABkAGYADwAaAAwATQBhAGMAaQBuAHQAbwBzAGgAIABIAEQAEgBEVXNlcnMva2JqL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qTkxMVC8yOC4zUmFqYWtfQmFrb3ZpYy5wZGYAEwABLwAAFQACAAr//wAAgAbSGxwdHlokY2xhc3NuYW1lWCRjbGFzc2VzXU5TTXV0YWJsZURhdGGjHR8gVk5TRGF0YVhOU09iamVjdNIbHCIjXE5TRGljdGlvbmFyeaIiIF8QD05TS2V5ZWRBcmNoaXZlctEmJ1Ryb290gAEACAARABoAIwAtADIANwBAAEYATQBVAGAAZwBqAGwAbgBxAHMAdQB3AIQAjgDXANwA5AK+AsACxQLQAtkC5wLrAvIC+wMAAw0DEAMiAyUDKgAAAAAAAAIBAAAAAAAAACgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMs}}

@article{Baker:2010,
	Abstract = {Two distinct ideas about how morphological case is assigned exist in the recent generative literature: the standard Chomskyan view that case is assigned by designated functional heads to the closest NP via an agreement relationship, and an alternative view in which case is assigned to one NP if there is a second NP in the same local domain (Marantz 1991). We claim that these two ways of assigning case are complementary, based on data from the Turkic language Sakha. Accusative case and dative case in this language are assigned by Marantz-style configurational rules that do not refer directly to functional categories. This is shown by evidence from passives, agentive nominalizations, subject raising, possessor raising, and case assignment in PPs. In contrast, there is evidence that nominative and genitive are as- signed by functional heads in the Chomskyan way, as shown by the distribution of nominative case and the relationship between case marking and agreement. The two methods of case assignment thus coexist, not only in Universal Grammar, but even in the grammar of a single language.},
	Author = {Baker, Mark C. and Vinokurova, Nadya},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:21:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:22:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {593--642},
	Title = {Two modalities of case assignment: case in {S}akha},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {YnBsaXN0MDDUAQIDBAUGJCVYJHZlcnNpb25YJG9iamVjdHNZJGFyY2hpdmVyVCR0b3ASAAGGoKgHCBMUFRYaIVUkbnVsbNMJCgsMDxJXTlMua2V5c1pOUy5vYmplY3RzViRjbGFzc6INDoACgAOiEBGABIAFgAdccmVsYXRpdmVQYXRoWWFsaWFzRGF0YV8QSS4uLy4uLy4uLy4uL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qTkxMVC8yOC4zQmFrZXJfVmlub2t1cm92YS5wZGbSFwsYGVdOUy5kYXRhTxEB4gAAAAAB4gACAAAMTWFjaW50b3NoIEhEAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAx9RfkUgrAAACXQyqGDI4LjNCYWtlcl9WaW5va3Vyb3ZhLnBkZgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJdDenJMSKxAAAAAAAAAAAABAAFAAAJIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAUqTkxMVAAAEAAIAADH1JfRAAAAEQAIAADJMWkBAAAAAQAYAl0MqgAK8KYACvCVAAhL5QAIS9gAAJLzAAIAWk1hY2ludG9zaCBIRDpVc2VyczoAa2JqOgBEb2N1bWVudHM6AEJvb2tlbmRzOgBBdHRhY2htZW50czoAKk5MTFQ6ADI4LjNCYWtlcl9WaW5va3Vyb3ZhLnBkZgAOADIAGAAyADgALgAzAEIAYQBrAGUAcgBfAFYAaQBuAG8AawB1AHIAbwB2AGEALgBwAGQAZgAPABoADABNAGEAYwBpAG4AdABvAHMAaAAgAEgARAASAEdVc2Vycy9rYmovRG9jdW1lbnRzL0Jvb2tlbmRzL0F0dGFjaG1lbnRzLypOTExULzI4LjNCYWtlcl9WaW5va3Vyb3ZhLnBkZgAAEwABLwAAFQACAAr//wAAgAbSGxwdHlokY2xhc3NuYW1lWCRjbGFzc2VzXU5TTXV0YWJsZURhdGGjHR8gVk5TRGF0YVhOU09iamVjdNIbHCIjXE5TRGljdGlvbmFyeaIiIF8QD05TS2V5ZWRBcmNoaXZlctEmJ1Ryb290gAEACAARABoAIwAtADIANwBAAEYATQBVAGAAZwBqAGwAbgBxAHMAdQB3AIQAjgDaAN8A5wLNAs8C1ALfAugC9gL6AwEDCgMPAxwDHwMxAzQDOQAAAAAAAAIBAAAAAAAAACgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAM7}}

@article{Arregi:2010,
	Abstract = {Split questions such as What tree did John plant, an oak? contain a wh-question part and a tag. Drawing on Spanish, Basque and English data, this article argues that these two parts of a split question are independent clauses. The tag is in fact an elliptical non-wh-question, where ellipsis is licensed in the same way as in other sentence fragments. I provide detailed argumentation that the tag involves movement of a correlate of the wh-phrase, followed by ellipsis of the remnant, thus contributing to the growing body of evidence that sentence fragments (sluicing, fragment answers, etc.) are syntactically full clauses. The syntax proposed provides a simple account of the intonation patterns found in split questions and of their semantics. Furthermore, it is argued that the only existing alternative analysis of split questions cannot account for many of the properties of this construction.},
	Author = {Arregi, Karlos},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:01:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:20:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {539--592},
	Title = {Ellipsis in split questions},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {YnBsaXN0MDDUAQIDBAUGJCVYJHZlcnNpb25YJG9iamVjdHNZJGFyY2hpdmVyVCR0b3ASAAGGoKgHCBMUFRYaIVUkbnVsbNMJCgsMDxJXTlMua2V5c1pOUy5vYmplY3RzViRjbGFzc6INDoACgAOiEBGABIAFgAdccmVsYXRpdmVQYXRoWWFsaWFzRGF0YV8QPy4uLy4uLy4uLy4uL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qTkxMVC8yOC4zQXJyZWdpLnBkZtIXCxgZV05TLmRhdGFPEQG6AAAAAAG6AAIAAAxNYWNpbnRvc2ggSEQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADH1F+RSCsAAAJdDKoOMjguM0FycmVnaS5wZGYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAl0N58kxIk8AAAAAAAAAAAAEAAUAAAkgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABSpOTExUAAAQAAgAAMfUl9EAAAARAAgAAMkxaJ8AAAABABgCXQyqAArwpgAK8JUACEvlAAhL2AAAkvMAAgBQTWFjaW50b3NoIEhEOlVzZXJzOgBrYmo6AERvY3VtZW50czoAQm9va2VuZHM6AEF0dGFjaG1lbnRzOgAqTkxMVDoAMjguM0FycmVnaS5wZGYADgAeAA4AMgA4AC4AMwBBAHIAcgBlAGcAaQAuAHAAZABmAA8AGgAMAE0AYQBjAGkAbgB0AG8AcwBoACAASABEABIAPVVzZXJzL2tiai9Eb2N1bWVudHMvQm9va2VuZHMvQXR0YWNobWVudHMvKk5MTFQvMjguM0FycmVnaS5wZGYAABMAAS8AABUAAgAK//8AAIAG0hscHR5aJGNsYXNzbmFtZVgkY2xhc3Nlc11OU011dGFibGVEYXRhox0fIFZOU0RhdGFYTlNPYmplY3TSGxwiI1xOU0RpY3Rpb25hcnmiIiBfEA9OU0tleWVkQXJjaGl2ZXLRJidUcm9vdIABAAgAEQAaACMALQAyADcAQABGAE0AVQBgAGcAagBsAG4AcQBzAHUAdwCEAI4A0ADVAN0CmwKdAqICrQK2AsQCyALPAtgC3QLqAu0C/wMCAwcAAAAAAAACAQAAAAAAAAAoAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADCQ==}}

@article{Albright:2010,
	Author = {Albright, Adam},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 14:00:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 14:01:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {475--537},
	Title = {Base-driven leveling in {Y}iddish verb paradigms},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Rivero:2010,
	Author = {Rivero, Mar{\'\i}a Luisa and Arregui, Ana and Frackowiak, Ewelina},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:53:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:54:46 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {704--714},
	Title = {Variation in Circumstantial Modality: {P}olish versus {S}t'{\'a}t'imcets},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Larson:2010,
	Author = {Larson, Richard K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:49:52 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:50:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {701--704},
	Title = {On Pykk{\"a}nen's Semantics for Low Applicatives},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Drummond:2010,
	Author = {Drummond, Alex and Hornstein, Norbert and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:48:24 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:49:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {689--692},
	Title = {A Puzzle about {P}-Stranding and a Possible Solution},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Clifton:2010,
	Author = {Clifton, Charles, Jr. and Frazier, Lyn},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:46:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:47:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {681--689},
	Title = {When Are Downward-Entailing Contexts Identified? The Csae of the Domain Widener \emph{ever}},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Koizumi:2010,
	Abstract = {The question of whether the subject stays in its thematic position within the VP or moves to Spec,TP is difficult to answer with respect to free word order languages such as Japanese because the surface constituent orders in these languages do not necessarily provide sufficient information to determine syntactic positions. In this article, we present psycho-linguistic evidence for the theoretical hypothesis that, in Japanese, the subject must move to Spec,TP in sentences with the subject-object- verb word order, but may stay within the VP in sentences with the object-subject-verb word order.},
	Author = {Koizumi, Masatoshi and Tamaoka, Katsuo},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:45:03 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:46:11 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {663--680},
	Title = {Psycholinguistic Evidence for the {VP}-Internal Subject Position in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Heinz:2010,
	Abstract = {This article shows that specific properties of long-distance phonotactic patterns derived from consonantal harmony patterns (Hansson 2001, Rose and Walker 2004) follow from a learner that generalizes only on the basis of the order of sounds, not the distance between them. The proposed learner is simple, efficient, and provably correct, and does not require an a priori notion of tier or projection (contra the model in Hayes and Wilson 2008); nor does it rely on the additional structure provided by Optimality Theory grammars (Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) or grammars in the principles-and-parameters framework (Chomsky 1981, Dresher and Kaye 1990, Gibson and Wexler 1994). Not only does the noncounting nature of nonlocal dependencies automatically follow from the way the learner generalizes, it also explains the absence of blocking patterns from the typology. Finally, the learner lends support to the idea that long-distance phonotactic patterns are phenomenologically distinct from spreading patterns, contra the hypothesis of Strict Locality (Gafos 1999, et seq.).},
	Author = {Heinz, Jeffrey},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:43:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:44:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {623--661},
	Title = {Learning Long-Distance Phonotactics},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Haegeman:2010a,
	Abstract = {By analogy with the movement analysis of temporal clauses, some authors have proposed that conditional clauses be derived by leftward operator movement (Bhatt and Pancheva 2002, 2006, Arsenijevic ́ 2009, Tomaszewicz 2009). This movement analysis of conditional clauses is shown to account for the incompatibility of main clause phenomena and conditional clauses in terms of intervention effects. The cartographic implementation of this analysis predicts that conditional clauses will be incompatible with speaker-oriented modal expressions and that conditional clauses will lack the low-construal reading found in temporal clauses (Bhatt and Pancheva 2002, 2006). Thus, the absence of low construal in conditional clauses, which was initially taken to be an obstacle for the movement account of conditional clauses (see Citko 2000), becomes an argument in its favor.},
	Author = {Haegeman, Liliane},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:35:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:43:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {595--621},
	Title = {The Movement Derivation of Conditional Clauses},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Bruening:2010a,
	Abstract = {This article discusses three asymmetries in ditransitives---quantifier scope, nominalizations, and idioms---and argues that an asymmetric theory like that advocated by Marantz (1993) and Bruening (2001) is correct. A symmetric theory like that proposed by Harley (1997, 2002) cannot account for the asymmetries. The article also proposes a com- plete theory of idiom formation based on selection. It also proposes a formal semantics for double object constructions that includes a mechanism for composing complex predicates. This semantics can account for the different readings of again and other modifiers, and can also be extended to nonalternating verbs like deny, spare, envy, and cost, with correct predictions about their behavior.},
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:32:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:33:39 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {519--562},
	Title = {Ditransitive Asymmetries and a Theory of Idiom Formation},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Vicente:2010a,
	Author = {Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:12:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:13:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {509--517},
	Title = {A Note on the Movement Analysis of {G}apping},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Rezac:2010,
	Author = {Rezac, Milan},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:11:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:12:26 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {496--508},
	Title = {$\phi$-Agree Versus $\phi$-Feature Movement: Evidence from Floating Quantifiers},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Costantini:2010,
	Author = {Costantini, Fracesco},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:08:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:10:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {487--496},
	Title = {On Infinitives and Floating Quantification},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hazout:2010,
	Abstract = {Present tense verbless sentences involve a full clausal structure and not a reduced structure of the kind familiar under the term small clause. This article presents two new arguments in favor of this view. These arguments are based on differences between root verbless sentences and familiar instances of small clauses (rather than on similarities between present tense verbless sentences and verbal sentences in other tenses, as in Benmamoun 2008). The arguments presented in this article provide substantial evidence bearing on the fundamental issue of what a clausal structure needs to have in order to qualify as an independent nonelliptical utterance.},
	Author = {Hazout, Ilan},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:07:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:08:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {471--485},
	Title = {Verbless Sentences and Clause Structure},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Torrego:2010,
	Abstract = {Taking Folli and Harley's (2007) analysis of Italian fare-causatives as a starting point, and focusing on Spanish, I examine variation in the distribution of the subject of the embedded infinitive in so-called faire-causatives, and I suggest that there is a robust correlation between the size of the embedded complement and the licensing of particular arguments. I reach this conclusion by investigating syntactic complexity in the domain of hacer-causatives, showing that richer structures obtain when Case factors associated with dative-case-marked arguments are considered. I further show that the specific conditions imposed by these arguments are language particular and arise in the language independently of analytical causatives.},
	Author = {Torrego, Esther},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:05:54 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:06:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {445--470},
	Title = {Variability in the Case Patterns of Causative Formation in {R}omance and Its Implications},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Pescarini:2010,
	Abstract = {This article focuses on sequences of Romance clitics wherein a pro- nominal form is replaced by another clitic exponent, which is prima facie morphologically unmotivated. Bonet (1991) and Harris (1994) among others have argued that these synthetic clusters can be due to the insertion of an elsewhere clitic: a default, nonspecified item that is inserted as a last resort whenever the insertion of other clitics is ruled out. In this article, independent pieces of evidence gathered from Italian and Italian dialects are shown to support this hypothesis.},
	Author = {Pescarini, Diego},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:04:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:05:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {427--444},
	Title = {Elsewhere in {R}omance: Evidence from Clitic Clusters},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{McFadden:2010,
	Abstract = {In this article, we investigate the peculiar distribution of the auxiliaries have and be in Earlier English and its consequences for theories of the perfect and auxiliary selection. We argue on the basis of a large-scale corpus study that the periphrastic construction with be was restricted to a stative resultative interpretation, whereas that with have developed a wider range of uses, crucially including the experiential perfect in addition to resultatives. Support comes from comparing the Earlier English patterns with related ones in Norwegian and German for which native-speaker judgments are available. On the basis of this insight, we propose distinct formal analyses for the two constructions and show how they account for the attested patterns and changes in Middle and Early Modern English. Of particular theoretical relevance is the premise that what has been called the ``perfect'' is not a homogeneous, monolithic category, and that certain kinds of variation can only be understood by teasing apart the pieces involved. Earlier English and German auxiliaries have distinct distributions because their ``perfects'' have distinct syntactic and semantic makeups.},
	Author = {McFadden, Thomas and Alexiadou, Artemis},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 11:00:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:03:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {389--425},
	Title = {Perfects, Resultatives, and Auxiliaries in {E}arlier {E}nglish},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Landau:2010a,
	Abstract = {Although they participate in control relations, implicit arguments are standardly viewed as unprojected theta-roles, absent from the syntax. I challenge this view and argue that implicit arguments are syntactically represented. The argument rests on the observation that implicit arguments can exercise partial control, and the claim that partial control must be encoded in the syntax (given plausible assumptions on the limits of lexical relations). I further argue that the syntactic constitution of implicit arguments is more impoverished than that of pro, explaining their differential visibility to various syntactic processes.},
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-17 10:58:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 10:59:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {357--388},
	Title = {The Explicit Syntax of Implicit Arguments},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Schutze:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper examines two issues concerning nonagreeing don't in child English, e.g., He don't fit. (1) Do children know that don't consists of auxiliary do plus sentential negation, or do they misanalyze it simply as negation? I argue that the former claim yields both empirical (distributional) and conceptual advantages, while the latter does not explain what it was designed to explain. (2) If it is not misanalyzed, why does this form fail to agree? I consider two accounts that assume it is part of the Root Infinitive stage---one based on a missed parameter involving how agreement is spelled out (Guasti & Rizzi 2002), and the other based on underspecification of Infl features in syntax (my alternative proposal)---and explore their divergent predictions. I argue that the underspecification approach requires fewer stipulations about how children differ from adults, particularly for capturing do-omissions in ``medial neg'' environments.},
	Author = {Sch{\"u}tze, Carson},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 19:00:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 19:01:40 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {235--271},
	Title = {The Status of Nonagreeing \emph{Don't} and Theories of Root Infinitives},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kline:2010,
	Abstract = {Researchers have long debated the mechanisms underlying the learning of syntactic structure. Of significant interest has been the fact that passive constructions appear to be learned earlier in Sesotho than English. This paper provides a comprehensive, quantitative analysis of the passive input Sesotho-speaking children hear, how it differs from English input, and the implications for learning the passive. The findings indicate that the more frequent use of both the passive and the by-phrase in Sesotho child-directed speech, in conjunction with the non-ambiguous passive morpheme, may together facilitate earlier access to thematic roles (agent, patient), thereby promoting early implicit learning of the passive. The implications for the acquisition of syntactic structure more generally are discussed.},
	Author = {Kline, Melissa and Demuth, Katherine},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:59:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 19:00:11 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {220--234},
	Title = {Factors Facilitating Implicit Learning: The Case of the {S}esotho Passive},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Gavarro:2010,
	Abstract = {The literature generally assumes that object clitic omission is equally allowed in all child languages. In this paper we challenge this claim by means of an elicitation experiment carried out with children acquiring two closely related languages, Catalan and Spanish. Our results show that while omission is high in young Catalan-speaking children, it is very low in Spanish-speaking children. We argue that this difference can be attributed to a property of their respective grammars (the presence or otherwise of past participle agreement when objects cliticize) under the Unique Checking Constraint of Wexler (1998). In a second experiment, we confirm the robustness of early sensitivity to past participle agreement; through a grammaticality judgment task we find a statistically significant difference between the two languages. We show that the parametric approach postulated can be extended, for mandatory, overt objects, beyond Catalan and Spanish, broadening the empirical scope of the Unique Checking Constraint.},
	Author = {Gavarr{\'o}, Anna and Torrens, Vicen{\c c} and Wexler, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:56:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:58:19 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {192--219},
	Title = {Object Clitic Omission: Two Language Types},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Minai:2010,
	Abstract = {Research on children's computation of meanings involving the focus operator only has provided an equivocal conclusion as to whether children's semantic representation of only is adult-like. The present study discusses the importance of assessing children's knowledge about only in light of its semantic interaction with other logical words in a sentence. The meaning of only involves two components, each of which affects the interpretation of another logical word, such as the scalar term some, in a sentence containing only. Demonstrating that young children are sensitive to the interaction among only and some would suggest that children possess adult-like knowledge of the lexical semantics of only. We report a new experiment that examines children's interpretation of sentences involving only and some, revealing that children indeed do not ignore the contribution of only when interpreting sentences with only and some.},
	Author = {Minai, Utako and Fiorentino, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:54:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:55:46 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--190},
	Title = {The Role of the Focus Operator \emph{only} in Children's Computation of Sentence Meaning},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hodgson:2010,
	Abstract = {This article presents a study of a between-subjects design experiment on the comprehension of telicity in simple telic predicates (e.g., John filled the bucket) and locatum predicates (e.g., the water filled the bucket) in L1 Spanish. Weist, Wysocka, and Lyytinen (1991) for English and Finnish, and Van Hout (1997, 1998b) for English and Dutch have shown that children up to age 6;06 allow simple telic predicates to have both telic and atelic interpretations. The main objective of this article is to show that children aged 3;09 allow locatum structures to be interpreted as telic, like adults, but allow simple telic predicates to have telic and atelic interpretations. The central claim is that in simple telic predicates, telicity is checked by covert movement, while in locatum predicates, telicity is checked by overt movement. Children misinterpret simple telic predicates because covert movement is an operation that takes place after the branching off to the PF component, but perform like adults when overt movement is involved.},
	Author = {Hodgson, Miren},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:52:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:53:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {155--182},
	Title = {Locatum Structures and the Acquisition of Telicity},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Gruter:2010,
	Abstract = {While L1 transfer and L2 learnability have been studied extensively in the domain of syntax and the syntax/semantics interface, purely semantic phenomena have received little attention in the L2 literature. This paper presents two experiments examining the relative scope assigned to disjunction and negation by English-speaking learners of Japanese (Experiment 1) and Japanese-speaking learners of English (Experiment 2). Previous evidence from L1 acquisition shows a protracted initial default for the interpretation of the relative scope of disjunction and negation. Our results show no such default in L2 acquisition, contra the predictions of Epstein et al. (1996). Instead, we find evidence of L1 transfer, suggesting `Full Transfer' at the L2 initial state extends to the domain of semantics. Results also show uneven success in the two L2 groups, which is explained through the different learnability scenarios that arise as a result of transfer and the availability of positive evidence in the L2 input.},
	Author = {Gr{\"u}ter, Theres and Lieberman, Moti and Gualmini, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:50:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:51:49 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {127--154},
	Title = {Acquiring the Scope of Disjunction and negation in {L2}: A Bidirectional Study of Learners of {J}apanese and {E}nglish},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Ruys:2010,
	Abstract = {It has recently been claimed (Hazout 2004) that the English expletives it and there do not differ in their theta-properties. This paper argues that Dutch het and er do differ: all instances of het bear a (quasi-)theta-role; no instance of er does. Evidence comes from an analysis of expletive selection in constructions with seem-type verbs.},
	Author = {Ruys, E. G.},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:44:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:45:45 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--178},
	Title = {Expletive selection and {CP} arguments in {D}utch},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Corver:2010,
	Abstract = {We discuss ellipsis of the possessee in both pronominal possessor constructions (Dutch: zijn boek `his book') and possessor doubling constructions (Dutch: John z'n boek, John his book `John's book') from a micro-comparative perspective. More specifically we show, on the basis of an in-depth study of the nominal system of 57 Dutch dialects, that there are two types of possessee ellipsis. In the first type there is a pro which needs to be licensed by gender agreement. In the second type there is an overt pro-form, similar to English one, and hence no ellipsis. Dialects that have the first type of possessee ellipsis can be further divided into two subtypes. The first has gender agreement on the possessive pronoun, the second one does not. Interestingly, possessee ellipsis can take place in the possessor doubling construction only in the former subtype of dialect. We implement this striking generalization by arguing that in the latter type of dialect pro has to move to Spec,DP in order to be licensed. The doubling possessor also has to be merged in Spec,DP. As a consequence, pro and a doubling possessor cannot co-occur and hence possessee ellipsis and possessor doubling are incompatible. In the former type of dialect, i.e., those dialects that do express gender on the possessive pronoun, pro can be licensed by the gender agreement on the possessive pronoun in a position lower than Spec,DP. Hence, in these dialects Spec,DP is available for a doubling possessor and, consequently, possessee ellipsis and possessor doubling can co-occur.},
	Author = {Corver, Norbert and Koppen, Marjo van},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:42:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:43:54 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--140},
	Title = {Ellipsis in {D}utch possessive noun phrases: a micro-comparative approach},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Roehrs:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the demonstrative-reinforcer construction, combinations of a demonstrative and a (usually) adverbial element, in the different Germanic and Romance languages. Documenting that there are four different types, I argue that demonstratives are phrasal elements that are merged in the Specifier position of an intermediate phrase. Depending in part on the different inner makeup, demonstratives may or must move to Spec,DP. Furthermore, reinforcers come in two types: `bare' reinforcers are merged in the same Specifier as demonstratives; PP- reinforcers are right-adjoined. Assuming that there is no Subextraction out of Specifiers or Adjuncts, we can also explain a number of patterns that, although logically conceivable, do not occur in any language.},
	Author = {Roehrs, Dorian},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:40:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:41:43 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {225--268},
	Title = {Demonstrative-reinforer constructions},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Caha:2010,
	Abstract = {I investigate the locative-directional alternation in German, expressed by the change of case on the complement of a preposition, and its consequences for the theory of case in general. I argue that oblique cases and structural cases are assigned in a uniform manner, but they are distinct in the amount of functional structure: oblique case contains structural case. Follow- ing Starke (2005), I claim that oblique cases can be promoted to structural cases by stranding layers of oblique case.},
	Author = {Caha, Pavel},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:38:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:40:39 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {179--223},
	Title = {The {G}erman locative-directional alternation: A Peeling Account},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@book{Bowers:2010,
	Author = {Bowers, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:30:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:31:17 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Arguments ad Relations},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Embick:2010,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Embick, David},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:29:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:46:25 +0000},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Localism versus Globalism in Morphology and Phonology},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Richards:2010,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Richards, Norvin},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:28:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2012-02-19 17:45:47 +0000},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Uttering Trees},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Landau:2010,
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:27:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:28:03 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {The Locative Syntax of Experiencers},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Cinque:2010,
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:26:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:27:13 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {The Syntax of Adjectives: A Comparative Study},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Roberts:2010,
	Author = {Roberts, Ian},
	Date-Added = {2010-12-05 18:25:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-05 18:26:22 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals},
	Year = {2010}}

@book{Pylkkanen:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Pylkk{\"a}nen, Liina},
	Date-Added = {2010-11-10 16:44:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-11-10 16:46:45 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Introducing Arguments},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{Levinson:2005,
	Address = {Philadelphia, Pennsylvania},
	Author = {Levinson, Lisa},
	Booktitle = {The 28th Annual Penn Linguistics Colloquium (Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 11.1)},
	Date-Added = {2010-11-10 08:08:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-11-10 08:10:10 -0500},
	Editor = {Arunachalam, Sudha and Scheffler, Tatjana and Sundaresan, Sandhya and Tauberer, Joshua},
	Organization = {University of Pennsylvania},
	Pages = {155--168},
	Title = {`To' in two places in the dative alternation},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Hovav:2008,
	Abstract = {We challenge the predominant view of the English dative alternation, which takes all alternating verbs to have two meanings: a caused possession meaning realized by the double object variant and a caused motion meaning realized by the to variant. Instead, we argue that verbs like give and sell only have a caused possession meaning, while verbs like throw and send have both caused motion and caused possession meanings. We show that the caused possession meaning may be realized by both variants. Concomitantly, we argue that verbs like give, even in the to variant, lack a conceptual path constituent, and instead have a caused possession meaning which can be understood as the bringing about of a `have' relation. We reassess evidence for alternative approaches adduced from inference patterns and verb--argument combinations and demonstrate how our verb-sensitive analysis, when combined with an account of variant choice, provides a more insightful explanation of this data, while having wider coverage. Our investigation affirms proposals that a verb's own meaning plays a key role in determining its argument realization options. To conclude, we consider the crosslinguistic implications of our study, attempting to explain why so many languages lack a true dative alternation.},
	Author = {Hovav, Malka Rappaport and Levin, Beth},
	Date-Added = {2010-11-10 07:59:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-11-10 08:05:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {129--167},
	Title = {The {E}nglish dative alternation: The case for verb sensitivity},
	Volume = {44},
	Year = {2008},
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@book{Halliday:1976,
	Author = {Halliday, Michael and Hasan, Ruqiaya},
	Date-Added = {2010-11-22 14:54:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-11-22 14:56:02 -0500},
	Publisher = {Longmans},
	Title = {Cohesion in {E}nglish},
	Year = {1976}}

@unpublished{Fox:2009,
	Author = {Fox, Danny and Pesetsky, David},
	Date-Added = {2010-09-29 16:19:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-09-29 16:20:15 -0400},
	Month = {July},
	Note = {talk delivered at Ben Gurion University},
	Title = {Rightward Movement, Covert Movement, and Cyclic Linearization},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Sternefeld:2001,
	Author = {Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Booktitle = {Audiatur Vox Sapientiae. A Festschrift for {A}rnim von {S}techow},
	Date-Added = {2010-09-29 11:08:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-09-29 11:10:02 -0400},
	Editor = {F{\'e}ry, Caroline and Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Publisher = {Acadamie Verlag},
	Title = {Partial Movement Constructions, Pied-Piping and Higher Order Choice Functions},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Cable:2010a,
	Abstract = {I argue that pied-piping, as traditionally understood, might not exist. I reanalyze classic examples from English and other well-studied languages in light of new data from Tlingit, an understudied and endangered language of Alaska. I argue that the initial appearance of pied- piping in Tlingit is misleading and actually reflects structures where no true pied-piping occurs. I then show that a similar analysis is possible for putative cases of pied-piping in other, well-known languages. Consequently, both the phenomenon of pied-piping and the grammatical mechanisms introduced to derive it might be eliminable from the theory of grammar.},
	Author = {Cable, Seth},
	Date-Added = {2010-09-29 10:58:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-12-17 11:42:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {563--594},
	Title = {Against the Existence of {P}ied-{P}iping: Evidence from {T}lingit},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@book{Cable:2010,
	Author = {Cable, Seth},
	Date-Added = {2010-09-29 10:54:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-09-29 10:55:57 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The Grammar of {Q}: {Q}-Particles, {W}h-{M}ovement and {P}ied-{P}iping},
	Year = {2010}}

@incollection{Abney:1996,
	Author = {Abney, Steven},
	Booktitle = {The Balancing Act: Combining Symbolic and Statistical Approaches to Language},
	Date-Added = {2010-09-07 07:15:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-09-07 07:17:11 -0400},
	Editor = {Klavans, Judith and Resnik, Philip},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Statistical Methods and Linguistics},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Zuraw:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a case of patterned exceptionality. The case is Tagalog nasal substitution, a phenomenon in which a prefix-final nasal fuses with a stem-initial obstruent. The rule is variable on a word-by-word basis, but its distribution is phonologically patterned, as shown through dictionary and corpus data. Speakers appear to have implicit knowledge of the patterning, as shown through experimental data and loan adaptation. A grammar is proposed that reconciles the primacy of lexical information with regularities in the distribution of the rule. Morphologically complex words are allowed to have their own lexical entries, whose use is preferred to on-the-fly morphological concatenation. The grammar contains lower-ranked markedness constraints that govern the behavior of novel words. Faithfulness for lexicalized full words is ranked high, so that an established word will have a stable pronunciation. But when a word is newly coined through affixation, the outcome varies according the lexical trends. A crucial aspect of the proposal is that the ranking of the ''subterranean'' markedness constraints can be learned despite training data in which all words are pronounced faithfully, using Boersma's (1997, 1998) Gradual learning algorithm. The paper also shows, by summarizing the rule's behavior in related languages, that the same constraints, in different rankings, seem to be at work even in languages reported to lack variation.},
	Author = {Zuraw, Kie},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:44:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:45:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {417--472},
	Title = {A model of lexical variation and the grammar with application to {T}agalog nasal substitution},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Vicente:2010,
	Abstract = {A series of studies have distinguished two types of but, namely, corrective and counterexpectational. The difference between these two types has been considered largely semantic/pragmatic. This article shows that the semantic difference also translates into a different syntax for each type of but. More precisely, corrective but always requires clause-level coordination, with apparent counterexamples being derived through ellipsis within the second conjunct. On the other hand, counterexpectational but is not restricted in this way, and offers the possibility of coordination of both clausal and subclausal constituents. From this difference, it is possible to derive a number of syntactic asymmetries between corrective and counterexpectational but.},
	Author = {Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:42:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:43:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {381--415},
	Title = {On the syntax of adversative coordination},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Takahashi:2010,
	Abstract = {I propose that a moved clausal complement must involve a DP structure headed by a covert determiner. This proposal explains the fact that the base-generated position of a moved clausal complement must show properties of DPs even though the moved constituent appears to be a CP. I argue that the necessity of the DP structure comes from properties of an independently motivated mechanism for interpreting structures involving a movement dependency under the copy theory of movement. Together with a particular theory of counter-cyclic merger, the proposed analysis also captures (anti-)reconstruction effects exhibited by movement of a clausal complement.},
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:41:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:42:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {343--380},
	Title = {The hidden side of clausal complements},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Otsuka:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes that syntactic ergativity should be understood as a construction-based phenomenon rather than a parametric property that defines a subset of morphologically ergative languages. It argues that syntactic ergativity arises when the relevant operation is sensitive to (abstract) Case. Since not all syntactic operations are sensitive to Case, it is expected that some morphologically ergative languages do not show syntactic ergativity, or even demonstrate syntactic split ergativity. As an illustration, two types of coordination reduction in Tongan (Polynesian) are examined: pea-coordination showing an ergative/absolutive pattern and mo-coordination showing a nominative/accusative pattern. It is argued that DP ellipsis in pea-coordination is a Case-sensitive operation, i.e., PF deletion based on featural identity, whereas mo-coordination involves a null pronoun and LF copying, which is based on positional identity, regardless of Case.},
	Author = {Otsuka, Yuko},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:38:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:40:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {315--342},
	Title = {{DP} ellipsis in {T}ongan: is syntactic ergativity real?},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hofmeister:2010,
	Abstract = {To account for the linear freedom of either in disjunction constructions, I expand upon the focus-based account of den Dikken (2006). Word order constraints, in contrast to movement rules or base-generation constraints, provide the mechanism for explaining the distributional data. I argue that all positional variability exhibited by either ultimately derives from a licensing construction that enables either to be shuffled about disjunct-internally, yet simultaneously prevents either from entering into linear precedence relations with disjunct-external constituents. Restrictions on the surface realization of either result from a linear precedence rule ordering either before the contrastive focus, language particular constraints on word order, and general constraints on coordinate ellipsis. Overall, this analysis presents an account of either . . . or constructions that introduces only a single linear precedence rule and a licensing construction for combining either with disjunctions to account for the data, relying on independently-motivated constraints to carry the rest of the analytical burden.},
	Author = {Hofmeister, Philip},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:36:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:37:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {275--314},
	Title = {A linearization accout of \emph{either}...\emph{or} constructions},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Camacho:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses switch-reference (SR) systems in Pano and Muskogean languages, and proposes that grammatical CASE plays an essential role in licensing same-subject SR constructions in these languages. Specifically, CASE activates an agreement relationship between two clauses, allowing for transmission of information about participant coreference. different-subject SR, on the other hand, does not involve CASE concord, but signals the activation of a discourse participant that was either inactive in the background or not present.},
	Author = {Camacho, Jos{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2010-07-02 10:34:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-07-02 10:35:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {239--274},
	Title = {On case concord: the syntax of switch-reference clauses},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Heycock:2010,
	Abstract = {In this article we investigate the status of two different types of movement in subordinate clauses in Faroese: the movement of the finite verb to a position below the subject but above negation and medial adverbs (V-to- I), and the movement of some XP and the finite verb to positions above the subject (V2). The exact status of these phenomena in contemporary Faroese, a language that has been argued to be undergoing syntactic change, is a matter of dispute; we attempt to clarify this using the methodology of Magnitude Estimation (ME). We extend what is known by presenting the results of a systematic comparison of judgment data from Icelandic (where the finite verb obligatorily moves to a high position within the clause, and embedded V2 has been claimed to be possible quite generally), Danish (where the finite verb obligatorily remains in a low position, and embedded V2 has been claimed to be restricted), and Faroese (where the status of verb movement is precisely at issue, and the availability of embedded V2 has been little explored).},
	Author = {Heycock, Caroline and Sorace, Antonella and Zakaris, Svabo Hansen},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-30 11:30:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-30 11:31:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--97},
	Title = {V-to-{I} in subordinate clauses: an investigation of {F}aroese in relation to {I}celandic and {D}anish},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Hoekstra:2010,
	Abstract = {In this paper I will take the special properties of the Modern West Frisian impersonal pronoun men `one' (obligatory inclusiveness, 1st person singular reading, strength) and the typology of impersonal pronouns in Frisian as the starting point for a discussion of the referential status of impersonal pronouns in general. I will claim that impersonal pronouns are the pronominal counterpart of generic DPs and, like these, definite, but non-specific. Further, it will be argued that the most important typological distinction with impersonal pronouns, viz. that between inclusive and exclusive, is a consequence of their non-specificity. With respect to Modern West Frisian men I will contend that this element, in addition to being a genuine (weak) impersonal pronoun, can be a (strong) quasi-personal pronoun. I will provide some further evidence for this subclass of impersonal pronouns and show how its existence is predicted by my general theory of impersonal pronouns.},
	Author = {Hoekstra, Jarich},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-30 11:28:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-30 11:29:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {31--59},
	Title = {On the impersonal pronoun \emph{men} in {M}odern {W}est {F}risian},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kleemann-Kramer:2010,
	Abstract = {It is well known that the distribution of focus particles such as only, also and even varies across languages. Focus particle placement is less restricted, for example, in English, which features adverbial as well as adnominal focus particles. That is opposed to German which only has adverbial focus particles. According to B{\"u}ring and Hartmann's (Nat Lang Linguist Theory 19:229--281, 2001) Particle Theory, German focus particles only adjoin to nodes which are non-arguments. The correctness of the Particle Theory is not uncontroversial. It has been argued that the Particle Theory makes the wrong predictions about focus particle placement within NPs. The aim of this paper is to show that apparent counterexamples, in fact, provide new evidence in favor of B{\"u}ring and Hartmann's Particle Theory. It argues that NP-internal focus particles adjoin to extra non-nominal functional projections which do count as focus particle adjunction sites according to the Particle Theory. Evidence comes from German as well as Dutch NP-internal focus particles.},
	Author = {Kleemann-Kr{\"a}mer, Anja},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-30 11:26:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-30 11:27:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--29},
	Title = {On apparent {NP}-internal focus particles in {G}erman},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Yoshida:2010,
	Author = {Yoshida, Masaya},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 13:05:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2012-01-31 15:30:47 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {348--356},
	Title = {``{A}ntecedent-Contained'' Sluicing},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Wiland:2010,
	Author = {Wiland, Bartosz},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 13:04:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 13:05:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {335--347},
	Title = {Overt Evidence from Left-Branch Extraction in {P}olish for Punctuated Paths},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Baltin:2010,
	Author = {Baltin, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 13:02:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 13:03:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {331--335},
	Title = {The Nonreality of Doubly Filled Comps},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Lin:2010,
	Abstract = {Sybesma (2007) argues for the existence of a syntactic T node in Chinese on the basis of general theoretical considerations and parallel empirical data from Dutch and Chinese. This reply shows that a tenseless analysis of Chinese is an equally viable alternative or even a better one, given some empirical problems that the tensed analysis has to face. The tenseless analysis is backed up not only by its ability to explain the data in a more elegant way but also by syntactic facts that seem to be unrelated coincidences under a tensed analysis but are natural consequences under a tenseless alternative.},
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 13:00:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 13:02:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {305--329},
	Title = {A Tenseless Analysis of {M}andarin {C}hinese Revisited: A Response to {S}ybsema 2007},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Bruening:2010,
	Abstract = {Recent work by Bresnan and colleagues (Bresnan 2007, Bresnan et al. 2007, Bresnan and Nikitina 2007) has argued that double object and prepositional dative constructions are essentially identical, the choice between them being conditioned by various factors. I argue against this conclusion, showing that the grammar clearly distinguishes double object from prepositional dative constructions. Under certain circumstances, the first object of a double object construction can shift to the right, with the preposition to appearing, but the grammar still distinguishes this from a prepositional dative construction that looks identi- cal on the surface. The phenomena that I investigate are scope interactions with quantifiers and locative inversion. In addition, the rightward reordering operations investigated here indicate that constraints on variable binding, including weak crossover, must be formulated in terms of linear order rather than hierarchy.},
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 12:59:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 13:00:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {281--305},
	Title = {Double Object Constructions Disguised as Prepositional Datives},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Lahrouchi:2010,
	Abstract = {This article examines the internal structure of triconsonantal roots in Tashlhiyt Berber. It is proposed that these roots have a binary-branching head-complement structure, built upon the sonorant and the segment immediately to its left. Evidence for this structure is provided by the imperfective formation. It is argued that only roots that display such a structure undergo gemination in the imperfective. This permits an account for a number of forms that are traditionally ascribed to lexical idiosyncrasy, including verbs that are made up entirely of obstruents and those whose only sonorant is in initial position.},
	Author = {Lahrouchi, Mohamed},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 12:57:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 12:58:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {255--285},
	Title = {On the Internal Structure of {T}ashlhiyt {B}erber Triconsonantal Roots},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Ko:2010,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the role of presuppositionality (defined as the presupposition of existence) in the second language (L2) acquisition of English articles. Building upon the proposal in Wexler 2003 that young English-acquiring children overuse the with presuppositional indefinites, this article proposes that presuppositionality also influ- ences article (mis)use in adult L2 acquisition. This proposal is supported by experimental results from the L2 English of adult speakers of Korean, a language with no articles. The experimental findings indicate that presuppositional indefinite contexts trigger overuse of the with indefinites in adult L2 acquisition, as in child L1 acquisition (cf. Wexler 2003). The effects of presuppositionality are teased apart from the effects of other semantic factors previously examined in acquisition, such as scope (Schaeffer and Matthewson 2005) and specificity (Ionin, Ko, and Wexler 2004). The results provide evidence that over- use of the in L2 acquisition is a semantic rather than pragmatic phenomenon. Implications of these findings for overuse of the in L1 acquisition are discussed. This article also has implications for the study of access to Universal Grammar in L2 acquisition, as well as for the number and type of semantic universals underlying article choice crosslinguistically.},
	Author = {Ko, Heejeong and Ionin, Tania and Wexler, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 12:55:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 12:57:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {213--254},
	Title = {The Role of Presuppositionality in the Second Language Acquisition of {E}nglish Articles},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Haegeman:2010,
	Abstract = {This article examines the formalization of negative concord in terms of the Minimalist Program, focusing entirely on negative concord in West Flemish. It is shown that a recent analysis of negative concord that advocates Multiple Agree is empirically inadequate. Instead of Multiple Agree, a particular implementation of the simpler and less powerful binary Agree proves superior in deriving the data in question.},
	Author = {Haegeman, Liliane and Lohndal, Terje},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-28 12:53:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 12:55:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {181--211},
	Title = {Negative Concord and (Multiple) {A}gree: A Case Study of {W}est {F}lemish},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@incollection{Krifka:2006,
	Author = {Krifka, Manfred},
	Booktitle = {The Architecture of Focus},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-21 21:33:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-21 21:35:17 -0400},
	Editor = {Moln{\'a}r, V. and Winkler, Susanne},
	Pages = {105--135},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Series = {Studies in Generative Grammar},
	Title = {Association with Focus Phrases},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cheng:2007,
	Author = {Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen},
	Booktitle = {The Copy Theory of Movement},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-20 15:56:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-20 15:59:04 -0400},
	Editor = {Corver, Norbert and Nunes, Jairo},
	Pages = {151--174},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Verb copying in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Year = {2007}}

@phdthesis{Kobele:2006,
	Address = {Los Angeles, CA},
	Author = {Kobele, Gregory Michael},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-20 12:41:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-20 12:43:04 -0400},
	School = {University of California, Los Angeles},
	Title = {Generating Copies: An investigation into structural identity in language and grammar},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Hohle:2000,
	Author = {H{\"o}hle, Tilman N.},
	Booktitle = {Wh-Scope Marking},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-19 11:14:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-19 11:16:44 -0400},
	Editor = {Lutz, Uli and M{\"u}ller, Gereon and Stechow, Arnim von},
	Pages = {249--270},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {The w...w construction: Appositive or Scope Indicating?},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Lahiri:2002a,
	Author = {Lahiri, Utpal},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-18 16:48:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-18 16:49:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {7},
	Pages = {501--540},
	Title = {On the proper treatment of ``expletive \emph{wh}'' in {H}indi},
	Volume = {112},
	Year = {2002},
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@incollection{Fanselow:2000,
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and Mahajan, Anoop},
	Booktitle = {Wh-Scope Marking},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-18 10:51:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-18 10:53:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Lutz, Uli and M{\"u}ller, Gereon and Stechow, Arnim von},
	Pages = {195--230},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins},
	Title = {Towards a Minimalist Theory of wh-expletives, wh-copying, and successive cyclicity},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Villiers:1990,
	Author = {de Villiers, Jill and Roeper, Tom and Vainikka, Anne},
	Booktitle = {Language Processing and Language Acquisition},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-17 17:34:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-17 17:36:17 -0400},
	Editor = {Frazier, Lyn and de Villiers, Jill},
	Pages = {257--297},
	Publisher = {Kluwer},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Long-Distance Rules},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Fanselow:2001a,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and {\'C}avar, Damir},
	Booktitle = {Competition in Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2010-06-16 17:42:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-16 17:47:40 -0400},
	Editor = {M{\"u}ller, Gereon and Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Pages = {107--150},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Remarks on the economy of pronunciation},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Pesetsky:1997,
	Address = {Malden, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Pesetsky, David},
	Booktitle = {Optimality Theory: An Overview},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-25 10:53:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-25 10:54:25 -0400},
	Editor = {Archangeli, Diana and Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Pages = {134--170},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
	Title = {Optimality {T}heory and Syntax: Movement and pronunciation},
	Year = {1997}}

@article{Gartner:1998,
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-25 10:50:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-25 10:51:48 -0400},
	Journal = {{GLOT} International},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {16--20},
	Title = {Review of ``The copy theory of movement and linearization of chains in the {M}inimalist {P}rogram''},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1998}}

@book{Boskovic:2001a,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-25 10:46:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-25 10:48:12 -0400},
	Publisher = {Elsevier Science},
	Title = {On the nature of the Syntax-Phonology Interface: Cliticization and related phenomena},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Fanselow:1995,
	Address = {University of T{\"u}bingen},
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and Mahajan, Anoop},
	Booktitle = {Papers on \emph{Wh}-Scope Marking},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-25 10:41:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-25 10:44:32 -0400},
	Editor = {Lutz, Uli and M{\"u}ller, Gereon},
	Pages = {131--161},
	Publisher = {Sprachtheoretische Grundlagen f{\"u}r die Computer Linguistik},
	Title = {Partial movement and successive cyclicity},
	Year = {1995}}

@article{Moltmann:1992a,
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-23 12:16:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-23 12:17:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {411--462},
	Title = {Reciprocals and Same/Different: Towards a Semantic Analysis},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Beck:2000c,
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-23 12:15:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-23 12:15:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {101--139},
	Title = {The Semantics of \emph{Different}: Comparison Operator and Relational Adjective},
	Volume = {23},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Carlson:1987,
	Author = {Carlson, Greg},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-23 12:10:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-23 12:13:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {531--566},
	Title = {Same and Different: Some Consequences for Syntax and Semantics},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1987}}

@article{Phillips:2010,
	Abstract = {The 1990s witnessed a major expansion in research on children's morphosyntactic development, due largely to the availability of computer-searchable corpora of spontaneous speech in the CHILDES database. This led to a rapid emergence of parallel findings in different languages, with much attention devoted to the widely attested difficulties in inflectional morphology in the speech of two- year-olds. First written in 1995, and framed within the terms of contemporary syntactic theories, this article argues that cross-linguistic differences in the distribution of children's morphosyntactic errors provide important clues to the source of the errors, in particular whether they are morphological or syntactic in origin. The article takes as its starting point some striking previous findings that children's verb inflection errors are systematically correlated, on a sentence-by-sentence basis, with errors in the use of overt subjects, and with the use of syntactically complex constructions such as wh-questions. The article shows that these correlations are found in some languages but not in others, and argues that these differences are predictable, based on the verb movement and case licensing properties of individual languages. The article argues that children's errors reflect a combination of grammatical and speech production deficits.},
	Author = {Phillips, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-20 09:38:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-20 09:40:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1-2},
	Pages = {70--120},
	Title = {Syntax at Age Two: Cross-Linguistic Differences},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Lillo-Martin:2010,
	Author = {Lillo-Martin, Diane and Snyder, William},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-20 09:36:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-20 09:37:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1-2},
	Pages = {66--69},
	Title = {Commentary on ``Syntax at Age Two''},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Verbuk:2010,
	Abstract = {We argue that the debate over the delay of Principle B effects needs to include an additional class of contexts: Evans-style or Exceptional Coreference contexts (ECCs) (e.g., ``It's not true that no one voted for John. John1 voted for him1''). Our experiment compares acquisition of regular Principle B contexts (B-contexts) and ECCs by English-speaking children. Thornton and Wexler (1999) predict that there will be no age at which the acceptance of the disjoint reference reading is significantly higher in ECCs than in B-contexts, while Reinhart (in press), in contrast, predicts gradual trends towards more adult-like performance in each condition; we tested each of these predictions. Our experimental results are incompatible with Thornton and Wexler (1999) and are compatible with Reinhart (in press). Our results are also compatible with our own account on which ECCs pose additional pragmatic challenges compared to B-contexts.},
	Author = {Verbuk, Anna and Roeper, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-20 09:34:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-20 09:35:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1-2},
	Pages = {51--65},
	Title = {How Pragmatics and Syntax Make Principle {B} Acquirable},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Viau:2010,
	Abstract = {Though preschoolers in certain experimental contexts strongly prefer to interpret ambiguous sentences containing quantified NPs and negation on the basis of surface syntax (e.g., Musolino's 1998 ``observation of isomorphism''), contextual manipulations can lead to more adult-like behavior. But is isomorphism a purely pragmatic phenomenon, as recently proposed? In Experiment 1, we begin by isolating the contextual factor responsible for children's improvement in Musolino & Lidz (2006). We then demonstrate in Experiment 2 that this factor can be used to prime inverse scope interpretations. To remove pragmatics from the equation to the extent possible, we show in Experiment 3 that the same effect can be achieved via semantic priming. Our results represent the first clear evidence for priming of the abstract logico-syntactic structures underlying these interpretations and, thus, highlight the importance of language processing alongside pragmatic reasoning during children's linguistic development.},
	Author = {Viau, Joshua and Lidz, Jeffrey and Musolino, Julien},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-20 09:32:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-20 09:33:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1-2},
	Pages = {26--50},
	Title = {Priming of Abstract Logical Representations in 4-year-olds},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Castilla:2010,
	Abstract = {This study examined the existence of an object omission stage and the interaction between object omissions and substitution errors in the early stages of the development of Spanish syntax. One hundred and three Spanish-speaking children from Colombia completed an elicitation task evaluating the production of direct object pronouns. Results indicated that 3-year-olds were producing 35% of transitive structures with object omission, and 4- and 5-year-olds were producing around 15% of transitive structures with object omission. The production of clitic pronouns increased with age, and the change happened primarily between the ages of three and four. The results failed to find a relation between omissions and substitutions. These results suggest that there is an early object optionality stage for young Spanish-speaking children and are compatible with approaches that predict some degree of object optionality for all languages.},
	Author = {Castilla, Anny P. and P{\'e}rez-Leroux, Ana T.},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-20 09:28:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-20 09:30:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1-2},
	Pages = {2--25},
	Title = {Omissions and Substitutions in {S}panish Object Clitics: Developmental Optionality as a Property of the Representational System},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@book{Emonds:2000,
	Address = {Berlin and New York},
	Author = {Emonds, Joseph E.},
	Date-Added = {2010-05-19 12:28:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-05-19 12:30:37 -0400},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Series = {Studies in Generative Grammar},
	Title = {Lexicon and Grammar: The {E}nglish {S}yntacticon},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Kandybowicz:2006,
	Author = {Kandybowicz, Jason},
	Booktitle = {The Copy Theory of Movement on the {PF} Side},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-27 12:22:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-27 12:23:32 -0400},
	Editor = {Nunes, Jairo and Corver, Norbert},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On Fusion and Multiple Copy Spell-Out: The Case of Verb Repetition},
	Year = {2006}}

@phdthesis{Pranka:1983,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Pranka, Paula},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-25 11:07:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-25 11:08:08 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Syntax and Word Formation},
	Year = {1983}}

@article{McCloskey:1986a,
	Author = {McCloskey, James},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-21 11:27:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-21 11:55:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {245--281},
	Title = {Inflection and conjunction in {M}odern {I}rish},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Borer:1984,
	Author = {Borer, Hagit},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 16:53:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:54:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {219--260},
	Title = {Restrictive relatives in modern {H}ebrew},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1984}}

@article{Pullum:1983b,
	Author = {Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 16:32:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:33:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {201--206},
	Title = {Watch out for the current},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1983}}

@article{Anderson:1984,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 16:30:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:52:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {157--218},
	Title = {On representations in morphology case, agreement and inversion in {G}eorgian},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1984}}

@article{Perlmutter:1983a,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 16:28:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 09:12:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {141--200},
	Title = {Personal vs. impersonal constructions},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1983},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Haider:1986,
	Author = {Haider, Hubert},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 16:06:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:12:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {113--126},
	Title = {Affect $\alpha$: A reply to {L}asnik and {S}aito, ``On the Nature of Proper Government''},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Browne:1986,
	Author = {Browne, Allen C.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 14:54:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 14:55:33 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {751--754},
	Title = {Univocal \emph{or} -Again},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Grimshaw:1986a,
	Author = {Grimshaw, Jane},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 14:53:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 14:53:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {745--749},
	Title = {A morphosyntactic explanation for the {M}irror {P}rinciple},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Schein:1986,
	Author = {Schein, Barry and Steriade, Donca},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-20 14:51:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 14:51:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {691--744},
	Title = {On Geminates},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Van-Valin:1986,
	Author = {Van Valin, Robert D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 16:28:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 16:30:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {581--586},
	Title = {An empty category as the subject of a tense {S} in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Pulleyblank:1986,
	Author = {Pulleyblank, Douglas},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 16:27:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 16:28:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {573--580},
	Title = {Rule application on a noncyclic stratum},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Malone:1986,
	Author = {Malone, Joseph L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 16:25:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 16:27:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {568--573},
	Title = {Servo-features, [+distributed], and {O}ld {I}rish {S}onorant {L}enition},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Barrett-Keach:1986,
	Author = {Barrett-Keach, Camillia N.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 16:23:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 16:24:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {559--564},
	Title = {Word-internal evidence from {S}wahili for aux/infl},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Rizzi:1986b,
	Author = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 15:19:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 15:24:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {501--557},
	Title = {Null {O}jects in {I}talian and the Theory of \emph{pro}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Hayes:1986,
	Author = {Hayes, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 15:14:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 15:19:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {467--499},
	Title = {Assimilation as spreading in {T}oba {B}atak},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Borer:1986,
	Author = {Borer, Hagit},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:41:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-06-28 08:42:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {375--416},
	Title = {{I}-subjects},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Kiragawa:1986,
	Author = {Kitagawa, Yoshihisa},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:40:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:40:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {177--184},
	Title = {More on bracketing paradoxes},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Comorovski:1986,
	Author = {Comorovski, Ileana},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:38:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:39:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {171--177},
	Title = {Multiple \emph{Wh} Movement in {R}omanian},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Trommelen:1986,
	Author = {Trommelen, Mieke and Zonneveld, Wim},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:32:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:38:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {147--169},
	Title = {Dutch Morphology: Evidence for the {R}ight-hand {H}ead {R}ule},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Steriade:1986,
	Author = {Steriade, Donca},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:23:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:24:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {129--146},
	Title = {Yokuts and the Vowel Plane},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Lasnik:1986,
	Author = {Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:20:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:22:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {126--129},
	Title = {On Accessibility},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Lightfoot:1986,
	Author = {Lightfoot, David W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:19:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:20:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {111--113},
	Title = {A Brief Response},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Postal:1986a,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M. and Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:18:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:19:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {104--110},
	Title = {Misgovernment},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Bouchard:1986,
	Author = {Bouchard, Denis},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:17:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:18:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {95--104},
	Title = {Empty Categories and the Contraction Debate},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Liejiong:1986,
	Author = {Liejiong, Xu},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:17:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:17:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--93},
	Title = {Free Empty Category},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Ito:1986,
	Author = {It{\^{o}}, Junko and Mester, Ralf-Armin},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:15:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:09:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {49--73},
	Title = {The phonology of voicing in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Gunnarson:1986,
	Author = {Gunnarson, Kjell-{\AA}ke},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:11:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-20 16:18:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {13--47},
	Title = {Predicative Structures and Projections of Lexical Dependencies},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Guerssel:1986,
	Author = {Guerssel, Mohamed},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-16 14:08:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-16 14:10:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--12},
	Title = {Glides in {B}erber and Syllabicity},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Stephens:1979,
	Author = {Stephens, Lawrence},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:24:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:25:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {365--369},
	Title = {Once Again {L}achmann's {L}aw},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Joseph:1979,
	Author = {Joseph, Brian},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:24:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:25:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {363--365},
	Title = {Lachmann's {L}aw once again},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Klausenburger:1979,
	Author = {Klausenburger, Jurgen},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:23:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:24:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {362--363},
	Title = {Is {L}achmann's {L}aw a rule?},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Pullum:1979a,
	Author = {Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:22:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:23:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {356--362},
	Title = {The nonexistence of the {T}race-{B}inding {A}lgorithm},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Munro:1979,
	Author = {Munro, Allen},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:22:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:22:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {353--356},
	Title = {Indirect speech acts are not strictly conventional},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Goldsmith:1979,
	Author = {Goldsmith, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:20:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:21:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {347--352},
	Title = {On the thematic nature of \emph{See}},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Cushing:1979,
	Author = {Cushing, Steven},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:18:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:20:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {327--345},
	Title = {Lexical functions and lexical decomposition: an algebraic approach to lexical meaning},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Feinstein:1979,
	Author = {Feinstein, Mark H.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:15:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:18:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {245--278},
	Title = {Prenasalization and syllable structure},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Emonds:1979,
	Author = {Emonds, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 16:13:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:14:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {211--243},
	Title = {Appositive relatives have no properties},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Clements:1979,
	Author = {Clements, George N. and Ford, Kevin C.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:56:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 16:10:33 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {179--210},
	Title = {Kikuyu tone shift and it's synchronic consequences},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1979}}

@article{Bresnan:1978,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan and Grimshaw, Jane},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:55:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:56:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {331--391},
	Title = {The syntax of free relatives in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Cushing:1978a,
	Author = {Cushing, Steven},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:51:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:52:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {327--330},
	Title = {A note on node self-dominance},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Pullum:1978,
	Author = {Pullum, Geoffrey K. and Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:49:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:50:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {326--327},
	Title = {Self-domination},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Johnson:1978,
	Author = {Johnson, David E.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:48:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:49:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {325},
	Title = {A note on self-dominance},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Schreiber:1978,
	Author = {Schreiber, Peter A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:47:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:48:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {318--325},
	Title = {\emph{There}-Insertion and number agreement},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Nanni:1978,
	Author = {Nanni, Debbie L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:47:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:47:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {310--318},
	Title = {Three remarks on {P}ied {P}iping},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Manaster-Ramer:1978a,
	Author = {Manaster-Ramer, Alexis},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:46:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:47:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {308--310},
	Title = {Comparatives and factives},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Kupin:1978,
	Author = {Kupin, Joseph J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:45:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:46:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {303--308},
	Title = {A motivated alternative to phrase markers},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Aronoff:1978,
	Author = {Aronoff, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:43:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:44:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {299--303},
	Title = {An {E}nglish spelling convention},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Ard:1978,
	Author = {Ard, Josh},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:40:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:40:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {297--299},
	Title = {Word order templates in ergative languages},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Andor:1978,
	Author = {Andor, J{\'o}zsef},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:35:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:39:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {294--297},
	Title = {Some notes on stativeness},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Amastae:1978,
	Author = {Amastae, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:30:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:33:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {291--294},
	Title = {A Note on {N}atural {G}enerative {P}honology and {P}aradigm {L}eveling},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Castel:1978,
	Author = {du Castel, Bertrand},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:28:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:30:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {275--289},
	Title = {Form and interpretation of relative clauses in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Chomsky:1978,
	Author = {Chomsky, Noam and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:26:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:27:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {268--274},
	Title = {A remark on contraction},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Andrews:1978,
	Author = {Andrews, Avery},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-13 15:00:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 15:28:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261--268},
	Title = {Remarks on \emph{To} Adjunction},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Wagner:2010,
	Abstract = {Generalizations about relative prosodic boundary strength are recursive. Initial evidence comes from the fragment of English consisting only of proper names and ``and'' and ``or.'' A systematic relation between the semantics, the syntactic combinatorics, and the prosodic phrasing of coordinate structures can be captured by recursively building up their prosody, in tandem with assembling their compositional meaning. Alternative edge-based approaches to prosodic phrasing fail to capture the recursive nature of the generalization, a result independent of whether or not prosodic representation itself is assumed to be recursive. The pattern generalizes beyond the grammar of coordination, despite two types of apparent counterexamples: Structures that are prosodically flat but syntactically articulated, and structures with an apparent outright mismatch between prosody and syntax. Closer inspection suggests that the syntax might actually be quite in tune with prosody. In both cases, natural language employs strategies to construe complex meaning with list-like structures rather than nested ones. The privileged status of lists may be due to processing factors.},
	Author = {Wagner, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:15:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:16:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {183--237},
	Title = {Prosody and recursion in coordinate structures and beyond},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Levinson:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper addresses the compositionality puzzle presented by a class of `pseudo-resultative' predicates, such as tight in the sentence She braided her hair tight. The analysis proposed reveals that the modification involved also provides insight into the nature of the lexical roots of verbs and their role in compositional semantics. Pseudo-resultative predicates superficially resemble resultative secondary predicates and resultative adverbs. However, it is shown that they do not modify any `word' in the syntax. Rather, these predicates modify the root of the verb in a configuration which is licensed by the semantic type of the root and the structure of root creation verbs. The modification of such roots provides evidence that they are syntactically active, as proposed in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993; Marantz 1997; Arad 2003). It is shown that the roots are syntactically well-behaved and can be modified just like other `larger' constituents. Syntactic parallels between the root creation verbs which license pseudo-resultative predicates and other structures further provide evidence for a syntactic decomposition of these verbs whereby the object is related to the root in a prepositional structure in a manner reminiscent of proposals for other classes of verbs in Hale and Keyser (1993, 2002).},
	Author = {Levinson, Lisa},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:12:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:14:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {135--182},
	Title = {Arguments for pseudo-resultative predicates},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Legate:2010,
	Abstract = {This article examines a construction in English which has hitherto escaped attention in the linguistic literature, whereby a declarative embedded clause is introduced by \emph{how} rather than \emph{that}. We investigate the properties of this construction, revealing that it consists of a definite DP, rather than a simple embedded CP.},
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:10:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:12:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {121--134},
	Title = {On how \emph{how} is used instead of \emph{that}},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Deal:2010,
	Abstract = {Ergative case, the special case of transitive subjects, raises questions not only for the theory of case but also for theories of subjecthood and transitivity. This paper analyzes the case system of Nez Perce, a ``three-way ergative'' language, with an eye towards a formalization of the category of transitive subject. I show that it is object agreement that is determinative of transitivity, and hence of ergative case, in Nez Perce. I further show that the transitivity condition on ergative case must be coupled with a criterion of subjecthood that makes reference to participation in subject agreement, not just to origin in a high argument-structural position. These two results suggest a formalization of the transitive subject as that argument uniquely accessing both high and low agreement information, the former through its (agreement-derived) connection with T and the latter through its origin in the specifier of a head associated with object agreement (v). In view of these findings, I argue that ergative case morphology should be analyzed not as the expression of a syntactic primitive but as the morphological spell-out of subject agreement and object agreement on a nominal.},
	Author = {Deal, Amy Rose},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:08:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:10:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {73--120},
	Title = {Ergative Case and the transitive subject: a view from {N}ez {P}erce},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{DAlessandro:2010,
	Abstract = {In this paper, we present an analysis of the ``person-driven'' auxiliary-selection system of one variety of the Upper Southern Italo-Romance dialect Abruzzese, along with an account of the pattern of past participle agreement in this variety, which differs somewhat from what is found in more familiar Romance languages. Our account relies on the technical mechanisms of agreement as outlined in Chomsky (1995, 2001), in particular a variant of Chomsky's (2008) proposal regarding feature inheritance by non-phase heads of features belonging to phase heads, combined with Gallego's (2006) notion of phase-sliding. We also utilise some aspects of Mueller's (2004) analysis of ergativity, and propose an account of a typological generalisation regarding the absence of person-driven auxiliary selection first put forward in Kayne (2000:127) in the Germanic languages. To the extent that the analyses proposed successfully apply the mechanisms put forward in the recent versions of the minimalist program, the postulation of these mechanisms is supported by our analysis with evidence from a new empirical domain. We also offer some general speculations regarding auxiliary selection in general.},
	Author = {D'Alessandro, Roberta and Roberts, Ian},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:05:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:07:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {41--72},
	Title = {Past participle agreement in {A}bruzzese: Split Auxiliary Selection and the null-subject parameter},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Boneh:2010,
	Abstract = {The paper argues that clausal possession is to be decomposed into three distinct, independently attested, syntactic configurations, each associated with its own meaning. These include Location, represented as an ordinary small clause, the Part- Whole relation, which always has a complement structure within DP as its source, and an applicative structure ApplP, the source of (in)alienable possession, where humans are treated as special. The analysis we propose focuses on Palestinian Arabic and extends to English clausal possession and its realizations across HAVE and BE. Pales- tinian Arabic overtly distinguishes a number of ingredients which in other languages enter into possession less transparently: It marks Location and Part-Whole relations by distinct prepositions, it features a full-agreement/no-agreement distinction associated with scope, and, lacking HAVE, it keeps separate P and BE, the ingredients often assumed to enter into its composition. The picture which emerges is partly familiar and partly new. We argue that the notion possession is never linguistically encoded as such, since none of the underlying representations proposed is associated exclusively with possession. We also argue that the subject in possessive clauses is a derived subject with both HAVE and BE. We attribute the differences between Palestinian Arabic and English to a difference in their agreement systems, which in conjunction with Economy, forces P to extract from its PP, and leads to the formation of HAVE. If we are correct, the cross-linguistic distribution of HAVE and BE may further reduce to parametric differences in agreement systems.},
	Author = {Boneh, Nora and Sichel, Ivy},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-12 10:02:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-12 10:05:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--40},
	Title = {Deconstructing Possession},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kornfilt:1977a,
	Author = {Kornfilt, Jaklin},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:35:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:36:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {412--418},
	Title = {Against the universal relevance of the {S}hadow {P}ronoun {H}ypothesis},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Cinque:1977,
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:32:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:33:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {299--412},
	Title = {The movement nature of left dislocation},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Rosenbaum:1977,
	Author = {Rosenbaum, Harvey},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:30:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:31:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {379--395},
	Title = {Zapotec gapping as counterevidence to some universal proposals},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Dresher:1977,
	Author = {Dresher, Bezalel Elan},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:22:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:24:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {351--378},
	Title = {Logical representations and linguistic theory},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Bellert:1977,
	Author = {Bellert, Irena},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:18:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:19:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {337--351},
	Title = {On semantic and distributional properties of sentential adverbs},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Liberman:1977,
	Author = {Liberman, Mark and Prince, Alan},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:17:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:18:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {249--336},
	Title = {On stress and linguistic rhythm},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Kiparsky:1977,
	Author = {Kiparsky, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:16:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:17:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {189--247},
	Title = {The rythmic structure of {E}nglish verse},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Sommerstein:1977,
	Author = {Sommerstein, Alan H.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 13:00:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:01:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {184--188},
	Title = {A nonargument for derivational history},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Rodman:1977,
	Author = {Rodman, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:58:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 13:00:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {181--184},
	Title = {Concerning the {NP} constraint},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Morreall:1977,
	Author = {Morreall, John S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:57:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:58:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {179--181},
	Title = {Postal's ``reminds''},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Kirsner:1977,
	Author = {Kirsner, Robert S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:56:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:57:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {173--179},
	Title = {On the passive of sensory verb complement sentences},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Joseph:1977,
	Author = {Joseph, Brian},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:55:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:56:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--173},
	Title = {On the cyclicity of extraposition-from-the claim},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Christie:1977,
	Author = {Christie, William M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:54:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:54:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {168--169},
	Title = {Help},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Carden:1977a,
	Author = {Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:53:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:54:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {163--168},
	Title = {Performatives and quantifiers},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Stevens:1977,
	Author = {Stevens, Alan M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:52:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:53:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {155--162},
	Title = {On local ordering in {S}undanese},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Postal:1977,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:45:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:52:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {141--154},
	Title = {About ``Nonargument'' for raising},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Keenan:1977a,
	Author = {Keenan, Edward L. and Comrie, Bernard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:40:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:45:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {63--99},
	Title = {Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Dixon:1977a,
	Author = {Dixon, R. M. W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:38:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-14 11:48:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Title = {Some phonological rules in {Y}idin$^{y}$},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1977}}

@article{Kohrt:1976,
	Author = {Kohrt, Manfred},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:33:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:34:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {729--732},
	Title = {Extraposition in {G}erman: evidence for global rules},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Sobin:1976,
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:31:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:32:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {726--728},
	Title = {Pragmatics of lurking},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Shanon:1976a,
	Author = {Shanon, Benny},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:30:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:31:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {724--726},
	Title = {Overseas calls},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Roca:1976,
	Author = {Roca, Ignacio M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:30:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:30:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {718--724},
	Title = {Ordering evidence from counterfeeding},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Maling:1976a,
	Author = {Maling, Joan M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:27:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:30:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {708--718},
	Title = {Notes on quantifier-postposing},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Morin:1976,
	Author = {Morin, Yves Charles},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:21:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:27:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {706--707},
	Title = {\emph{De Ces}: the lexicalization of a syntactic expression},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Reinhart:1976a,
	Author = {Reinhart, Tanya},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:19:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:20:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {697--705},
	Title = {Polarity {R}eversal: logic or pragmatics?},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Gouet:1976,
	Author = {Gouet, Michel},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:14:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:19:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {693--697},
	Title = {On a class of circumstantial deletion rules},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Cole:1976,
	Author = {Cole, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:11:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:13:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {686--693},
	Title = {Relativization in {H}ebrew: a reply to {G}rosu},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Enee:1976,
	Author = {c, Roger},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:09:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-14 11:52:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {677--686},
	Title = {A counterexample to the {Q} replacement and {COMP} substitution universals},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Cartmill:1976,
	Author = {Cartmill, Matt},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:06:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:08:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {675--677},
	Title = {Welsh vowel mutation: surface phonology and underlying forms},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Vago:1976a,
	Author = {Vago, Robert M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:02:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:06:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {671--675},
	Title = {More evidence for the feature [Grave]},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Sag:1976b,
	Author = {Sag, Ivan A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 12:01:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:02:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {664--671},
	Title = {A note on verb phrase deletion},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Zaenen:1976,
	Author = {Zaenen, Annie},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:58:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 12:00:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {652--664},
	Title = {The discovery of another island},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Iwakura:1976,
	Author = {Iwakura, Kunihiro},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:57:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:58:33 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {646--652},
	Title = {Another constraint on sentential subjects},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Grosu:1976,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:54:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:56:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {642--645},
	Title = {A note on subject raising to object and right node raising},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Abbott:1976,
	Author = {Abbott, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:51:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2013-05-29 17:11:42 +0000},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {639--642},
	Title = {Right {N}ode {R}aising as a test for constituenthood},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Schindler:1976,
	Author = {Schindler, Jochem},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:49:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:50:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {622--637},
	Title = {Diachronic and synchronic remarks on {B}artholomae's and {G}rassman's {L}aws},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Sag:1976a,
	Author = {Sag, Ivan A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:47:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:48:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {609--622},
	Title = {Pseudosolutions to the pseudoparadox: {S}anskrit diaspirates revisited},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Quicoli:1976,
	Author = {Quicoli, A. Carlos},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:45:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:46:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {583--607},
	Title = {Conditions on quantifier movement in {F}rench},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Lightfoot:1976,
	Author = {Lightfoot, David},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:43:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:43:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {559--582},
	Title = {Trace {T}heory and twice moved {NP}s},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Kiparsky:1976,
	Author = {Kiparsky, Paul and O'Neil, Wayne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-09 11:41:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-09 11:42:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {527--557},
	Title = {The phonology of {O}ld {E}nglish inflections},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Zonneveld:1976,
	Author = {Zonneveld, Wim},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:43:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:45:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {520--525},
	Title = {Destressing in {H}alle's {E}nglish stress rules},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Shanon:1976,
	Author = {Shanon, Benny},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:42:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:43:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {518--519},
	Title = {Semantic and syntactic features in the context of dreams},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Morreall:1976,
	Author = {Morreall, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:41:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:42:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {516--518},
	Title = {The nonsynonymy of \emph{Kill} and \emph{Cause to Die}},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{LeSourd:1976,
	Author = {LeSourd, Philip},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:40:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:41:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {509--516},
	Title = {\emph{Got} Insertion},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Joseph:1976,
	Author = {Joseph, Brian},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:34:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:40:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {503--508},
	Title = {{ENVY}: A functional analysis},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Bresnan:1976,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:29:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:32:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--501},
	Title = {Nonarguments for Raising},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Williams:1976,
	Author = {Williams, Edwin S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:14:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:20:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {463--484},
	Title = {Underlying Tone in {M}argi and {I}gbo},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Miller:1976,
	Author = {Miller, D. Gary},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:09:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:10:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {383--388},
	Title = {On {M}irror-{I}mage {R}ules},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Karttunen:1976,
	Author = {Karttunen, Frances},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:04:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:09:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {380--383},
	Title = {Nahuatl Nasals},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Vago:1976,
	Author = {Vago, Robert M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 14:01:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 14:04:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {243--263},
	Title = {Theoretical implications of {H}ungarian {V}owel {H}armony},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Hagege:1976,
	Author = {Hagege, Claude},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:49:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:50:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {198--201},
	Title = {Relative clause, center-embedding, and comprehensibility},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Epee:1976,
	Author = {Ep{\'e}e, Roger},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:46:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 14:54:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {193--198},
	Title = {On some rules that are not {S}uccessive {C}yclic in {D}uala},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Fiengo:1976,
	Author = {Fiengo, Robert and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:41:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:46:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {182--191},
	Title = {Some issues in the {T}heory of {T}ransformations},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Postal:1976,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:39:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:41:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {151--191},
	Title = {Avoiding reference to subject},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Jackendoff:1976,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:38:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:39:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {89--150},
	Title = {Toward an {E}xplanatory {S}emantic {R}epresentation},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Chung:1976,
	Author = {Chung, Sandra},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:31:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:38:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {41--87},
	Title = {An {O}bject-{C}reating {R}ule in {B}ahasa {I}ndonesia},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Bresnan:1975a,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 13:25:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 13:30:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--40},
	Title = {On the form and functioning of transformations},
	Volume = {7},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Wojcik:1975,
	Author = {Wojcik, Richard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:42:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:43:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {605--613},
	Title = {Wuzzywant},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Suner:1975,
	Author = {Su{\~{n}}er, Margarita},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:37:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:40:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {602--605},
	Title = {Spanish adverbs: support for the {P}honological {C}ycle},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Kaye:1975,
	Author = {Kaye, Jonathan},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:35:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:37:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {599--602},
	Title = {Klamath and {S}trict {C}yclicity},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Grosu:1975a,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:34:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:35:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {588--599},
	Title = {The position of fronted \emph{WH} phrases},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Dowty:1975,
	Author = {Dowty, David R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:28:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:34:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {579--588},
	Title = {The stative in the progressive and other essence/accident contrasts},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Liddell:1975,
	Author = {Liddell, Scott K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:27:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:28:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {568--578},
	Title = {What about the fact that ``on certain ambiguities'' says what it says?},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Fauconnier:1975a,
	Author = {Fauconnier, Gilles},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:24:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:27:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {555--567},
	Title = {Do quantifiers branch?},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Langendoen:1975,
	Author = {Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:20:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:24:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {533-554},
	Title = {Finite-{S}tate {P}arsing of {P}hrase-{S}tructure {L}anguages and the status of {R}eadjustmen {R}ules in grammar},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Fodor:1975a,
	Author = {Fodor, J. D. and Fodor, J. A. and Garrett, M. F.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:18:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:20:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {515--531},
	Title = {The psychological unreality of semantic representations},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Yasui:1975,
	Author = {Yasui, Izumi},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:16:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:17:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {511--512},
	Title = {Can the {I}ndefinite {A}rticle be derived from \emph{One}?},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Schmerling:1975,
	Author = {Schmerling, Susan F.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:15:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:16:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {501--511},
	Title = {Imperative {S}ubject {D}eletion and some related matters},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Pullum:1975,
	Author = {Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:14:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:15:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {494--501},
	Title = {On a nonargument for the cycle in {T}urkish},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Lehrer:1975,
	Author = {Lehrer, Adrienne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:11:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:14:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {489--494},
	Title = {Complement-oriented adverbs},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Johnson:1975,
	Author = {Johnson, David E.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:10:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:11:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {481--489},
	Title = {Why delete tense?},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Herslund:1975,
	Author = {Herslund, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:08:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:10:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {475--481},
	Title = {A note on {O}ld {F}rench phonology: the source of [{\"u}]},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Grosu:1975,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:07:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:07:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {468--475},
	Title = {A note on analogy},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Phelps:1975,
	Author = {Phelps, Elaine},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:04:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:06:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {447--464},
	Title = {Sanskrit diaspirates},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Jackendoff:1975a,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:02:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:04:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {437--447},
	Title = {\emph{Tough} and the {T}race {T}heory of {M}ovement {R}ules},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Napoli:1975,
	Author = {Napoli, Donna Jo},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 12:00:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:01:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {413--435},
	Title = {A global agreement phenomenon},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Keyser:1975,
	Author = {Keyser, Samuel Jay},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:57:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 12:00:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {377--411},
	Title = {Metathesis and {O}ld {E}nglish phonology},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Silva:1975,
	Author = {Silva, Clare M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:54:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:57:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {346--350},
	Title = {Adverbial \emph{-ING}},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Roldan:1975,
	Author = {Rold{\'a}n, Mercedes},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:51:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 14:52:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {342--345},
	Title = {Clitic climbing and unrelated matters},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Martin:1975,
	Author = {Martin, John N.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:50:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:50:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {339--341},
	Title = {Karttunen on possibility},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Lieberman:1975,
	Author = {Lieberman, Philip},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:48:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:49:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {335--339},
	Title = {More discussion of {N}eanderthal speech},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Hinds:1975,
	Author = {Hinds, John and Okada, Nobuo},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:43:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:48:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {330--335},
	Title = {Backward pronominalization across coordinate structures},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Casson:1975,
	Author = {Casson, Ronald W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:40:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:43:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {323--329},
	Title = {Kinship semantics in linguistics and anthropology},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Armstrong:1975,
	Author = {Armstrong, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:38:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:40:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {317--323},
	Title = {A note on {I}nitial {M}utation in {M}odern {I}rish},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Truitner:1975,
	Author = {Truitner, Kenneth L. and Dunnigan, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:33:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:37:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {301--316},
	Title = {Palatalization in {O}jibwa},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Allen:1975,
	Author = {Allen, Margaret Reece},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-07 11:26:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-07 11:33:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {181--201},
	Title = {Vowel mutation and word stress in {W}elsh},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Miller:1975,
	Author = {Miller, D. Gary},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 17:02:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 17:02:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {171--177},
	Title = {All rules precede all syntagmatic natural processes},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Kohrt:1975a,
	Author = {Kohrt, Manfred},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 17:01:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 17:02:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {167--171},
	Title = {A note on {B}ounding},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Hurford:1975,
	Author = {Hurford, James R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 17:00:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 17:01:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {166--167},
	Title = {A polite {S}urface {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Hirschbuhler:1974,
	Author = {Hirschb{\"u}hler, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:59:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 17:00:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {155--165},
	Title = {On the source lefthand {NP}s in {F}rench},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Harnish:1975,
	Author = {Harnish, Robert M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:56:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:58:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {145--154},
	Title = {The argument from \emph{Lurk}},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Browne:1975,
	Author = {Browne, Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:51:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 14:39:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {136--140},
	Title = {Theme-{R}heme {S}tructure and {Z}en{\'e}yze {C}litics},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Allan:1975,
	Author = {Allan, Edward Jay},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:47:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:51:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {131--136},
	Title = {``Verbing things'' in {B}uem},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{Clements:1974,
	Author = {Clements, George N.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:44:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:46:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--51},
	Title = {Analogical reanalysis in syntax: the case of {E}we {T}ree-{G}rafting},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@article{McCawley:1974a,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:42:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:43:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {632--635},
	Title = {\emph{If} and \emph{Only If}},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Laferriere:1974,
	Author = {Laferriere, Martha},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:41:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:42:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {628--633},
	Title = {A note on {A}lternate {R}ule {O}rdering},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Knowles:1974,
	Author = {Knowles, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:40:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:41:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {622--629},
	Title = {On acceptable agrammatically},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Gross:1974,
	Author = {Gross, Maurice},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:35:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:40:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {620--622},
	Title = {A remark about plural agreement between determiner and noun},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Browne:1974,
	Author = {Browne, Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:35:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:35:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {619--620},
	Title = {On the topology of {A}naphoric {P}eninsulas},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Bresnan:1974,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:34:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:35:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {614--619},
	Title = {The position of certain clause-particles in phrase structure},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Bach:1974a,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon and Bresnan, Joan W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:31:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:32:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {609--614},
	Title = {``Sloppy identity'': an unnecessary and insufficient criterion for deletion rules},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Sag:1974,
	Author = {Sag, Ivan A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:29:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:30:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {591--607},
	Title = {The {G}rassman's {L}aw {O}rdering {P}seudoparadox},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Selkirk:1974,
	Author = {Selkirk, Elisabeth},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:26:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-13 14:36:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {573--590},
	Title = {French {L}iaison and the X$'$ Notation},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Lasnik:1974,
	Author = {Lasnik, Howard and Fiengo, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:25:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:26:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {535--571},
	Title = {Complement {O}bject {D}eletion},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kaufman:1974,
	Author = {Kaufman, Ellen S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:24:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:25:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {507--533},
	Title = {Navajo {S}patial {E}nclitics: a case for {U}nbounded {R}ightward {M}ovement},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Jackendoff:1974,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:22:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:24:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {481--505},
	Title = {A {D}eep {S}tructure {P}rojection {R}ule},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kuno:1974b,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:17:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:18:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {469--477},
	Title = {Lexical and {C}ontextual {M}eaning},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Grosu:1974a,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:16:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:17:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {464--469},
	Title = {On self-embedding and {D}ouble {F}unction},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Garvey:1974,
	Author = {Garvey, Catherine and Caramazza, Alfonso},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:15:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:16:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {459--464},
	Title = {Implicit causality in verbs},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Barkai:1974,
	Author = {Barka{\"\i}, Malachi},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:14:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:15:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {456--459},
	Title = {On duration and spirantization in {B}iblical {H}ebrew},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Ayres:1974,
	Author = {Ayres, Glenn},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:13:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:14:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {454--456},
	Title = {I daresay!},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Anderson:1974a,
	Author = {Anderson, Anders-B{\"o}rje},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:02:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:13:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {451--453},
	Title = {Against the {P}enthouse {P}rinciple},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Anderson:1974,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:02:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:02:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {445--451},
	Title = {On dis-agreement rules},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Cole:1974,
	Author = {Cole, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 16:00:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:02:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {425--443},
	Title = {Backward pronominalization and analogy},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Postal:1974a,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:58:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 16:00:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {367--424},
	Title = {On certain ambiguities},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Olofsson:1974,
	Author = {Olofsson, Arne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:57:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:57:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {320--322},
	Title = {Latin rules in {E}nglish phonology?},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Hurford:1974,
	Author = {Hurford, James R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:56:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:57:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {319--320},
	Title = {More \emph{gh}-words},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Grosu:1974,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:55:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:56:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {308--319},
	Title = {On the nature of the {L}eft {B}ranch {C}ondition},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Gee:1974,
	Author = {Gee, James Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:54:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:55:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {304--308},
	Title = {Jackendoff's {T}hematic {H}ierarchy {C}ondition and the {P}assive {C}onstruction},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Furbee:1974,
	Author = {Furbee, N. Louanna},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:52:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:54:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {299--304},
	Title = {Identity in gapping and the lexical insertion of verbs},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Brame:1974a,
	Author = {Brame, Michael K. and Bordelois, Ivonne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:49:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:52:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {282--298},
	Title = {Some controversional questions in {S}panish phonology},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Harris:1974a,
	Author = {Harris, James W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:48:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:50:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {271--282},
	Title = {On certain claims concerning {S}panish phonology},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Wilkinson:1974,
	Author = {Wilkinson, Robert W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:47:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:48:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {251--270},
	Title = {Tense/lax vowel harmony in {T}elugu: the influence of {D}erived {C}ontrast on {R}ule {A}pplication},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Moyne:1974,
	Author = {Moyne, John and Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:42:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:46:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {205--249},
	Title = {Subject Reduplication in {P}ersian},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kean:1974,
	Author = {Kean, Mary-Louise},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:42:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:42:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {179--203},
	Title = {The strict cycle in Phonology},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Hintikka:1974,
	Author = {Hintikka, Jaako},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:41:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:42:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {153--177},
	Title = {Quantifiers vs. {Q}uantification {T}heory},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Morris:1974,
	Author = {Morris, Donald H.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:39:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:40:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {144--150},
	Title = {Neanderthal speech},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kuno:1974a,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:38:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:39:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {137--144},
	Title = {A note on {S}ubject {R}aising},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kuno:1974,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:36:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:37:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {117--136},
	Title = {The position of relative clauses and conjunctions},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Hyman:1974,
	Author = {Hyman, Larry M. and Schuh, Russell G.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:35:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:38:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {81--115},
	Title = {Universals of {T}one {R}ules: evidence from {W}est {A}frica},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Harris:1974,
	Author = {Harris, James W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:33:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:34:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--80},
	Title = {Evidence from {P}ortuguese for the ``{E}lsewhere {C}ondition'' in Phonology},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Brame:1974,
	Author = {Brame, Michael K.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:30:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:38:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--60},
	Title = {The cycle in phonology: stress in {P}alestinian, {M}altese, and {S}panish},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Berman:1974,
	Author = {Berman, Arlene},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-06 15:19:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:34:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--38},
	Title = {On the {VSO} {H}ypothesis},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Kuno:1973b,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:51:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:59:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {363--385},
	Title = {Constraint on {I}nternal {C}lauses and {S}entential {S}ubjects},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Bresnan:1973a,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:49:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:51:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {275--343},
	Title = {Syntax of {C}omparative {C}lause {C}onstruction in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Reis:1973,
	Author = {Reis, Marga},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:19:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:20:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261--271},
	Title = {Entanglement on {F}actives},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Hankamer:1973b,
	Author = {Hankamer, Jorge and Postal, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:19:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:19:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261},
	Title = {Whose Gorilla?},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Katz:1973,
	Author = {Katz, Jerrold J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:18:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:19:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {256--260},
	Title = {On Defining ``Presupposition''},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Hudson:1973,
	Author = {Hudson, R. A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:17:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:18:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {251--256},
	Title = {Tense and time reference in {R}educed {R}elative {C}lauses},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Hamp:1973,
	Author = {Hamp, Eric P.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:16:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:16:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {246--251},
	Title = {A Semantic Archaism},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Grosu:1973a,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:08:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:15:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {243--246},
	Title = {Another Remark on {D}ragging},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Ehrenkranz:1973,
	Author = {Ehrenkranz, Jean},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 12:06:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:11:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {241--242},
	Title = {Somes, Or = And},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{McCawley:1973,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:57:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 12:06:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {221--240},
	Title = {External {NP}s versus Annotated Deep Structures},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Karttunen:1973a,
	Author = {Karttunen, Lauri},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:55:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:56:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--193},
	Title = {Presuppositions of Compound Sentences},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Brame:1973a,
	Author = {Brame, Michael K. and Bordelois, Ivonne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:53:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:54:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--168},
	Title = {Vocalic Alternations in {S}panish},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Vetter:1973,
	Author = {Vetter, David C.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:51:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:51:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {104--108},
	Title = {Someone Solves This Problem Tomorrow},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Sampson:1973,
	Author = {Sampson, Geoffrey},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:50:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:51:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {101--104},
	Title = {Duration in {H}ebrew Consonants},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Pulte:1973,
	Author = {Pulte, William},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:50:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:50:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {100--101},
	Title = {A Note on Gapping},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Morin:1973,
	Author = {Morin, Yves Ch.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:49:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:49:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {97--100},
	Title = {Tag Questions in {F}rench},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Haraguchi:1973,
	Author = {Haraguchi, Shosuke},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:45:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:46:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {95--97},
	Title = {``Dragging'' Reconsidered},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Hall:1973,
	Author = {Hall, Robert A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:42:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:45:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {93--94},
	Title = {The Transferred Epithet},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Contreras:1973,
	Author = {Contreras, Heles},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:41:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:42:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--88},
	Title = {Grammaticality Versus Acceptability: The {S}panish \emph{Se} Case},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Koutsoudas:1973,
	Author = {Koutsoudas, Andreas},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:38:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:40:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--81},
	Title = {Extrinsic Order and the Complex {NP} Constraint},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Halle:1973a,
	Author = {Halle, Morris},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:37:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:38:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--16},
	Title = {Prolegomena to a Theory of Word Formation},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Thorne:1972,
	Author = {Thorne, James Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:34:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:34:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {552--556},
	Title = {On Nonrestrictive Relative Clauses},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Mithun:1972,
	Author = {Mithun, Marianne},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:33:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:34:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {549--552},
	Title = {The Respective Interpretations of Distribution and Sequence},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Milsark:1972,
	Author = {Milsark, Gary},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:32:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:33:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {542--549},
	Title = {Re: Doubl-ing},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Lilje:1972,
	Author = {Lilje, Gerald W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:31:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:31:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {540--542},
	Title = {Uninvited Inferences},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Langendoen:1972,
	Author = {Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:30:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:31:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {538},
	Title = {When Optional Copula Deletion Isn't},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{King:1972,
	Author = {King, Robert D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:29:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:30:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {535--539},
	Title = {A Note on Opacity and Paradigm Regularity},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Fodor:1972,
	Author = {Fodor, Janet Dean},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:29:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:29:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {528--535},
	Title = {Beware},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Fiengo:1972,
	Author = {Fiengo, Robert and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:28:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:29:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {528},
	Title = {On Nonrecoverable Deletion in Syntax},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Cruse:1972,
	Author = {Cruse, D. A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:27:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:28:33 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {520--528},
	Title = {A Note on {E}nglish Causatives},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Chvany:1972,
	Author = {Chvany, Catherine V.},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:27:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:27:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {516--520},
	Title = {On Movement Out of a Tensed {S}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Chung:1972,
	Author = {Chung, Sandra},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:26:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:27:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {510--516},
	Title = {On Conjunct Splitting in Samoan},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Christie:1972,
	Author = {Christie, William},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:25:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:26:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {508--510},
	Title = {A Non-Non-Source for Comparatives},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Catlin:1972,
	Author = {Catlin, Jane-Carol and Catlin, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:15:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:23:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {504--508},
	Title = {Intentionality: A Source of Ambiguity in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Aissen:1972,
	Author = {Aissen, Judith and Hankamer, Jorge},
	Date-Added = {2010-04-02 11:13:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 11:14:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {501--504},
	Title = {Shifty Subjects: A Conspiracy in Syntax?},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kirsner:1972,
	Author = {Kirsner, Robert S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:42:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:43:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {489--499},
	Title = {About ``About'' and the Unity of ``Remind''},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kuno:1972a,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu and Robinson, Jane J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:39:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:41:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {463--487},
	Title = {Multiple Wh Questions},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Keenan:1972,
	Author = {Keenan, Edward L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:38:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:39:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {413--461},
	Title = {On Semantically Based Grammar},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Wilson:1972,
	Author = {Wilson, Deirdre},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:33:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:34:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {405--410},
	Title = {Presuppositions on Factives},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Walker:1972,
	Author = {Walker, Douglas C.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:32:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 09:42:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {402--404},
	Title = {On the Source of {O}ld {F}rench},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Sommerstein:1972a,
	Author = {Sommerstein, Alan H.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:31:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 09:42:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {400--402},
	Title = {An Implicationally Determined Rule in {G}reek},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Postal:1972e,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:30:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:31:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {396--400},
	Title = {A Few Factive Facts},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kisseberth:1972a,
	Author = {Kisseberth, Charles W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:27:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:30:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {393--396},
	Title = {An Argument Against the Principle of Simultaneous Application of Phonological Rules},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Householder:1972,
	Author = {Householder, Fred W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:25:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:27:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {392--393},
	Title = {A Problem in Rule Ordering??},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Contreras:1972,
	Author = {Contreras, Heles and Rojas, Jorge Nelson},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:22:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:25:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {385--392},
	Title = {Some Remarks on {S}panish Clitics},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Borkin:1972,
	Author = {Borkin, Ann},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:21:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:22:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {378--385},
	Title = {Two Notes on \emph{Want} and \emph{Desire}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Barkai:1972,
	Author = {Barka{\"\i}, Malachi},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:19:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:37:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {377--378},
	Title = {On the Shiftability of Past Participles in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Akmajian:1972,
	Author = {Akmajian, Adrian},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:19:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:19:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {373--377},
	Title = {Getting Tough},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Postal:1972,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:17:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 09:41:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {349--371},
	Title = {Some Further Limitations of Interpretive Theories of Anaphora},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Schreiber:1972,
	Author = {Schreiber, Peter A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:16:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:17:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {321--347},
	Title = {Style Disjuncts and the Performative Analysis},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kuno:1972,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:15:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:16:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {269--320},
	Title = {Functional Sentence Perspective: A Case Study from {J}apanese and {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Anderson:1972,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:14:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:15:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {253--268},
	Title = {On Nasalization in {S}undanese},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Cornulier:1972a,
	Author = {de Cornulier, Benoit},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:08:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:09:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {249},
	Title = {Metalinguistic Autoreference},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Phelps:1972,
	Author = {Phelps, E.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:07:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:08:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {246--249},
	Title = {Catalan Vowel Reduction-Alpha, Braces, or Angled Brackets?},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Perlmutter:1973,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:04:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:07:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {243--246},
	Title = {A Note on Syntactic and Semantic Number in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Otero:1972,
	Author = {Otero, Carlos},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 14:00:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:07:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {233--242},
	Title = {Acceptable Ungrammatical Sentences in {S}panish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Menn:1972,
	Author = {Menn, Lise},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:59:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:00:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {228--233},
	Title = {On Me},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Hudson:1972a,
	Author = {Hudson, R. A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:59:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:59:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {227},
	Title = {Evidence for Ungrammaticality},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kajita:1972,
	Author = {Kajita, Masaru},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:57:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:58:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {227--228},
	Title = {Transformationally Underivable Pseudo-Cleft Sentences},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Cornulier:1972,
	Author = {de Cornulier, Benoit},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:52:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:57:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {226--227},
	Title = {A Peeking Rule in {F}rench},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Browne:1972,
	Author = {Browne, E. Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:51:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:52:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {223--226},
	Title = {Conjoined Question Words and a Limitation on {E}nglish Surface Structures},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Postal:1972c,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:50:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:51:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {211--222},
	Title = {On Some Rules That Are Not Successive Cyclic},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Sommerstein:1972,
	Author = {Sommerstein, Alan H.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:49:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:50:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--209},
	Title = {On the So-Called Definite Article in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kuno:172,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:48:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:49:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {161--195},
	Title = {Pronominalization, Reflexivization, and Direct Discourse},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Hasegawa:1972,
	Author = {Hasegawa, Kinsuke},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:45:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:47:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--159},
	Title = {Transformations and Semantic Interpretation},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Smith:1972,
	Author = {Smith, Carlota S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:44:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:45:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {136--138},
	Title = {On Causative Verbs and Derived Nominals in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Postal:1972b,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:43:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:44:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {130--136},
	Title = {Two Remarks on Dragging},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Pope:1972,
	Author = {Pope, Emily},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:42:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-02 09:41:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {125--130},
	Title = {{GH}-Words},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Lakoff:1972a,
	Author = {Lakoff, George and Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:41:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:42:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {121--125},
	Title = {A Note on Anaphoric Islands and Causatives},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Jackendoff:1972a,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:40:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:41:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {119--120},
	Title = {Any vs. Every},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Hudson:1972,
	Author = {Hudson, R. A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:39:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:39:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {116--118},
	Title = {Why It Is That That That That Follows the Subject Is Impossible},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Gallagher:1972,
	Author = {Gallagher, Mary},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:38:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:39:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {115},
	Title = {The {S}quid, The {S}quib, and Others},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Bolinger:1972,
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:34:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:38:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {108--114},
	Title = {What Did John Keep the Car That Was In},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Maling:1972a,
	Author = {Maling, Joan M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:33:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:34:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {101-108},
	Title = {On ``Gapping and the Order of Constituents''},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Underhill:1972,
	Author = {Underhill, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:30:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:33:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {87--99},
	Title = {Turkish Participles},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Ross:1972,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:26:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:28:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--86},
	Title = {Doubl-ing},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Postal:1972a,
	Author = {Postal, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:21:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:25:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {34--59},
	Title = {A Global Constraint on Pronominalization},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Kisseberth:1972,
	Author = {Kisseberth, Charles W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 13:17:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 13:20:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--33},
	Title = {Cyclical Rules in {K}lamath Phonology},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1972}}

@article{Ross:1970f,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:38:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:39:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {146},
	Title = {\emph{Whether}-Deletion},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Postal:1970b,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M. and Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:37:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:38:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {145--146},
	Title = {A Problem of Adverb Preposing},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Zwicky:1970c,
	Author = {Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:36:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:37:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {145},
	Title = {\emph{Usually} and \emph{Unsually}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Morgan:1970,
	Author = {Morgan, Jerry L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:36:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:36:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {144--145},
	Title = {If and When},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Ross:1970e,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:35:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:36:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {144},
	Title = {Two Types of Idioms},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970g,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:34:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:35:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {140},
	Title = {Two Kinds of Nominalizations},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Hall:1970,
	Author = {Hall, R. M. R. and Hall, Beatrice L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:33:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:34:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {138--139},
	Title = {A Note on \emph{Will} vs. \emph{Going To}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Baker:1970a,
	Author = {Baker, C. L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:32:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:33:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {136--138},
	Title = {A Note on Scope of Quantifiers and Negation},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{King:1970a,
	Author = {King, Harold V.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:31:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:32:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {134--136},
	Title = {On Blocking Rules for Contraction in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Harris:1970,
	Author = {Harris, James W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:30:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:30:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {129--134},
	Title = {Sequences of Vowels In {S}panish},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970f,
	Author = {Lakoff, Robin T.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:29:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:30:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {128--129},
	Title = {Another Non-Source for Comparatives},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Ross:1970d,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert and Perlmutter, David M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:28:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:29:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {127--128},
	Title = {A Non-Source for Comparatives},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Green:1970,
	Author = {Green, Georgia M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:28:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:33:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {126--127},
	Title = {More {X} Than Not {X}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970e,
	Author = {Lakoff, George and Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:27:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:28:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {126},
	Title = {Comparatives and (N)ever},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Akmajian:1970b,
	Author = {Akmajian, Adrian and Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:25:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:27:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {124--126},
	Title = {Coreferentiality and Stress},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bresnan:1970a,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:19:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:25:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {122--123},
	Title = {An Argument Against Pronominalization},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bach:1970,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:17:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:19:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {121--123},
	Title = {Problominalization},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Langendoen:1970,
	Author = {Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:16:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:16:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {25--35},
	Title = {The `Can't Seem to' Construction},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Jakobson:1970,
	Author = {Jakobson, Roman},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 12:14:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:15:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--23},
	Title = {On the Verbal Art of {W}illiam {B}lake and Other Poet-Painters},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{McCawley:1970a,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:48:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:49:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {278--280},
	Title = {One the Applicability of \emph{Vice Versa}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Fraser:1970a,
	Author = {Fraser, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:47:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:48:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {277--278},
	Title = {Vice Versa},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Dixon:1970,
	Author = {Dixon, R. M. W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:46:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:35:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {273--276},
	Title = {Olgolo {S}yllable {S}tructure and What They Are Doing About It},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Ross:1970c,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:45:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:46:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {273},
	Title = {Metalinguistic Anaphora},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Browne:1970,
	Author = {Browne, Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:44:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:45:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {267--270},
	Title = {Noun Phrase Definiteness in Relatives and Questions: Evidence from {M}acedonian},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970b,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:44:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:44:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {265--267},
	Title = {A Derived Nominal Requiring a Sentential Source},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Fraser:1970,
	Author = {Fraser, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:43:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:43:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {264--265},
	Title = {Idioms and Unspecified {NP} Deletion},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Zwicky:1970,
	Author = {Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:42:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:39:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {262--264},
	Title = {Class Complements In Phonology},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bresnan:1970,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:41:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:42:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261--262},
	Title = {A Grammatical Fiction},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Ross:1970b,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:41:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:41:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261},
	Title = {Chance},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Sampson:1970,
	Author = {Sampson, Geoffrey},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:40:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:41:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {257--260},
	Title = {Good},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Baker:1970,
	Author = {Baker, C. L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:31:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:38:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {169--186},
	Title = {Double Negatives},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Staal:1970,
	Author = {Staal, J. F.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:28:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:58:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {373--381},
	Title = {Performatives and Token-Reflexives},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Wilson:1970,
	Author = {Wilson, Deirdre},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:28:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:58:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {369--373},
	Title = {If That},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Browne:1970a,
	Author = {Browne, Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:25:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:55:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {359--363},
	Title = {More on Definiteness Markers: Interrogatives in {P}ersian},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970c,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:24:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:55:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {357--359},
	Title = {A Note on Vagueness and Ambiguity},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Schiebe:1970,
	Author = {Schiebe, Traugott},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:23:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:39:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {351--357},
	Title = {On a {G}lobal {D}erivational {C}onstraint Involving Quantifiers in {G}erman},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Perlmutter:1970d,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:23:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:39:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {350},
	Title = {Relative {C}lauses with Split Antecedents},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bailey:1970,
	Author = {Bailey, Charles-James N.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:19:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:53:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {347--349},
	Title = {Toward Specifying Constraints on Phonological Metathesis},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Kisseberth:1970a,
	Author = {Kisseberth, Charles W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:18:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:52:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {337--345},
	Title = {Review Article},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Zwicky:1970a,
	Author = {Zwicky, Arnald M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:16:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:40:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {323--336},
	Title = {Auxiliary {R}eduction in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lieberman:1970,
	Author = {Lieberman, Philip},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:16:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:51:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {307--322},
	Title = {Towards a Unified Phonetic Theory},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Kisseberth:1970,
	Author = {Kisseberth, Charles W.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:11:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:50:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {291--306},
	Title = {On the Functional Unity of Phonological Rules},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Carden:1970,
	Author = {Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-31 11:09:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 11:50:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {281--290},
	Title = {A Note on Conflicting Idiolects},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Wolf:1970,
	Author = {Wolf, Meyer},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:53:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:14:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {561},
	Title = {A Note on the Surface Verb ``Remind''},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bowers:1970,
	Author = {Bowers, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:52:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:13:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {559--560},
	Title = {A Note on ``Remind''},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{McCawley:1970b,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:52:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:13:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {556--559},
	Title = {Similar in That {S}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Carden:1970c,
	Author = {Carden, Guy and Miller, Anthony G.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:51:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:13:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {555--556},
	Title = {More Problominzalizations},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Zwicky:1970b,
	Author = {Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:49:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:12:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {549--555},
	Title = {Greek-letter Variables and the {S}anskrit \emph{ruki} Class},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Brame:1970,
	Author = {Brame, Michael K. and Lasnik, Howard},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:48:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:43:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {547--549},
	Title = {A {D}erived {N}ominal Requiring a Nonsentential Source},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Anderson:1970a,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:47:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:11:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {545--547},
	Title = {Two Notes on Split Antecedents},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Naro:1970,
	Author = {Naro, Anthony J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:46:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:11:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {543--545},
	Title = {A Note on Elision of {Y}od in {S}panish},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970d,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:45:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:43:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {539--542},
	Title = {An Example of a Descriptively Inadequate {I}nterpretive {T}heory},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Hill:1970,
	Author = {Hill, Jane Hill},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:36:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:38:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {534--539},
	Title = {A Peeking Rules in {C}upe{\~{n}}o},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Carden:1970b,
	Author = {Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:35:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:09:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {527--533},
	Title = {A Problem with Primacy},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Watkins:1970,
	Author = {Watkins, Calvert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:34:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:44:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {525--527},
	Title = {A Case of {N}onchronological {R}ule {I}nsertion},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Kimball:1970,
	Author = {Kimball, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:32:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:05:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {511--523},
	Title = {``Remind'' Remains},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Huddleston:1970,
	Author = {Huddleston, Rodney},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:31:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:51:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {501--511},
	Title = {Some Remarks on {C}ase-{G}rammar},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Postal:1970a,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:29:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:51:33 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {439--500},
	Title = {On {C}oreferential {C}omplement {S}ubject {D}eletion},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Fodor:1970,
	Author = {Fodor, J. A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:28:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:02:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {429--438},
	Title = {Three Reasons for Not Deriving ``Kill'' from ``Cause to Die''},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Carden:1970a,
	Author = {Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:27:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:01:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {415--427},
	Title = {On Post-Determiner Quantifiers},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bierwisch:1970,
	Author = {Bierwisch, Manfred},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:26:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 12:01:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {397--414},
	Title = {Fehler-linguistik},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Anderson:1970,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:24:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:51:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {387--396},
	Title = {On {G}rassmann's {L}aw in {S}anskrit},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bresnan:1971c,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:23:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 19:34:06 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {117--124},
	Title = {On ``A Non-Source for Comparatives''},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Cantrall:1971,
	Author = {Cantrall, William R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:22:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:23:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {116--117},
	Title = {Versatile, Vice},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Huddleston:1971a,
	Author = {Huddleston, Rodney},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:21:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:53:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {115--116},
	Title = {A Problem in {R}elative {C}lause {R}eduction},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Kravif:1971,
	Author = {Kravif, Diane},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:20:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:54:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {112--115},
	Title = {Weak Generative Capacity and {E}monds' {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Grinder:1971c,
	Author = {Grinder, John T.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:19:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:20:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {110--112},
	Title = {A Global Constraint on Deletion},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Carstairs:1971,
	Author = {Carstairs, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:17:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:19:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {107--110},
	Title = {Syncategorematic Words},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Anderson:1971,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:16:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 19:33:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {103--107},
	Title = {On the Description of ``Apacalized'' Consonants},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Schreiber:1971,
	Author = {Schreiber, Peter A.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:15:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:16:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--101},
	Title = {Some Constraints on the Formation of {E}nglish Sentence Adverbs},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Pope:1971,
	Author = {Pope, Emily},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:15:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:15:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--82},
	Title = {Answers to Yes-No Questions},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Naro:1971,
	Author = {Naro, Anthony J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:14:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:15:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {57--67},
	Title = {Directionality and Assimilation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Kaye:1971,
	Author = {Kaye, Jonathan D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:13:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:14:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--56},
	Title = {Nasal Harmony in {D}esano},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Jackendoff:1971b,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:12:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:13:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {21--35},
	Title = {Gapping and Related Rules},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Halle:1971,
	Author = {Halle, Morris},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:10:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:12:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Title = {Remarks on {S}lavic Accentology},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Binnick:1971,
	Author = {Binnick, Robert I.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:09:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:09:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {260--265},
	Title = {Bring and Come},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Browne:1971,
	Author = {Browne, Wayles},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:08:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:09:04 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {259--260},
	Title = {Verbs and Unspecified {NP} Deletion},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Mittwoch:1971,
	Author = {Mittwoch, Anita},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:06:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:07:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {255--259},
	Title = {Idioms and Unspecified {NP} Deletion},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Maratsos:1971,
	Author = {Maratsos, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:04:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:04:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {254},
	Title = {A Note on {NP}'s Made Definite by Entailment},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Huddleston:1971,
	Author = {Huddleston, Rodney},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:03:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:04:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {252--255},
	Title = {A Comparative Tautology},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Andrews:1971b,
	Author = {Andrews, Avery D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:01:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:03:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {250--252},
	Title = {Against Conjunct Movement},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bolinger:1971b,
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:00:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:01:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {246--250},
	Title = {The Nominal in the Progressive},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Kimball:1971,
	Author = {Kimball, John and Aissen, Judith},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 16:00:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 16:00:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {241--246},
	Title = {I Think, You Think, He Think},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Kayne:1971,
	Author = {Kayne, Richard S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:56:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:57:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {237--241},
	Title = {A Pronominalization Paradox in {F}rench},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Vogt:1971,
	Author = {Vogt, Eric E.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:55:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 14:59:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {233--237},
	Title = {Caralan {V}owel {R}eduction and the {A}ngled {B}racket {N}otation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Zwicky:1971,
	Author = {Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:53:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:55:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {223--233},
	Title = {In a Manner of Speaking},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Lieberman:1971,
	Author = {Lieberman, Philip and Crelin, Edmund S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:52:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:53:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {203--222},
	Title = {On the Speech of {Neanderthal} {Man}},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Grinder:1971b,
	Author = {Grinder, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:52:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 19:34:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {183--202},
	Title = {Chains of Coreference},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Baker:1971,
	Author = {Baker, C.L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:51:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:58:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--181},
	Title = {Stress Level and Auxiliary Behavior in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bach:1971,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:50:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:50:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {153--166},
	Title = {Questions},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Andrews:1971a,
	Author = {Andrews, Avery D.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:49:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:00:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {127--151},
	Title = {Case {A}greement of Predicate Modifiers in {A}ncient {G}reek},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Carden:1971,
	Author = {Carden, Guy},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:47:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:49:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {423--426},
	Title = {A Dialect Argument For Not-Transportation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Schnitzer:1971,
	Author = {Schnitzer, Marc L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:45:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:46:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {422},
	Title = {A Problem in Rule Ordering},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Stevens:1971,
	Author = {Stevens, Alan M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:45:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:45:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {420--421},
	Title = {Fixed Morpheme Order},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Leben:1971,
	Author = {Leben, William R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:44:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 19:34:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {419--420},
	Title = {``Remind'' Once More},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Daniels:1971,
	Author = {Daniels, William J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:32:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:44:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {416--419},
	Title = {Greek-Letter Variables and the {Russian} \emph{{\v{s}}{\v{z}}c} Class},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bickerton:1971,
	Author = {Bickerton, Derek},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:29:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:32:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {415--416},
	Title = {When is a Singular Not?},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Fraser:1971,
	Author = {Fraser, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:28:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:00:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {604--607},
	Title = {A Note on the {S}pray {P}aint {C}ases},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Baldi:1971,
	Author = {Baldi, Philip},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:26:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:28:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {603--604},
	Title = {Conjunction of Reflexives: Syntax or Semantics},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Andrews:1971,
	Author = {Andrews, Avery},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:25:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:26:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {602--603},
	Title = {Nonrestrictive Dream},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Green:1971a,
	Author = {Green, Georgia M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:24:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:25:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {601--602},
	Title = {Unspeakable Sentences: Book 2},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Dressler:1971,
	Author = {Dressler, Wolfgang},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:22:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:01:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {597--599},
	Title = {An Alleged Case of {N}onchronological {R}ule {I}nsertion: Floralis},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Ross:1971a,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:22:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:01:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {599--600},
	Title = {The Superficial Nature of {A}naphoric {I}sland {C}onstraints},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bresnan:1971,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:20:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-31 14:03:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {589--597},
	Title = {A Note on the Notion ``Identity of Sense Anaphora''},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Sampson:1971,
	Author = {Sampson, Geoffrey},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:19:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:10:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {587--589},
	Title = {Subordinate {F}uture {D}eletion and Hyperclauses},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Lightner:1971,
	Author = {Lightner, Theodore M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:19:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:10:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {586--587},
	Title = {A Problem in {C}oexistent {P}honological {S}ystems},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bolinger:1971a,
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:18:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:19:00 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {584--586},
	Title = {A Further Note on the Nominal in the Progressive},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Wilkinson:1971a,
	Author = {Wilkinson, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:16:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:10:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {575--584},
	Title = {Complement {S}ubject {D}eletion and Subset Relations},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Cantrall:1971,
	Author = {Cantrall, William R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:15:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:16:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {573--575},
	Title = {Comparison and Presupposition},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Alford:1971,
	Author = {Alford, Danny},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:15:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:15:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {573},
	Title = {Kicking the Habit},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Grinder:1971a,
	Author = {Grinder, John},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:14:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:15:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {572--573},
	Title = {Double Indices},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Ross:1971,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:12:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:13:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {569--572},
	Title = {Mirror-Image Rules and {VSO} Order},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Karttunen:1971,
	Author = {Karttunen, Lauri},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:11:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:12:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {566--569},
	Title = {Counterfactual Conditionals},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Geis:1971,
	Author = {Geis, Michael L. and Zwicky, Arnold M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:10:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:11:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {561--566},
	Title = {On Invited Inferences},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Green:1971,
	Author = {Green, Georgia M.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:09:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:09:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {560--561},
	Title = {Unspeakable Sentences: Book 1},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Wilkinson:1971,
	Author = {Wilkinson, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:08:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:09:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {558--559},
	Title = {It Seems},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Harada:1971,
	Author = {Harada, S. I.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:06:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:08:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {546--557},
	Title = {A Non-Source for Reflexives},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Postal:1971a,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M. and Ross, John R.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:04:43 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:06:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {544--545},
	Title = {Tough Movement Si, Tough Deletion No!},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Morris:1971,
	Author = {Morris, Halle},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 15:01:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:04:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {540--544},
	Title = {Word Boundaries as Environments in Rules},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Chiba:1971,
	Author = {Chiba, Shuji},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 14:46:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-04-06 15:11:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {539--540},
	Title = {A Note on {E}quip-{NP} {D}eletion},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Black:1971,
	Author = {Black, Max},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 14:40:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 15:02:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {515--538},
	Title = {Review Article: The Structure of Symbol Systems},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Jackendoff:1971a,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray S.},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 14:37:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 14:43:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {479--514},
	Title = {Modal Structure in Semantic Representation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Cook:1971,
	Author = {Cook, Eung-Do},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 14:29:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 14:31:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {465--478},
	Title = {Phonological Constraint and Syntactic Rule},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Bever:1970,
	Author = {Bever, Thomas G. and Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-30 14:23:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-30 14:33:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {433--463},
	Title = {A Dynamic Model of the Evolution of Language},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Modesto:2010,
	Abstract = {In an article in this journal, Boeckx & Hornstein (2006a) present data from Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as an argument in favor of the Movement Theory of Control (MTC). In this reply, I show that the data presented by those authors do not necessarily argue for a movement analysis of BP finite subjects nor of nonfinite control. I also show that BP provides arguments against the MTC when inflected infinitives are considered. Inflected infinitives may be used in BP in partial control structures, which makes it explicit that a singular matrix argument may control a syntactically plural null subject and shows that these two positions cannot be related by movement. Additionally, I show that the MTC makes the wrong predictions when a language with inflected infinitives is considered.},
	Author = {Modesto, Marcello},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-29 10:07:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-29 10:08:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {78--96},
	Title = {What {B}razilian {P}ortuguese Says about {C}ontrol: Remarks on {B}oeckx \& {H}ornstein},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Watanabe:2010,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes that numerals are licensed by the feature [+/-augmented]. This proposal accommodates the dissociation of numerals from the plural morphology and accounts for the phenomenon of 1-deletion. The [+/-augmented] feature is located in the # head and selects a numeral in its specifier. In contrast to numerals and measure phrases accompanied by numerals, vague-quantity expressions are shown to be placed in a position higher than #P.},
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-29 10:05:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-29 10:06:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--77},
	Title = {Vague {Q}uantity, {N}umerals, and {N}atural {N}umbers},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {YnBsaXN0MDDUAQIDBAUGJCVYJHZlcnNpb25YJG9iamVjdHNZJGFyY2hpdmVyVCR0b3ASAAGGoKgHCBMUFRYaIVUkbnVsbNMJCgsMDxJXTlMua2V5c1pOUy5vYmplY3RzViRjbGFzc6INDoACgAOiEBGABIAFgAdccmVsYXRpdmVQYXRoWWFsaWFzRGF0YV8QSy4uLy4uLy4uLy4uL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qU3ludGF4L1N5bnRheDEzKDEpX1dhdGFuYWJlLnBkZtIXCxgZV05TLmRhdGFPEQHoAAAAAAHoAAIAAAxNYWNpbnRvc2ggSEQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADH1F+RSCsAAAJdEcwYU3ludGF4MTMoMSlfV2F0YW5hYmUucGRmAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAl0SL8fWLCwAAAAAAAAAAAAEAAUAAAkgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABypTeW50YXgAABAACAAAx9SX0QAAABEACAAAx9ZkbAAAAAEAGAJdEcwACvCmAArwlQAIS+UACEvYAACS8wACAFxNYWNpbnRvc2ggSEQ6VXNlcnM6AGtiajoARG9jdW1lbnRzOgBCb29rZW5kczoAQXR0YWNobWVudHM6ACpTeW50YXg6AFN5bnRheDEzKDEpX1dhdGFuYWJlLnBkZgAOADIAGABTAHkAbgB0AGEAeAAxADMAKAAxACkAXwBXAGEAdABhAG4AYQBiAGUALgBwAGQAZgAPABoADABNAGEAYwBpAG4AdABvAHMAaAAgAEgARAASAElVc2Vycy9rYmovRG9jdW1lbnRzL0Jvb2tlbmRzL0F0dGFjaG1lbnRzLypTeW50YXgvU3ludGF4MTMoMSlfV2F0YW5hYmUucGRmAAATAAEvAAAVAAIACv//AACABtIbHB0eWiRjbGFzc25hbWVYJGNsYXNzZXNdTlNNdXRhYmxlRGF0YaMdHyBWTlNEYXRhWE5TT2JqZWN00hscIiNcTlNEaWN0aW9uYXJ5oiIgXxAPTlNLZXllZEFyY2hpdmVy0SYnVHJvb3SAAQAIABEAGgAjAC0AMgA3AEAARgBNAFUAYABnAGoAbABuAHEAcwB1AHcAhACOANwA4QDpAtUC1wLcAucC8AL+AwIDCQMSAxcDJAMnAzkDPANBAAAAAAAAAgEAAAAAAAAAKAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA0M=}}

@article{Georgi:2010,
	Abstract = {In this paper we argue that the concept of reprojection, often applied in the verbal domain, should be extended to the nominal domain. We develop an analysis according to which a moved N does not adjoin to a functional category; rather, it moves out of its projection and remerges with it. This movement is (indirectly) triggered by a certain kind of categorial probe feature that we call a ''Muenchhausen feature'' (Fanselow 2003). In this way, conceptual problems resulting from head movement conceived as adjunction of one head to another are avoided. Furthermore, one of the main arguments for D as the head of the nominal projection (namely, that evidence for N movement is also evidence for DP on top of NP) is refuted. In addition to showing that an NP approach to nominal projections is viable (given reprojection), we also provide one independent argument for it: the reprojection approach to NP structure turns out to automatically derive a core assumption that must otherwise be stipulated in the theories of word-order variation in nominal projections developed by Cinque (2005) and Abels & Neeleman (2006) (namely, that only those projections can undergo movement within nominal projections that contain N).},
	Author = {Georgi, Doreen and M{\"u}ller, Gereon},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-29 10:01:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-29 10:02:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--36},
	Title = {Noun-Phrase Structure by Reprojection},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@inproceedings{Gartner:2001,
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {WCCFL} 18},
	Date-Added = {2010-03-14 10:33:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-03-14 10:34:36 -0400},
	Title = {Phase-linking Meets {M}inimalism},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Walker:2010,
	Author = {Walker, Rachel},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:58:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:59:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--179},
	Title = {Nonmyopic Harmony and the Nature of Derivations},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Niinuma:2010,
	Author = {Niinuma, Fumikazu},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:57:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:58:42 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {163--169},
	Title = {Across-the-Board Parasitic Gap Constructions in {R}omanian},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Jurgec:2010,
	Author = {Jurgec, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:54:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:56:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {149--161},
	Title = {Disjunctive Lexical Stratification},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Sobin:2010,
	Abstract = {English echo questions present numerous challenges to the analysis of interrogatives, including (a) simple wh-in-situ (You saw who?); (b) apparent Superiority violations (What did who see?); (c) apparent verb movement without wh-movement (Has Mary seen what?); and (d) requisite wide scope only for echo-question-introduced wh-phrases (underlined in these examples---only who in What did who see? is being asked about). Such apparently contrary features may be explained in terms of independently necessary scope assignment mechanisms and a complementizer that subordinates the utterance being echoed and ``freezes'' its CP structure. No norms of question formation are violated.},
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:53:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:54:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {131--148},
	Title = {Echo Questions in the {M}inimalist {P}rogram},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Boeckx:2010,
	Abstract = {This article discusses the challenges that Bobaljik and Landau (2009) pose to Boeckx and Hornstein's (2006) movement-based analysis of control in Icelandic. We show in detail that contrary to what Bobaljik and Landau claim, the movement theory of control (with a modification to accommodate quirky Case, a specialty of Icelandic) makes the right empirical cuts regarding the issues they raise, namely, (a) the differences in Case agreement between control and raising construc- tions, (b) the different patterns of Case transmission (un)available, and (c) the fact that allegedly Case-marked PROs are phonetically null. We argue that rather than being problematic, the data bearing on these issues actually provide independent support to the movement theory of control.},
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Hornstein, Norbert and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:50:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:51:29 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {111-130},
	Title = {Icelandic {C}ontrol Really Is {A}-Movement: Reply to {B}obaljik and {L}andau},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Takano:2010,
	Abstract = {This article argues for two points: that scrambling out of a control clause patterns with scrambling out of a finite clause and that obligatory control is derived by movement of the controller. The argument is based on hitherto unnoticed facts about binding effects with scram- bling out of a control clause in Japanese. It is proposed that those facts can only be accounted for by looking at an interaction of long-distance scrambling and movement of the controller. It is also shown that the proposal has important consequences for the nature of scrambling, pronominal variable binding, and subject control.},
	Author = {Takano, Yuji},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:48:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:49:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--110},
	Title = {Scrambling and {C}ontrol},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Muller:2010,
	Abstract = {This article shows that a version of the Condition on Extraction Do- main (Huang 1982) can be derived from the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC; Chomsky 2001, 2008) if the following assumptions are made: (a) All syntactic operations are driven by features of lexical items. (b) These features are ordered on lexical items. (c) All phrases are phases. (d) Edge features that trigger intermediate movement steps can only be added before the phase head becomes inert. Given (a--d), it follows from the PIC that extraction from XP is blocked if the operation that has merged XP is the final operation taking place in a phase: a last-merged specifier is a barrier because no edge feature can be inserted that might extract some item out of it; this induces a PIC violation on the following cycle. The analysis can be extended to cover freezing effects. Furthermore, it predicts the existence of the melting effect, illustrated in German and Czech: local scrambling in front of what would otherwise qualify as a last-merged specifier renders the specifier transparent for extraction. The most important assumption made here is that the timing of edge feature insertion is crucial (before vs. after in (d)). Accordingly, the analysis can be viewed as an argument supporting a strictly derivational organization of grammar.},
	Author = {M{\"u}ller, Gereon},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:46:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:47:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--82},
	Title = {On Deriving {CED} Effects from the {PIC}},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010},
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@article{Kroeger:2009,
	Abstract = {This commentary primarily addresses G{\"a}rtner's critique of the ``pseudo- cleft'' analysis for Malagasy. First, it is shown that this analysis is almost certainly correct for focus constructions in three other Western Malayo-Polynesian languages. Next, it is shown that certain unexpected semantic patterns observed in Malagasy (including the potential for strong quantifiers to occur within the focused predicate phrase, and the non-entailment of exhaustivity) hold in these other languages as well. Thus, the semantic arguments against the pseudo-cleft analysis for Malagasy are not conclusive. Finally, on the basis of comparative evidence from Tagalog, it is suggested that the structure of adjunct-focus in Malagasy may actually be quite different from that of subject-focus, even though both constructions must satisfy the same morphological constraints.},
	Author = {Kroeger, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:46:45 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:48:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {817--838},
	Title = {Malagasy clefts from a {W}estern {M}alayo-{P}olynesian perspective: Commentary on the paper by {H}ans-{M}artin {G}{\"a}rtner},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Gartner:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper explores the pros and cons of assimilating Malagasy ``Focusing'' No-Constructions (FNCs) to Temporal No-Constructions (TNCs), which arise from the combination of two full-fledged clauses. The particle no functions as a clause-linker introducing an adverbial clause. It is shown that a neo-Davidsonian semantics assimilating FNCs to TNCs can be developed. Among the attractive consequences of this is the possibility of giving pre-no quantifiers a standard (non predicative) semantics. The clause combining approach also squares well with the finding that the ``focusing'' nature of FNCs is less regular than often assumed. In particular, non-backgrounded (non-``presupposed'') no-clauses can be found. Among the drawbacks of a clause combining approach is its apparent inability to properly constrain ``binding'' relations between the two clauses. In particular, locality restrictions typical for movement relations are unpredicted. The paper discusses these features in some detail against the backdrop of rivaling movement and pseudocleft approaches. My hope is that it helps in clarifying their strengths and weaknesses. Also, I show that formal semantics is a useful, hitherto often neglected, tool with some potential of furthering our understanding the nature of Malagasy FNCs.},
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:43:56 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:45:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {789--816},
	Title = {On the prospects of a clause combining approach to ``focusing'' \emph{no}-constructions in {M}alagasy},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Hermon:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper is a critical review and discussion of a novel approach to de- riving typological universals directly from UG based principles and parameters. (See Potsdam 2009), this issue.) It points out the pluses and minuses of such a research program and provides additional examples from Western Malayo-Polynesian languages (Indonesian and Batak), which illustrate the issues involved in extending the approach to a larger number of languages.},
	Author = {Hermon, Gabriella},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:42:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:43:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {773--787},
	Title = {Langauge typology and universal grammar: a commentary on the paper by {E}ric {P}otsdam},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Potsdam:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a research agenda for investigating possible implicational universals connecting the syntactic strategy that a verb-initial language uses to derive verb-initial word order (verb raising, VP raising, verb lowering, right hand subjects, etc.) and its strategy for forming wh-questions (wh-in-situ, clefting, wh-fronting, etc.). The Austronesian language family, with its over 1000 members, is taken as a starting point for the investigation because of its abundance of verb-initial languages. The existing analyses of Austronesian languages support one potential universal in this domain: Languages that derive verb-initial word order by VP raising do not have wh-movement. Possible theoretical explanations for this pattern are evaluated. The paper then considers Fijian, a potential counterexample. Further analysis suggests that Fijian is unlikely to be a problem, however, it highlights a main claim of the paper: Careful, in-depth analyses are required to yield robust results in such a typological study.},
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:41:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:41:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {737--771},
	Title = {Austronesian verb-initial languages and \emph{wh}-question strategies},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Keenan:2009,
	Abstract = {In his article in this volume, Joseph Sabbagh treats existential there sentences (henceforth, ET sentences) as a type of structure whose expression in different languages may vary. Taking the first step in constructing a typology of ET sentences, he claims that ET sentences in the Western Austronesian language Tagalog are built from an unaccusative predicate, whereas ET sentences in English, according to the proposals he cites, are constructed from small clauses. Both analyses have also been proposed for ET sentences in other Western Austronesian languages. For instance, in Malagasy, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Madagascar, Pearson (1996) and Paul (2000) defend a small clause analysis of ET sentences, whereas Polinsky (2008) argues persuasively for an analysis involving an unaccusative predicate. At various points in this commentary, I try to push the typology of ET further by suggesting possible typological correlates of their form.},
	Author = {Keenan, Edward L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:39:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:40:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {721--735},
	Title = {Existential sentences in {T}agalog: commentary on the paper by {J}oseph {S}abbagh},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Sabbagh:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the syntax of existential sentences in Tagalog. Itargues that existential sentences in Tagalog are formed on the basis of an unaccusative predicate that selects a noun phrase as its sole internal argument. The positive arguments for this analysis also argue against a small clause analysis of existential sentences in Tagalog (as proposed, for other languages, in work by Stowell 1978, 1981; Chomsky 1981, 1986; Safir 1985; Hoekstra and Mulder 1990; Lasnik 1992; Moro 1997; among others). Additionally, this paper argues for an analysis of the definiteness effect in which the restriction follows from the requirement that the noun phrase that occurs in existential sentences (i.e., the ``pivo'') be a property denoting object. This proposal not only accounts for the class of noun phrases that are acceptable in Tagalog existential sentences, but also helps to shed light on various morphosyntactic aspects of existential sentences in the language, relating --- in particular --- to their impersonal clause structure, morphological case, as well as other properties.},
	Author = {Sabbagh, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:36:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:38:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {675--719},
	Title = {Existential sentences in {T}agalog},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009},
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@phdthesis{Albizu:1977,
	Address = {Los Angeles},
	Author = {Albizu, P.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 07:16:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 07:17:02 -0500},
	School = {University of Southern California},
	Title = {The syntax of Person Agreement},
	Year = {1977}}

@phdthesis{Bonet:1991,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Bonet, Eulalia},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 07:15:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 07:16:01 -0500},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Morphology after syntax: Pronominal clitics in {R}omance},
	Year = {1991}}

@phdthesis{Noyer:1992,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Noyer, Rolf},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 06:21:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 06:22:30 -0500},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Features, positions and affixes in autonomous morphological structure},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Chemla:2009,
	Abstract = {Some theories assume that sentences like (i) with a presupposition trigger in the scope of a quantifier carry an existential presupposition, as in (ii); others assume that they carry a universal presupposition, as in (iii).
(i) No student knows that he is lucky. 
(ii) Existential presupposition: At least one student is lucky. 
(iii) Universal presupposition: Every student is lucky.
This work is an experimental investigation of this issue in French. Native speakers were recruited to evaluate the robustness of the inference from (i) to (iii). The main result is that presuppositions triggered from the scope of the quantifier aucun`no' are in fact universal. But the present results also suggest that the presuppositions triggered from the scope of other quantifiers depend on the quantifier. This calls for important changes in the main theories of presupposition projection.},
	Author = {Chemla, Emmanuel},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:22:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:23:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {299--340},
	Title = {Presuppositions of quantified sentences: experimental data},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Aihara:2009,
	Abstract = {It has long been observed that the superlative construction, exemplified by John climbed the highest mountain, has two readings. On the absolute reading, the heights of the relevant mountains in a relevant context are compared; on the com- parative reading, relevant climbers' achievements of mountain climbing are compared (Szabolcsi, Comparative superlatives, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 1986). Two theories have been proposed regarding this ambiguity. One theory holds that it results from movement of the superlative morpheme -est (movement theory) (Heim, Association with focus, Doctoral Dissertation, 1985, Notes on superlatives, 1999; Szabolcsi 1986). The other theory holds that the ambiguity is derived by assignment of different values to the context variable C, keeping a single LF structure where -est stays in situ (in-situ theory) (Farkas and Kiss, Nat Lang Linguist Theory 18:417--455, 2000; Sharvit and Stateva, Linguist Philos 25:453--504, 2002). As is pointed out by Heim (1999), a choice between these theories is hard to make based solely on English. Through an investigation of Japanese superlative constructions, this paper argues that, in Japanese at least, a movement theory is required.},
	Author = {Aihara, Masahiko},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:21:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:21:39 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {341--367},
	Title = {The scope of \emph{-est}: evidence from {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Saebo:2009,
	Abstract = {The meaning of have is notoriously difficult to define; sometimes it seems to denote possession, but often, it seems to denote nothing, only to com- plicate composition. This paper focuses on the cases where have embeds a small clause, proposing that all it accomplishes is abstraction, turning the small clause into a predicate. This analysis is extended to the cases where have appears to embed DPs: These objects are interpreted as small clauses as well, with implicit predicates denoting possession or---with relational nouns---nothing.},
	Author = {S{\ae}b{\o}, Kjell Johan},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:19:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:20:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {369--397},
	Title = {Possession and pertinence: the meaning of \emph{have}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Wulf:2009,
	Abstract = {The progressive in English appears to be inherently modal, due to what Dowty (Word meaning and Montague grammar: The semantics of verbs and times in generative semantics and in Montague's PTQ, 1979) terms the imperfective paradox. In truth-conditional accounts, the literal truth of a clause with the modal progressive hinges on the possibility of the described outcome. The clause's truth under such accounts has also been tacitly assumed to describe its felicitous use. Two challenges for this strategy are discussed. First, a progressive clause exhibiting the imperfective paradox can occur felicitously even when the described outcome is not possible. Second, a progressive clause exhibiting the paradox can occur felicitously with an accompanying unless-clause, yet the analysis of unless-clauses directly contradicts the modal analysis of the truth-conditional behavior of the progressive clause in such cases. If the analysis of unless is not flawed, then the modal pro- gressive will require reanalysis.},
	Author = {Wulf, Douglas J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:18:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:18:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--218},
	Title = {Two new challenges for the modal account of the progressive},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Reich:2009,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue on empirical grounds that (VL-initial) Asymmetric Coordination in German cannot be reduced to a syntactic structure of the form [if S1, then S2], but rather needs to be analyzed as some kind of adjunction to the if-clause, i.e., along the lines of [[if S1] and S2]. This conclusion gives rise to an apparent mismatch between syntactic structure (narrow scope of if) and semantic interpretation (wide scope of if). To resolve this paradoxical situation, I propose a compositional semantics for conditionals that is based on the idea that (indexed) if is to be construed as some kind of anaphor (variable) that ranges over objects of type modal base picking up a modal background in the actual context. Even though this analysis assigns a non-vacuous semantics to the complementizer if, it is still com- patible with the syntax of Asymmetric Coordination in German, and, in contrast to alternative accounts, avoids the generation of non-existent distributive readings.},
	Author = {Reich, Ingo},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:16:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:16:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {219--244},
	Title = {What Asymmetric Coordination in {G}erman tells us about the syntax and semantics of conditionals},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Magri:2009,
	Abstract = {Predicates such as tall or to know Latin, which intuitively denote permanent properties, are called individual-level predicates. Many peculiar prop- erties of this class of predicates have been noted in the literature. One such property is that we cannot say #John is sometimes tall. Here is a way to account for this property: this sentence sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that the alternative John is always tall is false, which cannot be, given that, if John is sometimes tall, then he always is. This intuition faces two challenges. First: this scalar implicature has a weird nature, since it must be surprisingly robust (other- wise, it could be cancelled and the sentence rescued) and furthermore blind to the common knowledge that tallness is a permanent property (since this piece of common knowledge makes the two alternatives equivalent). Second: it is not clear how this intuition could be extended to other, more complicated properties of individual-level predicates. The goal of this paper is to defend the idea of an implicature-based theory of individual-level predicates by facing these two chal- lenges. In the first part of the paper, I try to make sense of the weird nature of these special mismatching implicatures within the recent grammatical framework for scalar implicatures of Chierchia (Structures and beyond, 2004) and Fox (2007). In the second part of the paper, I show how this implicature-based line of reasoning can be extended to more complicated properties of individual-level predicates, such as restrictions on the interpretation of their bare plural subjects, noted in Carlson (Reference to kinds in English. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 1977), Milsark (Linguistic Analysis 3.1: 1--29, 1977), and Fox (Natural Language Semantics 3: 283--341, 1995); restrictions on German word order, noted in Diesing (Indefinites, 1992); and restrictions on Q-adverbs, noted in Kratzer (The Generic Book, ed. Carlson and Pelletier, 125--175, 1995).},
	Author = {Magri, Giorgio},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:14:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:15:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {245--297},
	Title = {A theory of individual-level predicates based on blind mandatory scalar implicatures},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Zucchi:2009,
	Abstract = {In Italian Sign Language (LIS), when past or future time adverbs are present, the signs for verbs exhibit the same manual configurations whether the sentence reports a past event or a future event. Facts of this kind, also observed for American Sign Language (ASL) and other sign languages, have led some authors (Friedman, among others) to conclude that these languages, on a par with spoken languages like Chinese, lack grammatical tense. Neidle et al. and Jacobowitz and Stokoe have challenged this view for ASL and have argued that ASL sentences contain tense markers. I present some data showing that LIS verbs inflect for tense. I argue, moreover, that the apparent lack of tense inflection when LIS past and future time adverbs are present is due to the fact that these adverbs shift the s-point and that LIS past and future tenses are absolute tenses. I provide a formal account of the LIS tense system based on these assumptions. The account is implemented in Heim's analysis of tense.},
	Author = {Zucchi, Sandro},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:13:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:13:27 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--139},
	Title = {Along the time line},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Yatsushiro:2009,
	Abstract = {The existential and universal quantifiers in Japanese both consist of two morphemes: an indeterminate pronoun and a quantificational suffix. This paper examines the distributional characteristics of these suffixes (ka for the existential quantifier and mo for the universal quantifier). It is shown that ka can appear in a wider range of structural positions than mo can. This difference receives explana- tion on semantic grounds. I propose that mo is a generalized quantifier. More specifically, I assume that the phrase headed by mo is of type hha; ti; ti. Because of its type, mo cannot appear in certain structural positions without causing type mismatch. Ka, on the other hand, is a choice function variable of type ha=t; ai, and due to its type, its distribution is not as restricted. One of the consequences of this analysis is that there are no quantifier raising or type shifting operations in Japanese that would adequately obviate type mismatch.},
	Author = {Yatsushiro, Kazuko},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:11:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:12:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--173},
	Title = {The distribution of quantificational suffixes in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Morzycki:2009,
	Abstract = {Degree readings of size adjectives, as in big stamp-collector, cannot be explained away as merely the consequence of some extragrammatical phenomenon. Rather, this paper proposes that they actually reflect the grammatical architecture of nominal gradability. Such readings are available only for size adjectives in attrib- utive positions, and systematically only for adjectives that predicate bigness. These restrictions can be understood as part of a broader picture of gradable NPs in which adnominal degree morphemes---often overt---play a key role, analogous to their role in the extended AP. Size adjectives acquire degree readings through a degree morpheme similar to the one that licenses AP-modifying measure phrases. Its syntax gives rise to positional restrictions on the availability of these readings, and the semantics of degree measurement interacts with the scale structure of size adjectives to give rise to restrictions on the adjective itself.},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:09:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:10:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {175--203},
	Title = {Degree modification of gradable nouns: size adjectives and adnominal degree morphemes},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Lin:2009a,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that superiority comparatives in Mandarin Chinese are all phrasal comparatives that can be directly interpreted, and makes a new suggestion of taking the ba-phrase (`compare-phrase') to be an adjunct and one constituent, but with ba-shells. This syntactic analysis allows one to combine into one phrase various compared constituents that would otherwise not be analyzed as forming a phrase by themselves. Semantically, in extension of work by Heim as well as Bhatt and Takahashi, ba is taken to compare two sequences of arguments of a gradable predicate along the dimension given by that predicate. It is also suggested that comparatives across languages may be subject to three parameters: (i) argument-dependent comparison vs. non-argument dependent comparison, (ii) phrasal comparison vs. clausal comparison, and (iii) monoadic comparison vs. dyadic comparison.},
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:08:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:08:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--27},
	Title = {Chinese comparatives and their implicational parameters},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Hallman:2009,
	Abstract = {Proportional quantification and progressive aspect interact in English in revealing ways. This paper investigates these interactions and draws conclusions about the semantics of the progressive and telicity. In the scope of the progressive, the proportion named by a proportionality quantifier (e.g. most in The software was detecting most errors) must hold in every subevent of the event so described, indicating that a predicate in the scope of the progressive is interpreted as an internally homogeneous activity. Such an activity interpretation is argued to be available for telic predicates (e.g. cross the street) because these receive a partitive interpretation except in combination with a completive operator, which asserts that the event so described has culminated. The obligatoriness of the completive operator in the preterit is shown to parametrically distinguish those languages that show completion entailments in the preterit, e.g. English, from those that do not, e.g. Malagasy, Hindi, and Japanese.},
	Author = {Hallman, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:06:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:07:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {29--61},
	Title = {Proportions in time: interactions of quantification and aspect},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Hackl:2009,
	Abstract = {Proportional quantifiers have played a central role in the development of formal semantics because they set a benchmark for the expressive power needed to describe quantification in natural language (Barwise and Cooper Linguist Philos 4:159--219, 1981). The proportional quantifier most, in particular, supplied the initial motivation for adopting Generalized Quantifier Theory (GQT) because its meaning is definable as a relation between sets of individuals, which are taken to be semantic primitives in GQT. This paper proposes an alternative analysis of most that does not treat it as a lexical item whose meaning is accessible without the help of compositional processes. Instead, proportional most is analyzed as the superlative of many (cf. Bresnan Linguist Inq 4(3):274--344, 1973). Two types of empirical evidence are presented in support of this view, both exploiting the fact that only a decompositional analysis of proportional quantifiers provides the means to generate different logical forms for seemingly equivalent statements of the form most A B and more than half of the A B.},
	Author = {Hackl, Martin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:05:06 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:06:10 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {63--98},
	Title = {On the grammar and processing of proportional quantifiers: \emph{most} versus \emph{more than half}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009},
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@article{Nouwen:2008,
	Abstract = {The paper concerns the expression of non-strict comparison, focusing in particular on constructions of the form [no(t) . . .-er than] in modified numerals. The main empirical finding is the observation that negated comparatives contrast with regular comparatives in that the former but not the latter can give rise to (scalar) implicatures. It is shown that such a contrast falls out of theories of exhaustive interpretation that claim alternatives to form dense scales. An important result is that the paper sharpens the desiderata for theories of exhaustification.},
	Author = {Nouwen, Rick},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:03:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:04:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {271--295},
	Title = {Upper-bound \emph{no more}: the exhaustive interpretation of non-strict comparison},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Van-Rooij:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper, Universal any and Negative Polarity Item any are uniformly analyzed as `counterfactual' donkey sentences (in disguise). Their difference in meaning is reduced here to the distinction between strong and weak readings of donkey sentences. It is shown that this explains the universal and existential character of Universal- and NPI-any, respectively, and the positive and negative contexts in which they are licensed. Our uniform analysis extends to the use of any in command and permission sentences. It predicts that whereas the use of any in permission sentences is licensed and gives rise to a universal reading, it is not licensed in command sentences.},
	Author = {Van Rooij, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:02:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:02:40 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--315},
	Title = {Towards a uniform analysis of \emph{any}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Rullmann:2008,
	Abstract = {Modals in Statimcets (Lillooet Salish) show two differences from their counterparts in English. First, they have variable quantificational force, systematically allowing both possibility and necessity interpretations; and second, they lexically restrict the conversational background, distinguishing for example between deontic and (several kinds of) epistemic modality. We provide an analysis of the Statimcets modals according to which they are akin to specific indefinites in the nominal domain. They introduce choice function variables which select a subset of the accessible worlds. Following Klinedinst, we assume distributivity over the resulting set of worlds. Statimcets modals thus receive a uniform interpretation as (distributive) pluralities. The appearance of variability in modal force arises because the choice function can select a larger or smaller subset of accessible worlds. Finally, we discuss the implications of our analysis for the investigation of modal systems in other languages.},
	Author = {Rullmann, Hotze and Matthewson, Lisa and Davis, Henry},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:59:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:01:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {317--357},
	Title = {Modals as distributive indefinites},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Kroll:2008,
	Abstract = {The problem of indistinguishable participants is a well-known problem for D-type theories of donkey pronouns. Recently, Paul Elbourne has offered a D-type theory that purports to dissolve the problem of indistinguishable participants. I argue against Elbourne's solution.},
	Author = {Kroll, Nicky},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:58:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:59:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {359--372},
	Title = {On bishops and donkeys},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Gualmini:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on children's interpretation of sentences containing negation and a quantifier (e.g., The detective didn't find some guys). Recent studies suggest that, although children are capable of accessing inverse scope interpretations of such sentences, they resort to surface scope to a larger extent than adults. To account for children's behavioral pattern, we propose a new factor at play in Truth Value Judgment tasks: the Question--Answer Requirement (QAR). According to the QAR, children (and adults) must interpret the target sentence that they evaluate as an answer to a question that is made salient by the discourse.},
	Author = {Gualmini, Andrea and Hulsey, Sarah and Hacquard, Valentine and Fox, Danny},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:56:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:57:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--237},
	Title = {The Question-Answer Requirement for scope assignment},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Moltmann:2008,
	Abstract = {The complement of transitive intensional verbs, like any nonreferential complement, can be replaced by a `special quantifier' or `special pronoun' such as something, the same thing, or what. In previous work on predicative complements and that-clauses I argued that special quantifiers and pronouns introduce entities that would not have occurred in the semantic structure of the sentence without the special quantifier, entities that one would refer to with the corresponding nominalization. Thus something in John thinks something or the same thing in John thinks the same thing as Mary ranges not over propositions, but rather over entities of the sort `John's thought that S' or `the thought that S', without those entities acting as arguments of the think-relation. Despite initial apparent lack of evidence for this view for transitive verbs like need, a closer inspection of a greater range of data gives in fact further support for the `Nominalization Theory' of special quantifiers, once `nominalization' is viewed in a suitably extended and flexible way.},
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:55:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:55:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {239--270},
	Title = {Intensional verbs and their intentional objects},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Beck:2008,
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid and Crnic, Luka and G{\"o}tz, Thilo},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:53:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:54:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--114},
	Title = {Ruin and restitution},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Alonso-Ovalle:2008,
	Abstract = {The exclusive component of unembedded disjunctions is standardly derived as a conversational implicature by assuming that or forms a lexical scale with and. It is well known, however, that this assumption does not suffice to determine the required scalar competitors of disjunctions with more than two atomic disjuncts (McCawley, Everything that linguists have always wanted to know about logic* (But were ashamed to ask). Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1993, p. 324; Simons, ``Or'': Issues in the semantics and pragmatics of disjunction. Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, 1998). To solve this, Sauerland (Linguist Philos 27(3): 367--391, 2004) assumes that or forms a lexical scale with two otherwise unattested silent connectives (L and R) that retrieve the left and right terms of a disjunction. A number of recent works have pro- posed an Alternative Semantics for indefinites and disjunction to account for their interaction with modals and other propositional operators (Kratzer and Shimoyama, In: Otsu Y (ed) The Proceedings of the Third Tokyo Confer- ence on Psycholinguistics. Hituzi Syobo, Tokyo, pp. 1--25, 2002; Aloni, In: Weisgerber M (ed) Proceedings of the Conference ``SuB7---Sinn und Bedeutung''. Arbeitspapier Nr. 114. Konstanz, pp. 28--37, 2003; Simons, Nat Lang Seman- tics 13: 271--316, 2005; Alonso-Ovalle, Disjunction in alternative semantics. Ph.D. thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, 2006). We note that the McCawley--Simons problem does not arise in an Alternative Semantics, if we assume that the set of pragmatic competitors to a disjunction is the closure under intersection of the set of propositions that it denotes. An adaptation of the strengthening mechanism presented in Fox (In: Sauerland U, Stateva P (eds) Presupposition and implicature in compositional semantics. MacMillan, Palgrave, pp. 71--120, 2007) allows for the derivation of the exclusive compo- nent of disjunctions with more than two atomic disjuncts without having to rely on the L and R operators. The proposal extends to the case of disjunctions with logically dependent disjuncts.},
	Author = {Alonso-Ovalle, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:51:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:52:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {115--128},
	Title = {Innocent exclusion in an {A}lternative {S}emantics},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Kissine:2008,
	Abstract = {In opposition to a common assumption, this paper defends the idea that the auxiliary verb will has no other semantic contribution in contemporary English than a temporal shift towards the future with respect to the utterance time. Strong reasons for rejecting the idea that will quantifies over possible worlds are presented. Given the adoption of Lewis's and Kratzer's views on modality, the alleged `modal' uses of will are accounted for by a pragmatic mechanism which restricts the domain of the covert epistemic necessity operator scoping over the sentence.},
	Author = {Kissine, Mikhail},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:50:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:50:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--155},
	Title = {Why \emph{will} is not a modal},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Prete:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue that the temporal connective prima (`before') is a comparative adverb. The argument is based on a number of grammatical facts from Italian, showing that there is an asymmetry between prima and dopo (`after'). On the ground of their divergent behaviour, I suggest that dopo has a different grammatical status from prima. I propose a semantic treatment for prima that is based on an independently motivated analysis of comparatives which can be traced back to Seuren (in: Kiefer and Ruwet (eds.) Generative grammar in Europe, 1973). Dopo is analyzed instead as an atomic two-place predicate which contributes a binary relation over events to the sentence meaning. The different semantic treatments of the two connectives provide an explanation for the grammatical asymmetries considered at the outset; interestingly, they also shed some light on other asymmetries between prima and dopo, which are known to hold for the English temporal connectives before and after as well: these asymmetries are related to the veridicality properties, the distribution of NPIs, and the logical properties of these connectives first de- scribed in Anscombe (Philos Rev 73:3--24, 1964).},
	Author = {Prete, Fabio Del},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:48:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:49:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {157--203},
	Title = {A non-uniform semantic analysis of the {I}talian temporal connectives \emph{prima} and \emph{dopo}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Marti:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper I provide a decompositional analysis of three kinds of plural indefinites in two related languages, European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese. The three indefinites studied are bare plurals, the unos (Spanish)/ uns (Portuguese) type, and the algunos (Spanish)/alguns (Portuguese) type. The paper concentrates on four properties: semantic plurality, positive polarity, partitivity, and event distribution. The logic underlying the analysis is that of compositionality, applied at the subword level: as items become bigger in form (with the addition of morphemes), they also acquire more semantic properties. The paper proposes the ``indefinite hierarchy'', which establishes a set of components for languages to build their indefinites with, in a particular order.},
	Author = {Mart{\'\i}, Luisa},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:46:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:47:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--37},
	Title = {The semantics of plural indefinite noun phrases in {S}panish and {P}ortuguese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Wilhelm:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper documents the number-related properties of Dene Suine (Athapaskan). Dene Suline has neither number	inflection nor numeral classifiers. Nouns are bare, occur as such in argument positions, and combine	directly	with	numerals.	With	these traits, Dene Suline represents a type of language that is little considered in formal typologies of number and countability. The paper critiques one influential proposal, that of Chierchia (in: Rothstein (ed.) Events and grammar, 1998a; Natural Language Semantics 6: 339--405, 1998b), and presents an alternative number typology, which introduces variation in the semantics of numerals. It will be shown that bare nouns in Dene Suline can be mass or count. Hence, the difference between count and mass cannot be expressed in terms of number, as in Chierchia. Instead, I express it in terms of atomicity. Mass nouns have nonatomic denotations, bare count nouns have atomic denotations that comprise singularities and pluralities. I also propose that numerals contain a function that accesses the singularities in a noun's denotation. Hence they are compatible with bare count nouns, but not with mass nouns. In classifier languages, numerals denote a cardinality only; singularity-accessing functions are expressed in separate elements: the classifiers. Thus, languages like Chinese require classifiers because the numerals are semantically deficient, and not, as is assumed by Chierchia and others, the bare nouns.},
	Author = {Wilhelm, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:31:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:46:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--68},
	Title = {Bare nouns and number in D{\"e}ne S\c{u}{\l}in\'e},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Gajewski:2008a,
	Abstract = {This paper addresses two puzzles in the semantics of connected exceptive phrases (EP): (i) the compatibility of EPs modifying noun phrases headed by the negative polarity item (NPI) determiner any and (ii) the ability of a negative universal quantifier modified by an EP to license strong NPIs. Previous analyses of EPs are shown to fail to solve these puzzles. A new unified solution to the two puzzles is proposed. The crucial insight of the analysis is to allow von Fintel's (Natural Language Semantics 1: 123--148, 1993; Restrictions on quantifier domains, PhD dissertation, 1994) leastness condition on EPs to be imposed at scopes non-local to the surface position of the EP. A general result is derived concerning the truth conditions of sentences in which an existential modified by an EP occurs in the scope of a downward entailing operator. The distribution of EPs is argued to depend on how the leastness condition interacts with other pragmatic strengthening conditions, such as the one imposed on any by Kadmon and Landman (Linguistics and Philosophy 16: 353--422, 1993).},
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:29:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:30:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--110},
	Title = {{NPI} \emph{any} and connected exceptive phrases},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008},
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@article{Kim:2007a,
	Abstract = {This paper aims to clarify and resolve issues surrounding the so-called formal linking problem in interpreting the Internally Headed Relative Clause construction in Korean and Japanese, a problem that has been identified in recent E-type pronominal treatments of the construction (e.g., Hoshi, K. (1995). Structural and interpretive aspects of head-internal and head-external relative clauses. PhD dissertation, University of Rochester; Shimoyama, J. (2001). Wh-constructions in Japanese. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst). In the literature, this problem refers to the difficulty of capturing the delimited semantic variability of the E-type pronoun present in the embedding clause of the construction. I show that the E-type pronoun at issue is subject to a different licensing condition from a typical E-type pronoun and therefore presents a different linking problem. More specifically, it requires that the embedded clause describe a state of its antecedent and its descriptive content be supplied by a salient property rep- resented in the logical form of the embedded clause. I propose an event-based semantic analysis that derives the effects of this novel generalization by establishing a binding relation between the event structure of the embedded clause and the denotation of the E-type pronoun.},
	Author = {Kim, Min-Joo},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:24:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:25:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {279--315},
	Title = {Formal linking in {I}nternally {H}eaded {R}elatives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{An:2007a,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I offer a novel solution to the well-known problem concerning two polarity items in Korean, amu-(N)-to and amu-(N)-rato, that show a complementary distribution within the set of typical NPI-licensing contexts. I present a uniform analysis of the distribution of these NPIs, where the complementary distribution follows from the opposite scope properties of the emphatic particles to and rato contained in the NPIs in question. As theoretical background, I adopt Karttunen and Peters's (1979, Syntax and Semantics 11: Presuppositions (pp. 1--56). New York: Academic Press) and Wilkinson's (1996, Natural Language Semantics, 4, 193--215) scope analysis of even, Lahiri's (1998, Natural Language Semantics, 6, 57--127) analysis of Hindi NPIs, and Guerzoni's (2002, Proceedings of NELS 32 (pp. 153--170); GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Mass.; 2004, Natural Language Semantics, 12, 319--343) analysis of the negative bias of yes/no-questions containing minimizers. The current analysis also lends further support to Guerzoni's approach in that it bears out the prediction that in certain environments, a yes/no-question can be positively biased, i.e., only the positive answer is allowed as a legitimate answer in the context; this prediction was left unconfirmed in Guerzoni's work.},
	Author = {An, Duk-Ho},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:23:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:24:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {317--350},
	Title = {On the distribution of {NPI}s in {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Portner:2007,
	Abstract = {Imperatives may be interpreted with many subvarieties of directive force, for example as orders, invitations, or pieces of advice. I argue that the range of meanings that imperatives can convey should be identified with the variety of interpretations that are possible for non-dynamic root modals (what I call `priority modals'), including deontic, bouletic, and teleological readings. This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between imperatives and priority modals in discourse which asserts that, just as declaratives contribute to the Common Ground and thus provide information relevant to the interpretation of epistemic modals in subsequent discourse, imperatives contribute to another component of the discourse context, the addressee's To-Do List, which serves as a contextual resource for the interpretation of priority modals. This analysis predicts that the interpretation of imperatives and modals in discourse is constrained in surprising ways; these predictions are borne out.},
	Author = {Portner, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:22:12 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:22:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {351--383},
	Title = {Imperatives and modals},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Chung:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on the Korean suffix -te, which has been variously analyzed as a marker of tense, aspect, tense--aspect, mood, mood--tense, or evidentiality. I argue against all of these approaches and propose instead that -te is a spatial deictic past tense, which triggers an evidential environment. It refers to a certain past time when the speaker either observed an event or some evidence of the event within his (her) perceptual field. Thus, the denotation of -te is `overlap', not between the speaker's perceptual field and the event itself, but between the speaker's perceptual field and the evidence of the event at the past reference time. To account for this denotation, I propose an `evidence trace' function as well as a `speaker's perceptual trace' function (cf. M. Faller, J Semantics 21:45--85, 2004). My analysis shows that suffixes like -ess (which is traditionally analyzed as a perfect) play two roles, as an indirect evidential and a perfect, depending on whether they appear with the spatial deictic tense -te or with a simple deictic tense. I argue that in Korean two distinct tense systems---the regular tense--aspect system and the spatial deictic tense--evidential system---exist in parallel. Thus the proposed analysis allows evidentials to be subsumed under the formal theory of tense, aspect, and mood.},
	Author = {Chung, Kyung-Sook},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:20:38 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:21:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {187--219},
	Title = {Spatial deictic tense and evidentials in {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Arregui:2007,
	Abstract = {Differences in the interpretation of would-conditionals with simple (perfective) and perfect antecedent clauses are marked enough to discourage a unified view. However, this paper presents a unified, Lewis--Stalnaker style semantics for the modal in such constructions. Differences in the interpretation of the conditionals are derived from the interaction between the interpretation of different types of aspect and the modal. The paper makes a distinction between perfective and perfect aspect in terms of whether they make reference to or quantify over Lewis-style events. In making reference to Lewis-events, perfective aspect is shown to be incompatible with counterfactual would- conditionals. The so-called `epistemic flavor' of perfective conditionals about the future is derived from the use of diagonalization as an interpretive strategy called upon to resolve reference.},
	Author = {Arregui, Ana},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:19:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:19:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {21--264},
	Title = {When aspect matters: the case of \emph{would}-conditionals},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Altshuler:2007,
	Abstract = {This squib presents a rebuttal to two of King's (Complex demonstratives: A quantificational account. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001) arguments that complex demonstratives are quantifier phrases like every man. The first is in response to King's argument that because complex demonstratives induce weak crossover effects, they are quantifier phrases. I argue that unlike quantifier phrases and like other definite determiner phrases, complex demonstratives in object position can corefer with singular pronouns contained in the subject DP. Although complex demonstratives could undergo LF-movement, the ruling out by weak crossover is empirically undetectable. The second rebuttal is in response to King's argument that because complex demonstratives allow antecedent-contained deletion, they are quantifier phrases. I present data showing that along with quantifier phrases, complex demonstratives pattern with proper names in allowing ACD with restrictive modification, but usually not with non-restrictive modification.},
	Author = {Altshuler, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:17:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:18:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {265--277},
	Title = {{WCO}, {ACD} and what they reveal about complex demonstratives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Kobuchi-Philip:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses Japanese numeral quantifiers that are used to count individuals, rather than quantities of a substance, and which may occur either as floated or non-floated quantifiers. It is argued that such morphologically complex numeral quantifiers (NQs) are semantically complex as well: The numeral within the NQ is the quantifier itself, the classifier its domain of quantification. The proposed analysis offers a unified semantic account of floated and non-floated NQs that adheres closely to their surface morphology and syntax. It explains why floated NQs generally force a distributive reading. It covers both classifiers construed with objects and classifiers construed with events. In addition, it captures the fact that the classifier must agree with the NP it is construed with.},
	Author = {Kobuchi-Philip, Mana},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:09:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:10:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {95--130},
	Title = {Individual-denoting classifiers},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Russell:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper provides evidence for an ambiguity of bare VPs in the English conditional conjunction construction. This ambiguity, undetected by previous researchers, provides a key to the development of a compositional semantic analysis of conditional conjunction with imperative first conjuncts. The analysis combines existing semantic theories of imperatives, the future tense, modal subordination, and speech act conjunction to yield the correct semantics without further stipulation.},
	Author = {Russell, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:08:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:09:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {131--166},
	Title = {Imperatives in conditional conjunction},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Muhlbauer:2007,
	Abstract = {I argue for three basic classes of nominals, based on the (non)- relation they encode; (i) alienable nouns, which have no inherent relation, but gain an underspecified `R' relation when possessed (Higginbotham, Linguistic Inquiry, 14, 305--420, 1983); (ii) relational nouns, which have an inherent relation, defined as an `R' relation restricted by the lexical meaning of the head noun (Barker, Possessive descriptions. CSLI, Stanford, Ca., 1995; Burton, Six issues to consider when choosing a husband. PhD Dissertation, Rutgers University, 1995); and (iii) inalienable nouns, which also have an inherent relation, defined as a material part- whole relation (Link, Algebraic semantics for linguistics and philosophy. CSLI, Stanford, Ca., 1995). I then consider evidence from the Algonquian language Plains Cree, which overtly distinguishes all three subclasses of nominals.},
	Author = {M{\"u}hlbauer, Jeff},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:06:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:07:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--186},
	Title = {Evidence for three distinct nominal classes in {P}lains {C}ree},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Ippolito:2007,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue that the aspectual, marginality, and conces- sive uses of the grading particles still and already can be reduced to the following three classes of focus-sensitive grading particles: additive particles like too, scalar particles like even, and exclusive particles like only. The meaning differences among the occurrences of still (and already) are mostly reduced to the differences among these three classes of grading particles. In turn, these differences are shown to correlate with what type of object is denoted by the phrase in the scope of the particle. The proposal has repercussions also for the focus-sensitive particle again. I investigate the latter too, and I propose a parallel between the temporal and nominal domains where the contrast between still and again is analyzed along the lines of the contrast between definite and indefinite noun phrases.},
	Author = {Ippolito, Michela},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:58:26 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:59:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Title = {On the meaning of some focus-sensitive particles},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{McCready:2007,
	Abstract = {Japanese has a large number of evidential and modal expressions. Many of the inferential evidentials -- mitai, yoo, rashii -- also have an adjectival use. On this use, they make a claim about the prototypicality of some object or individual with respect to another class of object, in the case of rashii, or about the similarity of these two objects, for yoo and mitai. This paper provides a compositional semantics for these adjectives, claiming that they are evaluated in terms of the degree to which they instantiate a set of properties (conventionally) associated with a class of object.},
	Author = {McCready, Eric and Ogata, Norry},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:57:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:57:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--63},
	Title = {Adjectives, stereotypicality, and comparison},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Aloni:2007,
	Abstract = {The article proposes an analysis of imperatives and possibility and necessity statements that (i) explains their differences with respect to the licensing of free choice any and (ii) accounts for the related phenomena of free choice disjunction in imperatives, permissions, and other possibility statements. Any and or are analyzed as operators introducing sets of alternative propositions. Free choice licensing operators are treated as quantifiers over these sets. In this way their interpretation can be sensitive to the alter- natives any and or introduce in their scope.},
	Author = {Aloni, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:55:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:56:26 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {65--94},
	Title = {Free choice, modals, and imperatives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007},
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@article{Zweig:2006,
	Abstract = {This paper revisits the question of whether propositions in situation semantics must be persistent [Kratzer (1989). Linguistics and Philosophy, 12, 607--653]. It shows that ignoring persistence causes empirical problems for theories which use quantification over minimal situations as a solution for donkey anaphora [Elbourne (2005). Situations and individuals. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press]. At the same time, modifying these theories to incorporate persistence makes them incompatible with the use of situations for contextual restriction [Kratzer (2004). Ms., University of Massachusetts].},
	Author = {Zweig, Eytan},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:46:11 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:46:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {283--296},
	Title = {When the donkey lost its fleas: persistence, minimal situations, and embedded quantifiers},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Wagner:2006,
	Abstract = {`Only' associates with focus and licenses NPIs. This paper looks at the distributional pattern of NPIs under `only' and presents evidence for the movement theory of focus association and against an in situ approach. NPIs are licensed in the `scope' (or the second argument) of `only', but not in the complement (or its first argument), which I will call the `syntactic restrictor'. While earlier approaches argued that `only' licenses NPIs in the unfocused part of the sentence it occurs in except in its focus, evidence from DP-`only' shows that NPIs are also not licensed in the unfocused part of the syntactic restrictor. The distribution of NPIs provides a test for the size of the syntactic restrictor, and this test is applied to the case of VP-`only'. The evidence shows that (i) the restrictor can be smaller than the entire VP and is not necessarily identical to the surface complement of `only'; (ii) in the case of association with a head the restrictor comprises an XP containing the head; and (iii) in cases of association into an island, the restrictor comprises the entire island. Generalizations (i)--(iii) can be captured straightforwardly by a movement approach but are incompatible with an in situ analysis. Contextual domain restriction of the kind used in in situ approaches accounts for the appropriate semantics in cases where the semantic focus is properly contained in the syntactic restrictor of `only'.},
	Author = {Wagner, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:44:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:45:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--324},
	Title = {Association by movement: evidence from {NPI}-licensing},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Chung:2006,
	Abstract = {In earlier work, we developed an approach to clause-internal composition in which predicates can be composed with arguments by operations other than Function Application, and it makes a difference which composition operation is employed. Here we take our approach further by examining two nonsaturating operations that combine property contents: Restrict, which composes a predicate with the property content of an indefinite; and Modify, which is involved in predicate modification. Nonsaturating operations that combine property contents are often formalized in terms of predicate intersection, which is commutative. Using evidence from the Austronesian language Chamorro, we argue that Restrict and Modify are not `commutative', but instead incorporate an asymmetry: they take one content to supply a domain that is narrowed further by combination with the other content. Syntactically, it is transparent which category's content supplies the domain. But semantically, this information can be recovered only from the way in which the composition operation affects the contents that it composes, since---as we show---the same contents can be composed with distinct results.},
	Author = {Chung, Sandra and Ladusaw, William A.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:40:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:41:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {325--357},
	Title = {Chamorro evidence for compositional asymmetry},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Guerzoni:2006,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I explore the possibility of understanding locality restrictions on the distribution of Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) as a consequence of covert movement. The present proposal restates Linebarger's Immediate Scope Constraint in terms of morphology-driven checking requirements. These requirements cannot be met if a blocking element intervenes between the NPI feature and its morphosemantic licenser at Logical Form (LF). The empirical generalization is that the class of NPI `blocking expressions' (a.k.a. `interveners') overlaps to a large extent with interveners identified in wh-questions. Therefore, the same grammatical checking mechanisms operating in that domain, rather than the presence of an implicature, are here shown to be responsible both for apparent violations to Linebarger's constraint (contra Linebarger) and for intervention effects (contra Krifka, 1995, and Chierchia, 2004). This approach is argued to be superior on empirical grounds as it predicts facts that are left unaccounted for in a theory like Linebarger's, where pragmatics rescues otherwise ill-formed structures. In addition, the proposal allows us to view the locality constraints operating in the domain of NPI-licensing as an instance of more general (though yet to be fully understood) principles of the grammar whose effects are attested in other domains, such as wh-questions in German, Discourse- linked (D-linked) wh-questions in English, and Negative Concord (NC) configurations (e.g. in Italian and French).},
	Author = {Guerzoni, Elena},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:38:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:39:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {359--398},
	Title = {Intervention effects on {NPI}s and feature movement: towards a unified account of intervention},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Werner:2006,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue for two principles to determine the temporal interpretation of modal sentences in English, given a theory in which modals are interpreted against double conversational backgrounds and an ontology in which possible worlds branch towards the future. The Disparity Principle requires that a modal sentence makes distinctions between worlds in the modal base. The Non- Disparity Principle requires that a modal sentence does not make distinctions on the basis of facts settled at speech time. Selection of the modal base will set these principles against each other, or allow for their cooperative interaction. For a root modal base, there is a conflict and disparity wins. The resulting interpretation is future. For a non-root modal base, the principles cooperate. Non-disparity determines a non-future interpretation and disparity requires the sentence to go beyond what is known by the speaker.},
	Author = {Werner, Tom},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:35:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:36:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {235--255},
	Title = {Future and non-future modal sentences},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Moltmann:2006,
	Abstract = {The generic pronoun one (or its empty counterpart, arbitrary PRO) exhibits a range of properties that show a special connection to the first person, or rather the relevant intentional agent (speaker, addressee, or described agent). Generic one typically leads to generic sentences whose generalization is obtained from a first-person experience or action or else is meant to be immediately applicable to the relevant agent himself (in particular the addressee). I will argue that generic one involves generic quantification in which the predicate is applied to a given entity `as if' to the relevant agent himself. This is best understood in terms of simulation, a central notion in some recent developments in the philosophy of mind and cognitive science (Simulation Theory): Generic one involves `generic simulation', roughly `putting oneself into the shoes of anyone meeting relevant conditions'. Formally, this means that generic one introduces a complex variable, consisting of an ordinary variable and a `mode of presentation' of the relevant intentional agent, namely the property of being identical to that agent. Generic one, like other pronouns acting as bound variables, may also introduce just an ordinary variable. In both cases, the ordinary variable needs to be bound by a sentential generic operator.},
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:33:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:37:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {257--281},
	Title = {Generic \emph{one}, arbitrary {PRO} and the first person},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006},
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@article{Silverman:1996,
	Author = {Silverman, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:23:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:24:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {301--322},
	Title = {Phonology at the Interface of Phonetics and Morphology: Root-Final Laryngeals in {C}hong, {K}orean, and {S}anskrit},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Martin:1996,
	Author = {Martin, Samuel E.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:21:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:22:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {295--299},
	Title = {On the Finite Forms of {O}ld {J}apanese Verbs},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Ito:1996,
	Author = {Ito, Junko and Kitagawa, Yoshihisa and Mester, Armin},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:20:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:21:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {217--294},
	Title = {Prosodic Faithfulness and Correspondence: Evidence from a {J}apanese Argot},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Kim:1996a,
	Author = {Kim, Deok-Bong and Choi, Key-Sun and Lee, Kang-Hyuk},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:18:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:19:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {183--215},
	Title = {A Computational Model of {K}orean Morphological Analysis: A Prediction-Based Approach},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Yeh:1996,
	Author = {Yeh, Meng},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:15:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:17:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {151--182},
	Title = {An Analysis of the Experiential \emph{Guo}$_{EXP}$ in {M}andarin: A Temporal Quantifier},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Matsumoto:1996a,
	Author = {Matsumoto, Yo},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:14:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:15:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {107--149},
	Title = {A Syntactic Account of Light Verb Phenomena in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Lapointe:1996,
	Author = {Lapointe, Stephen G.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:12:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:13:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {73--100},
	Title = {Comments on {C}ho and {S}ells, ``A Lexical Account of Inflectional Suffixes in {K}orean''},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Sproat:1996,
	Author = {Sproat, Richard and Chilin, Shih},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 09:50:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:12:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {49--71},
	Title = {Corpus-Based Analysis of {M}andarin Nominal Root Compound},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Takahashi:1994b,
	Author = {Takahashi, Daiko},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:17:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:18:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {265--300},
	Title = {Sluicing in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {YnBsaXN0MDDUAQIDBAUGJCVYJHZlcnNpb25YJG9iamVjdHNZJGFyY2hpdmVyVCR0b3ASAAGGoKgHCBMUFRYaIVUkbnVsbNMJCgsMDxJXTlMua2V5c1pOUy5vYmplY3RzViRjbGFzc6INDoACgAOiEBGABIAFgAdccmVsYXRpdmVQYXRoWWFsaWFzRGF0YV8QRS4uLy4uLy4uLy4uL0RvY3VtZW50cy9Cb29rZW5kcy9BdHRhY2htZW50cy8qSkVBTC9KRUFMMy4zVGFrYWhhc2hpLnBkZtIXCxgZV05TLmRhdGFPEQHSAAAAAAHSAAIAAAxNYWNpbnRvc2ggSEQAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADH1F+RSCsAAAJdAmsUSkVBTDMuM1Rha2FoYXNoaS5wZGYAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAl0D4cdg54hQREYgAAAAAAAEAAUAAAkgAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAABSpKRUFMAAAQAAgAAMfUl9EAAAARAAgAAMdhLdgAAAABABgCXQJrAArwpgAK8JUACEvlAAhL2AAAkvMAAgBWTWFjaW50b3NoIEhEOlVzZXJzOgBrYmo6AERvY3VtZW50czoAQm9va2VuZHM6AEF0dGFjaG1lbnRzOgAqSkVBTDoASkVBTDMuM1Rha2FoYXNoaS5wZGYADgAqABQASgBFAEEATAAzAC4AMwBUAGEAawBhAGgAYQBzAGgAaQAuAHAAZABmAA8AGgAMAE0AYQBjAGkAbgB0AG8AcwBoACAASABEABIAQ1VzZXJzL2tiai9Eb2N1bWVudHMvQm9va2VuZHMvQXR0YWNobWVudHMvKkpFQUwvSkVBTDMuM1Rha2FoYXNoaS5wZGYAABMAAS8AABUAAgAK//8AAIAG0hscHR5aJGNsYXNzbmFtZVgkY2xhc3Nlc11OU011dGFibGVEYXRhox0fIFZOU0RhdGFYTlNPYmplY3TSGxwiI1xOU0RpY3Rpb25hcnmiIiBfEA9OU0tleWVkQXJjaGl2ZXLRJidUcm9vdIABAAgAEQAaACMALQAyADcAQABGAE0AVQBgAGcAagBsAG4AcQBzAHUAdwCEAI4A1gDbAOMCuQK7AsACywLUAuIC5gLtAvYC+wMIAwsDHQMgAyUAAAAAAAACAQAAAAAAAAAoAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAADJw==}}

@article{Ernst:1994a,
	Author = {Ernst, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:16:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:17:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {241--264},
	Title = {Conditions on {C}hinese {A}-{Not}-{A} Questions},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Saito:1994,
	Author = {Saito, Mamoru},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:09:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:15:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {195--240},
	Title = {Additional-WH Effects and the Adjunction Site Theory},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Beom-Mo:1994,
	Author = {Beom-Mo, Kang},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:08:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:09:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--24},
	Title = {Plurality and Other Semantic Aspects of Common Nouns in {K}orean},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
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@article{Koizumi:1994,
	Author = {Koizumi, Masatoshi},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:06:56 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:07:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {25--79},
	Title = {Secondary Predicates},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
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@article{Shi:1994a,
	Author = {Shi, Dingxu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:05:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:06:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {81--100},
	Title = {The Nature of {C}hinese Emphatic Sentences},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994},
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@article{Fukushima:1993,
	Author = {Fukushima, Kazuhiko},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:03:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:05:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {213--228},
	Title = {Model Theoretic Semantics for {J}apanese Floating Quantifiers and Their Scope Properties},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Chien:1993,
	Author = {Chien, Yu-Chin and Wexler, Kenneth and Chang, Hsing-Wu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:01:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:02:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {229--259},
	Title = {Children's Development of Long-Distance Binding in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Yip:1993,
	Author = {Yip, Moira},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:00:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:01:03 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {261--291},
	Title = {Cantonese Loanword Phonology and {O}ptimality {T}heory},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Vovin:1993,
	Author = {Vovin, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:58:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:59:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {125--134},
	Title = {Long Vowels in {P}roto-{J}apanese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Li:1993a,
	Author = {Li, Yafei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:57:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:58:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {135--166},
	Title = {What Makes Long Distance Reflexives Possible?},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Heycock:1993a,
	Author = {Heycock, Caroline},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:56:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:57:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--211},
	Title = {Syntactic Predication in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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}}

@article{Duanmu:1993,
	Author = {Duanmu, San},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:54:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:55:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--44},
	Title = {Rime Length, Stress, and Association Domains},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Washio:1993,
	Author = {Washio, Ryuichi},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:53:12 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:53:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {45--90},
	Title = {When Causatives Mean Passive: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Cole:1993,
	Author = {Cole, Peter and Hermon, Gabriella and Sung, Li-May},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:50:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:52:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {91--118},
	Title = {Feature Percolation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993},
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@article{Lin:1992a,
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:45:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:46:49 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {293--331},
	Title = {The Syntax of Zenmeyan `How' and Weshenme `Why' in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992},
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@article{Lust:1996,
	Author = {Lust, Barbara and Chien, Yu-Chin and Chiang, Chi-Pang and Eisele, Julie},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:43:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:10:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--47},
	Title = {Chinese Pronominals in {U}niversal {G}rammar: A Study of Linear Precedence and Command in {C}hinese and {E}nglish Children's First Language Acquisition},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996},
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@article{Lin:1992,
	Author = {Lin, Yen-Hwei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:41:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:43:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {219--253},
	Title = {Vocalic Underspecification in Two {M}andarin Dialects: A Case against Radical Underspecification},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992},
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@article{Han:1992,
	Author = {Han, Hak-Sung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:38:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:39:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {215--218},
	Title = {Notes on Reflexive Movement},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992},
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@article{Chen:1992,
	Author = {Chen, Matthew Y.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:36:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:38:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--213},
	Title = {The Chameleon [-r] in {Y}anggu: Morphological Infixation or Phonological Epenthesis?},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992},
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@article{Nishigauchi:1992,
	Author = {Nishigauchi, Taisuke},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:35:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:36:09 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {157--196},
	Title = {Syntax of Reciprocals in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992},
	Bdsk-File-1 = {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