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@article{Grinstead:2008,
	Author = {Grinstead, John and Cant{\'u}-S{\'a}nchez, Myriam and Flores-{\'A}valos, Blanca},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:46:25 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:48:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {329--349},
	Title = {Canonical and Epenthetic Plural Marking in {S}panish-Speaking Children with {S}pecific {L}anguage {I}mpairment},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In this study, we investigate whether specific language impairment (SLI) manifests itself grammatically in the same way in Spanish and English with respect to nominal plural marking. English-speaking children with SLI are very proficient at marking plural on nouns. Spanish has two main nominal plural allomorphs: /s/ and /es/. The /es/ allomorph has received multiple theoretical treatments, including one (e.g., Harris (1991)) which argues that in singular-plural pairs such as flor-flores, the /e/ is epenthetic, while other accounts (e.g., Colina (2003)) argue that synchronically there is an underlying /e/ in the singular form (e.g., flore) which gets deleted by apocope. Child Spanish speakers with SLI in the United States have shown mixed results in their abilities to learn plural marking. They have shown low proficiency on an elicited production task, but have shown high proficiency in spontaneous production data. We show, using a new elicited production task in Mexico with a group of children diagnosed with SLI and two control groups, that performance is close to the high levels previously shown in spontaneous production studies. Further, we show that all children's performance with the epenthetic allomorph /es/ is worse than their performance with the canonical allomorph /s/. Our results suggest that plural marking is not an axis of cross-linguistic variation between Spanish and English among children with SLI. On the basis of the absence of child errors of the flore type and presence of errors of the flors type, our data appear to support the epenthesis account of Harris (1991).}}

@article{Hohle:2009,
	Author = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara and Berger, Frauke and M{\"u}ller, Anja and Schmitz, Michaela},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:38:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:40:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {36--66},
	Title = {Focus Particles in {C}hildren's Language: Production and Comprehension of \emph{Auch} `Also' in {G}erman Learners from 1 Year to 4 Years of Age},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {This article investigates the acquisition of the focus particle auch 'also' by German-learning children. We report data from spontaneous and elicited production of utterances with the focus particle auch by 1- to 4-year-olds complementing earlier findings of a delayed production of the unaccented auch compared to the accented one. But in contrast to previous studies showing that children have problems interpreting sentences with accented and unaccented auch, we found indications for adult-like comprehension in an eye-tracking experiment by children from 3 years on. These results reflect early availability of adult-like linguistic competence with respect to both auch-variants which does not always lead to adult-like performance. This variation in children's performance across tasks is considered to be due to additional modality and task specific constraints. Development in this area thus reflects not a change in underlying knowledge, but rather a change in the constraints on its behavioral manifestation.}}

@article{Kim:2009,
	Author = {Kim, Ji-Hye and Silvina, Montrul and Yoon, James},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:35:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:37:19 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--35},
	Title = {Binding Interpretations of Anaphors by {K}orean Heritage Speakers},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {This study investigates the potential incomplete acquisition of binding interpretations in Korean-English bilinguals by asking whether and how the majority language of these bilinguals (English) influences their family or heritage language (Korean), especially when exposure to and use of English starts very early. The experiment tested the long-distance and local interpretations of different Korean anaphors---caki, casin, and caki-casin---by 51 Korean-English bilinguals raised in Korean-speaking families residing in the United States (22 early bilinguals and 29 late bilinguals) together with a control group of 34 Korean monolinguals residing in Korea. Overall results indicated that the bilinguals maintain the distinction between local and long-distance anaphors, though not to the same degree as monolinguals. There was a tendency among early bilinguals to choose more local binding overall compared to the late bilinguals and Korean monolinguals. At the individual level, many early bilinguals failed to differentiate between caki-casin and casin in terms of binding distance, treating both as local anaphors, whereas monolinguals and late bilinguals tended to collapse caki and casin, treating both as long distance anaphors}}

@article{Mushin:2008,
	Author = {Mushin, Ilana and Simpson, Jane},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:27:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:29:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {566--596},
	Title = {Free to Bound to Free? Interactions between Pragmatics and Syntax in the Development of {A}ustralian Pronominal Systems},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Data from dual pronoun systems in Australian languages is used to show the pragmatic basis for a cycle of pronoun creation---reduced pronouns from free forms and free from reduced---and the motivation to maintain both types in a linguistic system. Free pronouns become positionally restricted reduced forms by association of clause-initial position with discourse prominence (Swartz 1988, Choi 1999). The same pragmatic motivations result in the creation of new free pronouns, and the divergence of free and reduced pronouns with respect to ergative case marking. Examples of languages at different stages of the cycle include Garrwa (one set of free pronouns, with a strong preference for second position); Djambarrpuyngu and Gupapuyngu (two sets of pronouns transparently related in form and in complementary distribution); Ritharrngu, Djinang, and Djinba (two sets of pronouns transparently related in form but in which the reduced pronouns are becoming obligatory); Warlpiri (two sets of pronouns, which diverge in form, and the reduced
set is obligatory); and Warumungu (one set of reduced pronouns, indicating how new free pronouns might emerge based on information-packaging principles). The creation of free pronouns from reduced pronouns argues against strict unidirectionality of change.}}

@article{Brown:2008,
	Author = {Brown, Lea and Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:25:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:27:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {528--565},
	Title = {The Verbs for `And' in {W}alman, a {T}orricelli Language of {P}apua {N}ew {G}uinea},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In Walman, a language in the Torricelli family spoken in Papua New Guinea, there are two words that have the function of conjoining noun phrases but that have the morphology of transitive verbs, exhibiting subject agreement with the first conjunct and object agreement with the second conjunct. We discuss two interrelated issues concerning these words: (i) Do these words behave syntactically like conjunctions in other languages, in combining with two noun phrases to form a single noun phrase, or are they really just verbs in a serial verb construction?, and (ii) Do these words have a meaning that is closer to a coordinative conjunction like and in English, or do they have a comitative meaning like English with? We show that the evidence on the first of these questions is somewhat contradictory, but that even in cases where the syntactic evidence argues that these verbs do not combine with two noun phrases to form a single noun phrase, they still have a meaning closer to that of and than of with.}}

@article{McConnell-Ginet:2008,
	Author = {McConnell-Ginet, Sally},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:24:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:25:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {497--527},
	Title = {Words in the World: How and Why Meanings Can Matter},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Why do people care about the meaning(s)/significance associated with a word? Does it make sense to advocate or to criticize a certain form-meaning association? This article argues that words do real cognitive and social work as they are deployed in social practice and that it is primarily through words and their histories of use that culture links to language. It is not semantic representations as such that matter but the (mostly extralinguistic) reference and conceptual baggage words acquire in their discursive world travels. Lexical significance shifts and is contested as part of shifting and contested customs, institutions, and ideologies.}}

@article{Gahl:2008,
	Author = {Gahl, Susanne},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:21:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:23:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {474--496},
	Title = {\emph{Time} and \emph{Thyme} are not Homophones: The Effect of Lemma Frequency on Word Durtations in Spontaneous Speech},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Frequent words tend to shorten. But do homophone pairs, such as time and thyme, shorten equally if one member of the pair is frequent? This study reports an analysis of roughly 90,000 tokens of homophones in the Switchboard corpus of American English telephone conversations, in which it was found that high-frequency words like time are significantly shorter than their lowfrequency homophones like thyme. The effect of lemma frequency persisted when local speaking rate, predictability from neighboring words, position relative to pauses, syntactic category, and orthographic regularity were brought under statistical control. These findings have theoretical implications for the locus of frequency information in linguistic competence and in models of language production, and for the role of articulatory routinization in shortening.}}

@article{Shapiro:2008,
	Author = {Shapiro, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:19:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:20:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {815--819},
	Title = {Is an icon iconic?},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Anderson:2008,
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:16:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:18:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {795--814},
	Title = {The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The object of inquiry in linguistics is the human ability to acquire and use a natural language, and the goal of linguistic theory is an explicit characterization of that ability. Looking at the communicative abilities of other species, it becomes clear that our linguistic ability is specific to our species, undoubtedly a product of our biology. But how do we go about determining the specifics of this Language faculty? There are two primary ways in which we infer the nature of Language from the properties of individual languages: arguments from the POVERTY OF THE STIMULUS, and the search for universals that characterize every natural language. Arguments of the first sort are not easy to construct (though not as difficult as sometimes suggested), and apply only to a tiny part of Language as a whole. Arguments from universals or typological generalizations are also quite problematic. In phonology, morphology, and syntax, factors of historical development, functional underpinnings, and limitations of the learning situation, among others, conspire to compromise the explanatory value of arguments from observed crosslinguistic regularities. Confounding the situation is the likelihood that properties found across languages as a consequence of such external forces have been incorporated into the Language faculty evolutionarily through the BALDWIN EFFECT. The conflict between the biologically based specificity of the human Language faculty and the difficulty of establishing most of its properties in a secure way cannot, however, be avoided by ignoring or denying the reality of either of its poles.}}

@article{Plag:2008,
	Author = {Plag, Ingo and Kunter, Gero and Lappe, Sabine and Braun, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:10:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:15:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {760--794},
	Title = {The Role of Semantics, Argument Structure, and Lexicalization in Compound Stress Assignment in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {It is generally assumed that noun-noun compounds in English are stressed on the left-hand member (e.g. courtroom, watchmaker). However, there is a large amount of variation in stress assignment (e.g. silk tie, Madison Avenue, singer-songwriter) whose significance and sources are largely unaccounted for in the literature. This article presents a study in which three kinds of factors held to play a role in compound stress assignment are tested: argument structure, lexicalization, and semantics. The analysis of 4,353 noun-noun compounds extracted from the Boston University Radio Speech Corpus shows that there is indeed a considerable amount of variation in stress assignment. Overall, semantics turns out to have the strongest effect on compound stress assignment, whereas an approach relying on argument structure is much less successful in predicting compound stress. The article presents for the first time large-scale empirical evidence for the assumption that lexicalization has an effect on compound stress assignment. The article also makes a methodological contribution to the debate in showing that (and how) corpus-based studies using acoustic measurements can shed new light on the issue of variable compound stress.}}

@article{Dunn:2008,
	Author = {Dunn, Michael and Levinson, Stephen C. and Lindstr{\"o}m, Eva and Reesink, Ger and Terrill, Angela},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:07:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:10:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {710--759},
	Title = {Structural Phylogeny in Historical Linguistics: Methodological Explorations Applied in {I}sland {M}elanesia},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Using various methods derived from evolutionary biology, including maximum parsimony and Bayesian phylogenetic analysis, we tackle the question of the relationships among a group of Papuan isolate languages that have hitherto resisted accepted attempts at demonstration of interrelatedness. Instead of using existing vocabulary-based methods, which cannot be applied to these languages due to the paucity of shared lexemes, we created a database of STRUCTURAL FEATURES---abstract phonological and grammatical features apart from their form. The methods are first tested on the closely related Oceanic languages spoken in the same region as the Papuan languages in question. We find that using biological methods on  structural features can recapitulate the results of the comparative method tree for the Oceanic languages, thus showing that structural features can be a valid way of extracting linguistic history. Application of the same methods to the otherwise unrelatable Papuan languages is therefore likely to be similarly valid. Because languages that have been in contact for protracted periods may also converge, we outline additional methods for distinguishing convergence from inherited relatedness.}}

@article{Langendoen:2008,
	Author = {Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:03:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:06:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {691--709},
	Title = {Coordinate Grammar},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Chomsky (1959a) presented an algorithm for constructing a finite transducer that is strongly equivalent to a Chomsky-normal-form context-free grammar for all sentences generated by that grammar with up to any specified finite degree of center embedding. This article presents a new solution using a variety of COORDINATE GRAMMAR to assign nonembedding (paratactic) structures strongly equivalent to those assigned by an embedding grammar, which can in turn be directly computed by a finite transducer. It proposes that the bound on center embedding is really a consequence of a bound on alternation between right and left embedding, called here ZIGZAG EMBEDDING. Coordinate grammars can also be used to assign  on embedding structures equivalent to those with up to any specified finite degree of coordinate embedding (the occurrence of a coordinate structure as a member of a coordinate structure of the same type). It concludes that coordinate grammars or the finite transducers strongly equivalent to them are psychologically real, and that the existence of a finite bound on the degree of zigzag and coordinate embedding is a consequence of the increasing size and complexity of such grammars or transducers as the bound increases.}}

@article{Stepanov:2009,
	Author = {Stepanov, Arthur and Stateva, Penka},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:57:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:58:29 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {176--185},
	Title = {When {QR} Disobeys Superiority},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Coon:2009,
	Author = {Coon, Jessica},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:55:07 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:56:31 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {165--175},
	Title = {Interrogative Possessors and the Problem with Pied-Piping in {C}hol},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Caponigro:2009,
	Author = {Caponigro, Ivano and Pearl, Lisa},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:53:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:54:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {155--164},
	Title = {The Nominal Nature of Where, When, and How: Evidence from Free Relatives},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gribanova:2009,
	Author = {Gribanova, Verga},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:51:15 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:52:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {133--154},
	Title = {Structural Adjacency and the Typology of Interrogative Interpretations},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {I point out that the generally accepted theory of single-pair versus
pair-list readings for multiple wh-questions in the Slavic family, as
instantiated in Boskovic 2001a, predicts the wrong result for Russian
multiple wh-questions and for coordinated multiple wh-questions in
several languages. I suggest a reformulation of the connection between
the structure and the interpretation of multiple wh-questions that relies
on the structural adjacency of two or more wh-items at LF, and I
discuss a number of cases in which this reformulation appears to make
the right predictions for multiple wh-questions containing clitics.}}

@article{Bobaljik:2009,
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David and Landou, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:49:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:50:42 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {113--132},
	Title = {Icelandic {C}ontrol is not {A}-Movement: The Case from Case},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {A rich literature on Icelandic syntax has established that infinitival
complements of obligatory control verbs constitute a case assignment
domain independent from the matrix clause, and in this differ systematically
from all types of A-movement, which manifest case dependence/
preservation.As Landau (2003) has observed, these facts provide significant
counterevidence to the movement theory of control (Hornstein
1999 and subsequent work). Boeckx and Hornstein (2006a) attempt to
defend this theory in light of data from Icelandic.Weoffer here a review
of the relevant literature, andweshowthat Boeckx and Hornstein's reply
fails on several counts. We further argue that contrary to their claims,
PRO in Icelandic receives structural rather than default (nominative)
case, leaving the movement theory with no account for the distinction
between PRO and lexical subjects.}}

@article{Heck:2009,
	Author = {Heck, Fabian},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:46:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:48:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--111},
	Title = {On Certain Properties of {P}ied-{P}iping},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {In this article, I argue that an approach to pied-piping in terms of
wh-feature percolation is problematic under minimalist assumptions.
I propose an alternative theory based on Agree, arguing that wh-movement
and restrictions on pied-piping follow from the interaction of
the theory of phases and a violable constraint that forces wh-feature
checking under Agree to be as local as possible. I present and derive
three observations about pied-piping that are attested in different languages.}}

@article{Bejar:2009,
	Author = {B{\'e}jar, Susana and Rezac, Milan},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:44:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:46:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--73},
	Title = {Cyclic Agree},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {We propose that agreement displacement phenomena sensitive to person
hierarchies arise from the mechanism of Agree operating on articulated phi-feature structures in a cyclic syntax. Cyclicity and locality
derive a preference for agreement control by the internal argument.
Articulation of the probe determines (a) when the agreement controller
cyclically displaces to the external argument and (b) differences in
crosslinguistic sensitivity to person hierarchies. The system characterizes
two classes of derivations corresponding empirically to direct
and inverse contexts, and predicts the existence and nature of repair
strategies in the latter. The properties of agreement displacement thus
reduce to properties of syntactic dependency formation by Agree.}}

@article{Aboh:2009,
	Author = {Aboh, Enoch Olad{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:41:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:42:57 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--33},
	Title = {Clause Structure and Verb Series},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009},
	Abstract = {This article argues that in V1-XP-V2 and V1-V2-XP series, V1 merges
in the functional domain of the lexical verb (V2). V2 introduces the
(internal) argument and is embedded under an AspP whose head is
endowed with an EPP feature. Surface word order variations in Kwa
(and Khoisan) result from the EPP licensing that triggers V2-object
inversion, sometimes followed by V2 movement past the shifted object.}}

@article{Hall:2008,
	Author = {Hall, T. A.},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-30 15:22:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-30 15:27:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {213--248},
	Title = {Middle {H}igh {G}erman [rs] > [r\textipa{S}] as height dissimilation},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The contrast between Middle High German (MHG) [s] and [esh] was consistently neutralized to the latter sound after [r] in many modern German dialects, e.g., MHG 'kirse'> New High German 'Kirsche' (cherry). It will be argued that this sound change was a dissimilation of the distinctive feature [high] and that this dissimilation was triggered by an independently motivated OCP constraint banning adjacent consonants with the same value of [high]. Alternative analyses in which the shift from [rs] to [r-esh] is analyzed as a dissimilation of soem other feature or as the assumilation f some property will be refuted. The present study also addresssed the actuation problem: Why did [rs] shift after [r-esh] in this particular language at this particular time? It will be argued that the structural questions that arise in explaining the [rs]>[r-esh] shift (e.g., Why did [s] shift after [r] but not after other sounds?) as well as specific questions pertaining to the actuation problem derive straightforward answers by considering the phonological system of Middel High German. In particular, one needs to consider the features of Middel High German that were distinctive and which of those distinctive features were active phonologically.}}

@article{Gergel:2008,
	Author = {Gergel, Remus},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-30 15:17:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-30 15:19:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {191--211},
	Title = {Comparative inversion: a diachronic study},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {By capitalizing on insight gained from the syntax of early English, comparative inversion reveals itself as a simpler process than is standardly assumed, viz. simpler than moving the finite verbal element to the C-domain in conjunction with subject movement to Spec,TP. An archaic option in the grammar allows the subject to stay in a lower position than the canonically assumed specifier of the inflectional domain and n head movement to C is invoked. The proposal complements recent findings regarding the diachrony of V2 in English together with its ditinct derivaiton from classical V2 in Germanic. Together with the core analysis of inversion in comparatives, the article illustrates further areas in which beneficial conseuqences for comparatives are derived form the structure proposed, such as the persistence of certain subjectless comparative structures.}}

@incollection{Rappaport:1992,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Rappaport Hovav, Malka and Levin, Beth},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 26: Syntax and the Lexicon},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-26 12:17:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-26 12:26:08 -0500},
	Editor = {Stowell, Tim and Wehrli, Eric},
	Pages = {127--153},
	Publisher = {Academic Press},
	Title = {\emph{-er} Nominals: Implications for a Theory of Argument Structure},
	Year = {1992}}

@book{Roelofsen:2008,
	Address = {University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam},
	Author = {Roelofsen, Floris},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:19:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:21:05 -0500},
	Publisher = {Institute for Logic, Language and Computation},
	Title = {Anaphora Resolved},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Safir:2008,
	Author = {Safir, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:09:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:10:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {330--355},
	Title = {Coconstrual and Narrow Syntax},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This essay argues that antecedent-anaphor and bound-variable relations (coconstrual realtions) are formed outside narrow syntax by an interpretive component that exploits the structures built by minimalist architecture. It is demonstrated that attempts to reduce coconstrual to the tree-building operations of narrow syntax (Agree, feature theory, Merge and its subcase, Remerge) do not succeed in dispensing with conditions that evaluate constructed trees and thus such accounts offer no conceptual advantage. Instead it is established that syntactically sensitive coconstrual relations must be interpreted from the output of narrow syntax, but are not expressed within narrow syntax at all. This result unburdens narrow syntax of a class of relations that bring theoretical and empirical complications, while providing a more relegant account of coconstrual in a broader conception of the interpretive interface.}}

@article{Quicoli:2008,
	Author = {Quicoli, A. Carlos},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:05:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:06:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {299--329},
	Title = {Anaphora by Phase},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article provides evidence based on the phenomenon of reconstruction asymmetry in English, and anaphoric clitics in Romance to show that binding conditions -- more specifically condition A -- apply cyclically on the basis of information contained at te level of the syntactic phase. Given that cyclicity is a property of derivations, the facts analyzed here constitute evidence in favor of an essentially ``derivational'' approach to binding relations based on the central concept of syntactic phase. Evidence is also presented against LF analyses, which assume a ``representational'' approach to binding, and against an alternative derivaitonal approach, which assumes that binding principles apply at arbitrary points in the syntactic derivation.}}

@article{Lee-Schoenfeld:2008,
	Author = {Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 10:27:04 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:02:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {281--298},
	Title = {Binding, Phases, and Locality},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The central issue addressed here is syntactic locality, and the main proposal is that movement and anaphoric relations are governed by a unified concept of locality. The specific phenomena to be investigated are (i) infinitive constructions, in particular ACI complements, (ii) the German Possessor Dative Construction (PDC), with a dative nominal playing the role of both possessor and affectee, and (iii) binding, the conditions under which reflexive and nonreflexive pronouns may occur. The focus is mainly on binding and how to account for instances of noncomplementarity, but also on the PDC, which can be analyzed as possessor raising. Ultimately, it will become clear that the unifying prinicple of locality must be the phase, and that phasehood determines the transparency/opacity of phrases for both movement and anaphoric relations.  }}

@article{Hicks:2008,
	Author = {Hicks, Glyn},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 10:21:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 10:22:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {255--280},
	Title = {Why the Binding Theory Doesn't Apply at {LF}},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article argues that the relegation of the binding theory to the C-I interface (LF) is theoretically undersirable and empirically unwarranted. Recent minimalist research has sought to eliminate the binding theory from UG by reducing its conditions to narrow-syntactic operations (Hornstein 200, 2006; Reuland 2001, 2006; Kayne 2002; Zwart 2002, 2006; Hicks 2006). This approach remains controversial since the canonical minimalist binding theory (Chomsky 1993; Chomsky and Lasnik 1993) views the binding conditions as interpretive reules applying at LF, supported by evidence that condition A interacts with other interpretive phenomena assumed to be determined at LF (Lebeaux 1998; Fox and Nissenbaum 2004). While the interaction of anaphor binding and scope relations in particular is not disputed, I show that it is attributable to factors outside the binding theory, namely the requirement that variables (including anaphors) must be c-commanded by their binders at LF. Deprived of its strongest empirical argument, the LF binding theory can then be picked apart.}}

@article{Unsworth:2008,
	Author = {Unsworth, Sharon and Gualmini, Andrea and Helder, Christina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:49:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:51:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {315--328},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of Indefinites in Sentences Containing Negation: A Reassessment of the Cross-linguistic Picture},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Previous research suggests that children's behavior with respect to the interpretation of indefinite objects in negative sentences may differ depending on the target langauge: whereas young English-speaking children tend to select a surface scope interpretation (e.g. Musolino (1998)), young Dutch-speaking children consistently prefer an inverse scope interpretation (e.g. Kramer (2000)). In this article, we suggest that these data arenot as puzzling as they first appear. Extending a proposal put foward by Hulsey, Hacquard, Fox, and Gualmini (2004), we show that both English- and Dutch-speaking children's behavior can be explained in the same way: children selct the interpretation that answers the contextually relevant question.}}

@article{Rothman:2008,
	Author = {Rothman, Jason and Iverson, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:43:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:48:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {270--314},
	Title = {Poverty-of-the-Stimulus and {SLA} Epistemology: Considering {L2} Knowledge of Aspectual Phrasal Semantics},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Coupling a review of previous studies on the acquisition of grammatical aspects undertaken from contrasting paradigmatic views of second langauge acquisition (SLA) with new experimental data from L2 Portuguese, the present study contributes to theis specific literature as well as general debates in L2 epistemology. We tested 31 adult English learners of L2 Portuguese across three experiments, examining the extent to which they ahd acquired the syntax and semantics of gramamtical aspect. Demonstrating that many individuals acquired target knowledge of what we contend is a poverty-of-the-Stimulus semantic entailment related to the checking of aspectual features encoded in Portuguese preterit and imperfect morphology (see also Goodin-Mayeda and Rothman (2007), Montrul and Slabakova (2003), Slabakova and Montrul (2003)), namly an +-accidental distinction that obtains in a restricted subset of contexts,w e conclude that UG-based approaches to SLA are in a better position to tap and guage underlying morphosyntactic competence, since based on independent theoretical linguistic descriptions, they make falsifiable predictions that are amenable to empirical scrutiny, seek to describe and explian beyond performance,and canaccount for L2 convergence on poverty-of-the-stimulus knowledge as well as L2 variability/optionality .}}

@article{Duffield:2008,
	Author = {Duffield, Nigel},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:39:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:39:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {225--269},
	Title = {Roots and Rogues in {G}erman Child Language},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article is concerned with the proper characterization of subject omission at a particular stage in German child language. It focuses on post-verbal null subjects in finite clauses, here termed Rogues. It is argued that hte statistically significant presence of Rogues, in conjunciton with their distinct developmental profile, speaks against a Strong Continuity approach to the acquisition of null subject knowledge in German, and urges a reconsidertaiton of the notion of Optionality in early grammars. The signifcance of the Rogues stage is considered in teh context of specific theoretical proposals about argument omission: those of Rizzi (1992; 1994; 200), and of Wexler (1994; 1998), are contrased with the Weak Continuity approach proposed by Clahsen and his associates (e.g., Slahsen (1990/1991), Clahsen and Penke (1992), Clahsen, Eisenbeiss, and Penke (1996)). The data presented here, which complement related work by Hamann (1996), provide additional empirical support for these latter hypotheses.}}

@article{Paterson:2005,
	Author = {Paterson, Kevin B. and Liversedge, Simon P. and White, Diane and Filik, Ruth and Jaz, Kristina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:30:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:32:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {253--284},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of Ambiguous Focus in Sentences with ``Only''},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006},
	Abstract = {We report 3 studies investigating children's and adults' interpretation of ambiguous focus in sentences containing the focus-sensitive quantifier only. In each experiment, child and adult participants compared sentences with only in a preverbal position and counterpart sentences without only against a series of pictures depicting events that matched or mismatched with the sentence meaning. The sentences with only were ambiguous between an analysis with contrastive focus assigned to the verb phrase (VP) and one with contrastive focus assigned to the direct object. The results indicate that both children and adults interpreted sentences with only as excluding the possibility of events that formed a contrast with VP constituents. Children also appeared to interpret sentences without only as excluding the possibility of these events despite the absence of grammatical cues that might indicate contrastive focus. We consider these results in relation to a processing account of focus interpretation (Crain, Ni, and Conway (1994)).}}

@article{Papafragou:2005,
	Author = {Papafragou, Anna},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:25:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:28:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {207--251},
	Title = {\emph{Most} Wanted},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006},
	Abstract = {On the standard, neo-Gricean view, most is semantically lower bounded but may give rise to the meaning ``not all'' through scalar implicature (Horn (1972)). More recent proposals have claimed that most does not generate a scalar implicature but is semantically both lower and upper bounded (Ariel (2004; in press)). In this article, we investigate the interpretation of most experimentally to evaluate these competing semantic and pragmatic accounts. We focus on a comparison of most and half because, on the classical view, half and other exact determiners should admit bilateral interpretations more readily than the upward-oriented most (Horn (in press)); however, no such difference should exist if most is both lower and upper bounded. We find that (i) in nonbiasing contexts, adults are more likely to treat most as being compatible with all than half ; (ii) a similar asymmetry emerges in children's interpretations of the two determiners; and (iii) adults adjust the higher boundary of the interpretation of most according to context-driven expectations. Taken together,
these results support the classical, lower bounded, semantic analysis of most over  recent revisions. Our findings also raise important issues about children's initial conjectures about scalar quantifiers and the development of the semantics--pragmatics interface.}}

@article{Brooks:2005,
	Author = {Brooks, Patricia J. and Sekerina, Irina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:23:06 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:24:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {177--206},
	Title = {Shortcuts to Quantifier Intrpretation in {C}hildren and {A}dults},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006},
	Abstract = {Errors involving universal quantification are common in contexts depicting sets of individuals in partial, one-to-one correspondence. In this article, we explore whether quantifier-spreading errors are more common with distributive quantifiers each and every than with all. In Experiments 1 and 2, 96 children (5- to 9-year-olds) viewed pairs of pictures and selected one corresponding to a sentence containing a  Universal quantifier (e.g., Every alligator is in a bathtub). Both pictures showed extra objects (e.g., alligators or bathtubs) not in correspondence, with correct sentence interpretation requiring their attention. Children younger than 9 years made numerous errors, with poorer performance in distributive contexts than collective ones. In Experiment 3, 21 native, English-speaking adults, given a similar task with the distributive quantifier every, also made childlike errors. The persistence of quantifier-spreading errors in adults undermines accounts positing immature syntactic structures as the error source. Rather, the errors seemingly reflect inaccurate syntax to semantics mapping, with adults and children alike resorting to processing shortcuts.}}

@article{Anderson:2007,
	Author = {Anderson, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:14:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:16:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {165--214},
	Title = {Learnability and Parametric Change in the Nominal System of {L2} {F}rench},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In this article I provide evidence that despite frequently cited differences between child first language (L1) and adult second language (L2) speakers in overt behavior (performance) during grammatical development, the nature, source, and limits of implicit knowledge (competence) in native and second language grammars are equivalent (i.e., they share a common epistemology; Schwartz (1986)). Evidence for this claim comes from the intuitions of L1 English-speaking classroom learners of French with respect to two properties of the French nominal system, both of which are posited to be the surface manifestations of a single parametric option for noun movement within a D(eterminer) P(hrase). These include (i) the distinction between result and process nominals in the licensing of postnominal genitives and (ii) the distinction between prenominal and postnominal adjective position in the context of unique versus nonunique noun referents. An analysis of the results of an acceptability judgment task administered to 100 university-level learners, 27 native French speakers, and 30 native English-speaker controls demonstrated that particular interpretive asymmetries associated with these properties, although underdetermined in the input and not syntactically instantiated in English,  nonetheless appeared in the interlanguage grammars of the study participants. Moreover, changes in learner response patterns by level were highly suggestive of a developmental path involving an initial English-like parse of the test sentences followed by a parametric shift at the 3rd-year level, leading to increasingly more native-like intuitions at later levels wherein both properties cluster together. Such results call into question the need for theories of L2 acquisition positing selective transfer, selective impairment, or both at the level of syntactic representation.}}

@article{Sprouse:2008a,
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:59:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:00:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {686--694},
	Title = {The Differential Sensitivity of Acceptability Judgments to Processing Effects},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Spector:2008,
	Author = {Spector, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:57:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:58:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {678--694},
	Title = {An Unnoticed Reading for Wh-Questions: Elided Answers and Weak Islands},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Bouma:2008,
	Author = {Bouma, Gerlof and de Hoop, Helen},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:55:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:57:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {669--677},
	Title = {Unscrambled Pronouns in {D}utch},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Romero:2008,
	Author = {Romero, Maribel},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:53:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:55:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {655--667},
	Title = {The Temperature Paradox and Temporal Interpretation},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Montague's analysis of the well-known temperature paradox poses a problem for Gupta's syllogism, whose surface syntax differs from that of the temperature syllogism by the addition of the intensional adverb necessarily. Lasersohn (2005) argues that the puzzle arising from these syllogisms can be solved if one adopts the Fregean presuppositional treatment of definite descriptions, and he concludes that the temperature-Gupta puzzle provides an argument in favor of such treatment. This article shows that the analysis of definite descriptions is in fact orthogonal to the puzzle. Instead, the differences between the two syllogisms turn out to stem from the temporal interpretation of their premises.}}

@article{Citko:2008,
	Author = {Citko, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:51:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:53:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {633--655},
	Title = {An Argument against Assimilating Appositive Relatives to Coordinate Structures},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article offers a critical examination of De Vries's (2006) account of appositive relatives, which treats appositive relatives and nominal appositions alike and assimilates both to coordinate structures. Its main focus is on the following properties of appositive relatives: (a) the category of the appositive head, (b) the case of the appositive head, (c) relative pronoun selection, (d) extraction phenomena, (e) the typology of specifying coordinators, and (f) the lack of prenominal appositives. It examines these properties from both an empirical and a theoretical perspective, contrasting De Vries's account with a version of an adjunction account.}}

@article{Baker:2008,
	Author = {Baker, Mark C.},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:48:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:50:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {615--632},
	Title = {On the Nature of the {A}ntiagreement Effect: Evidence from Wh-in-situ in {I}bibio},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The Ibibio language displays an antiagreement effect (AAE), in which phi -feature agreement on the verb is suppressed in subject questions, even when the wh-phrase remains in situ. I discuss why this fact is problematic for existing theories of the AAE. I then suggest that the AAE arises when the deletion process that applies to copies in a movement chain removes the  -features of a copy along with its semantic features. This formulation applies equally well to overt and covert whmovement. It also generalizes to explain why quantified subjects do not trigger an AAE in Ibibio, whereas subjects in negative clauses do.}}

@article{Kennedy:2008b,
	Author = {Kennedy, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:44:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:46:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {589--614},
	Title = {Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Morphoprosodic Alignment (MPA) is a nontemplatic model of reduplication designed to account for languages with multiple reduplicative subpatterns. The premise of MPA is that reduplicative morphemes can be stem-internal or stem-external and that this distinction is visible to the phonological component through general constraints on the association of stem-internal and stem-external morphemes to prosodic categories. I illustrate the model with Moronene, Klamath, and Gooniyandi, each of which has several reduplicative morphemes. MPA meets the challenge for an optimality-theoretic model to account for such systems without resorting to morpheme-specific indexed constraints or cophonological constraint hierarchies.}}

@article{Hoop:2008,
	Author = {Hoop, Helen De and Malchukov, Andrej L.},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:42:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:47:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {565--587},
	Title = {Case-Marking Strategies},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Two strategies of case marking in natural languages are discussed. These are defined as two violable constraints whose effects are shown to converge in the case of differential object marking but diverge in the case of differential subject marking. The discourse prominence of the case-bearing arguments is shown to be of utmost importance for case-marking and voice alternations. The analysis of the case-marking patterns that are found crosslinguistically is couched in a bidirectional Optimality Theory analysis.}}

@article{Cardinaletti:2008,
	Author = {Cardinaletti, Anna and Repetti, Lori},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:39:52 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:41:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {523--563},
	Title = {The Phonology and Syntax of Preverbal and Postverbal Subject Clitics in {N}orthern {I}talian Dialects},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {We argue that preverbal and postverbal subject clitics in northern Italian dialects are the same lexical items. The different forms of proclitics and enclitics can be explained phonologically (i.e., by phonological constraints ranked in a particular order) and by the hypothesis that morphologically neutral vowels may be inserted in final position (what we call morphological epenthesis). The distributional differences in the paradigm derive from a competition between overt clitics and null subjects that is resolved in an intricate way across sentence types and across dialects and that depends on the interaction of clitic and verb movement and on Minimize Structure.}}

@book{Johnson:2008,
	Date-Added = {2008-10-18 17:24:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-10-18 17:25:41 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Topics in Syntax},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{Johnson:2006,
	Address = {Leiden, The Netherlands},
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of Console {XV}},
	Date-Added = {2008-10-18 16:44:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-10-18 16:49:06 -0400},
	Editor = {Constantinescu, Camelia and Schoorlemmer, Erik},
	Pages = {91--108},
	Title = {Copies},
	Url = {http://www.sole.leidenuniv.nl},
	Year = {2006},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.sole.leidenuniv.nl}}

@unpublished{Peters:1981,
	Author = {Peters, Stanley and Ritchie, Robert W.},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-16 10:08:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-16 10:08:57 -0400},
	Month = {December},
	Note = {unpublished paper, Stanford University},
	Title = {Phrase Linking Grammars: Draft Only},
	Year = {1981}}

@article{Bobaljik:2008a,
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David and Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 19:42:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 19:43:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Title = {Fact and Fiction in {I}celandic Control},
	Year = {to appear}}

@article{Ura:1998,
	Author = {Ura, Hiroyuki},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:28:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:29:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {67--88},
	Title = {Checking, economy, and copy-raising in {I}gbo},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Rogers:1971,
	Address = {Chicago},
	Author = {Rogers, Andy},
	Booktitle = {Papers from the Seventh Regional Meeting of the {C}hicago {L}inguistic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:19:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:21:56 -0400},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {206--222},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago},
	Title = {Three kinds of physical perception verbs},
	Year = {1971}}

@inproceedings{Potsdam:2001,
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric and Runner, Jeffrey T.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {CLS}},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:07:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:08:53 -0400},
	Title = {Richard returns: {C}opy {R}aising and its implications},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Riemsdijk:1989,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Riemsdijk, Henk van},
	Booktitle = {Dialectal Variation and the Theory of Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 16:35:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 16:37:12 -0400},
	Editor = {Beninc{\`a}, Paola},
	Pages = {105--136},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {Movement and Regeneration},
	Year = {1989}}

@incollection{Maling:1982,
	Address = {Dordrecht, Holland},
	Author = {Maling, Joan and Zaenen, Annie},
	Booktitle = {The Nature of Syntactic Representation},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 14:41:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 14:43:28 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobson, Pauline and Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Pages = {229--282},
	Publisher = {D. Reidel Publishing Company},
	Title = {A Phrase Structure Account of {S}candinavian Extraction Phenomena},
	Year = {1982}}

@inproceedings{Perlmutter:1972,
	Address = {Chicago, Illinois},
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Booktitle = {The {C}hicago Which Hunt: Papers from the Relative Clause Festival},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 10:02:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 10:06:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Peranteau, Paul M. and Levi, Judith N. and Phrares, Gloria C.},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {73--105},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago},
	Title = {Evidence for Shadow Pronouns in {F}rench Relativization},
	Year = {1972}}

@incollection{Fanselow:2002,
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and {\'C}avar, Damir},
	Booktitle = {Theoretical Approaches to Universals},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-05 12:34:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 16:49:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Alexiadou, Artemis},
	Pages = {65--107},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Distributed Deletion},
	Year = {2002}}

@book{Boeckx:2003b,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-05 11:18:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-05 11:21:19 -0400},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Islands and {C}hains: Resumption as Stranding},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Brandtler:2008,
	Author = {Brandtler, Johan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:46:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:47:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {79--97},
	Title = {On the Structure of {S}wedish Subordinate Clauses},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Heinat:2008,
	Author = {Heinat, Fredrik},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:45:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:46:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {65--77},
	Title = {Long object shift and agreement},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Josefsson:2008,
	Author = {Josefsson, Gunl{\"o}g},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:44:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:45:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {29--64},
	Title = {Pancakes and peas --- on apparent disagreement and (null) light verbs in {S}wedish},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sigurdhsson:2008,
	Author = {Sigur{\dh}sson, Halld{\'o}r {\'A}rmann and Maling, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:42:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:43:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {1--27},
	Title = {Argument drop and the {E}mpty {L}eft {E}dge {C}ondition},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Watanabe:2000,
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:42:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:43:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {159--181},
	Title = {Feature Copying and Binding: Evidence from Complementizer Agreement and Switch Reference},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = {This paper claims (a) that the formal features of the goal are copied onto the probe in the Agree operation, contra Chomsky 2000 and more in line with Chomsky 1998, and (b) that formal features copied onto the probe during the Agree operation participate in binding in a selective way, contra Lasnik 1999. These claims are supported by a modification of Zwart's (1993, 1997) analysis of complementizer agreement and a minimalist reworking of Finer's (1984, 1985) theory of switch reference. It will also be shown that formal features deleted during Agree will not be carried anymore when the category containing them undergoes further movement. This assumption plays a key role in providing an account of complementizer agreement more constrained than Zwart's.}}

@article{Kitahara:2000,
	Author = {Kitahara, Hisatsugu},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:41:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:42:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {151--158},
	Title = {Two (or more) Syntactic Categories vs. Multiple Occurrences of One},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = {This paper advances Epstein et al.'s (1998) derivational approach with a new proposal that an NP gets interpreted upon the checking of its Case feature in the course of a derivation. As a consequence of this proposal, an inclusiveness-violating aspect of Chomsky's (1995) system is shown to be eliminable.}}

@article{Dayal:2000,
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:40:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:41:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {182--185},
	Title = {Review of ``Economy and Semantic Interpretation''},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Merchant:2000b,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:39:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:39:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {144--150},
	Title = {Antecedent-Contained Deletion in Negative Polarity Items},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Hornstein:2000a,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:38:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:39:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--143},
	Title = {On {A}-Chains: A Reply to {B}rody},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Carnie:2000b,
	Author = {Carnie, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:36:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:37:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {59--106},
	Title = {On the Definition of \obar{X} and {XP}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = { In this article, an underdetermined theory of phrasality is presented, in which bar level plays no role with respect to the rest of the grammar. Evidence for this comes from mismatches in bar level and behavior in Irish and Tagalog nonverbal predication structures, Irish construct state nominals, and Persian nominals. }}

@article{Boskovic:2000,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko and Franks, Steven},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:34:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:35:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {107--128},
	Title = {Across-the-Board Movement and {LF}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = { This paper investigates the status of across-the-board (ATB) dependencies in Logical Form (LF), taking the standard ATB movement analysis as the point of departure. It is argued that, although both overt and covert wh-movement are subject to the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), only overt ATB movement can save possible CSC violations. This observation implies that there are no LF ATB dependencies at all---an unexpected result under the ATB movement analysis of the ATB construction. The conclusion is further supported by facts of Quantifier Raising and scope, as well as head movement. The paper then examines other approaches to the ATB construction, and argues that the null-operator analysis is able to capture the lack of LF ATB dependencies in a more principled way than alternative analyses. The paper also provides evidence for the existence of QR and LF wh-movement in English and examines the status of VP-coordination. It is argued that VP-level coordination is not possible in nonperiphrastic constructions.}}

@article{Nunes:2000,
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo and Uriagereka, Juan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:29:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:30:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {20--43},
	Title = {Cyclicity and Extraction Domains},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = {This paper attempts to provide a minimalist analysis of CED effects (see Huang 1982) in terms of derivational dynamics in a cyclic system. Assuming Uriagereka's (1999) Multiple Spell-out system, we argue that CED effects arise when a syntactic object K that is required at a given derivational step has become inaccessible to the computational system at a previous derivational stage, when the chunk of structure containing K was spelled out. Assuming Nunes's (1995, 1998) analysis of parasitic gaps in terms of sideward movement, we argue that standard parasitic gap constructions do not exhibit CED effects because K manages to move to a different derivaitonal workspace before the structure containing it is spelled out. Finally, we provide an account of the cases where parasitic gap constructions appear to show CED effects by relying on cyclic access to the numeration, along the lines proposed by Chomsky (1998).}}

@article{Kayne:2000b,
	Author = {Kayne, Richard S.},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:27:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:29:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {44--51},
	Title = {On the Left Edge in {UG}: A Reply to {M}cCloskey},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Cheng:2000a,
	Author = {Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen and Rooryck, Johan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:24:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:25:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Title = {Licensing \emph{Wh}-in-situ},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000},
	Abstract = {This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing that wh-in-situ in different languages can in fact have different properties.}}

@article{Sauerland:1999a,
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:16:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:16:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {161--188},
	Title = {Erasability and Interpretation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {This paper corroborates the interpretability proposal of Chomsky (1995) with evidence from scrambling in Japanese and German. First it is shown that scrambling in Japanese is semantically vacuous, whereas scrambling in German is semantically contentful. Chomsky's proposal then predicts that the feature driving Japanese scrambling is erased after checking, while the corresponding feature in German remains visible, specifically for the Shortest Attract condition. Looking at patterns of movement that result in overlapping paths, this prediction is seen to be correct.}}

@article{McCloskey:1999,
	Author = {McCloskey, James},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:14:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:16:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {189--209},
	Title = {On the Right Edge in {I}rish},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {This paper examines rightward positioning phenomena in Irish and looks particularly at their interaction with the focusing particle fe in. It uses that interaction as a probe to distinguish among three theoretical options for explaining such right-edge phenomena.}}

@article{Brody:1999,
	Author = {Brody, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:12:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:13:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {210--226},
	Title = {Relating Syntactic Elements. Remarks on {N}orbert {H}ornstein's ``Movement and Chains''},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {There are two main arguments in ``Movement and chains'' (Hornstein 1998) against chains --- one based on the correlation of quantifier scope and binding, the other on the correlation between quantifier scope and thematic properties. Both rest on highly dubious background assumpti ons. Addi tionally, even grant i ng these assumptions, both arguments are flawed in similar ways. There are numerous additional problems both with H's account of quantifier scope and control and with his arguments against chains. If we take chains to be interpretively constructed, then multiple copies in chains may not differ from other multiple occurrences of lexical items (or structures constructed from lexical items) with respect to their origin. In all cases, multiple occurrences are due to a (set of) element(s) being selected from the lexicon more than once. Multiple occurrences can then be interpreted as chains when they are in the (thematically) appropriate type of identity relation. This approach not only dispenses with syntax-internal chains, as H justifiably desires, but also eliminates the additional unmotivated, arbitrary, and redundant syntactic mechanism of movement that he (and the minimalist framework in general) assumes.}}

@article{Progovac:1999,
	Author = {Progovac, Ljiljana},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:10:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:11:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--159},
	Title = {Events and Economy of Coordination},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {I argue that reinforcement of the conjunction and with the correlative both has a precise and consistent semantic effect on the event structure: assignment of two separate (theta-) roles to the conjuncts, which gives rise to the interpretation of two  grammatically encoded events/states. This effect is argued not to be the property of  the meaning of the lexical item both itself but a computational property of the number  of overt heads associated with coordination. Roughly put, multiplicity of events is encoded syntactically, in fact iconically, by an increased number of conjunction markers. I argue that the effect eventually follows from Economy of Pronunciation, a principle independently needed in the grammar. These event considerations are argued to be encoded in the structural representation of coordination.}}

@article{Fernandez-Soriano:1999,
	Author = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Soriano, Olga},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:07:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:09:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {101--140},
	Title = {Two Types of Impersonal Sentences in {S}panish: Locative and Dative Subjects},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {This paper gives further support for the claim that the EPP feature in T and phi-features agreement/nominative Case assignment can be fulfilled by different elements. Some Spanish impersonal sentences will be analyzed that contain predicates  selecting for a locative or dative as an external argument. The predicates under study are of two types: stative and eventive. The existential verb haber (which incorporates a locative clitic in the present tense verbal morphology) belongs to the first type. The verbs suceder, ocurrir, `to happen', as well as meteorological verbs, belong to the second class. Data regarding word order, idiom formation, existential interpretation, raising, extraction from coordinate structures, and nominalization show that with these impersonal predicates the locative/dative PPs behave as real subjects, and contrast with those which appear in locative-inversion constructions, which involve anteposition of an internal argument. It will be shown that these arguments bear quirky Case and are generated in the highest node in the extended VP projection. }}

@article{Christie:1999,
	Author = {Christie, Katrien N. and Christie, Phillip},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:05:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:06:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {80--100},
	Title = {Gambling on {UG}: The Application of {M}onte {C}arlo Computer Simulation to the Analysis of {L2} Reflexives},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {This paper introduces two techniques, CD analysis and Monte Carlo simulation, for the graphical representation and statistical analysis of linguistic data. These techniques were developed in the context of L2 Universal Grammar (UG) research on the acquisition of reflexives in order to address two problems: the difficulty of applying traditional correlation measures to more than two data groups, and the limitations of statistical techniques when faced with small sample sizes. These previously unused tools within the research arena of applied linguistics were found to be flexible as well as easy to use and interpret. They also take advantage of recent advances in data-visualization software for the PC. By visualizing and analyzing the emergence of two or more linguistic properties in the interlanguage grammar, these techniques enable the researcher to address the question of whether or not multiple properties associated with one UG parameter or principle emerge in the interlanguage grammar in a manner or sequence consistent with those principles and parameters.}}

@article{Bejar:1999,
	Author = {Bejar, Susana and Massam, Diane},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:03:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:03:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {65--79},
	Title = {Multiple Case Checking},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999},
	Abstract = {This paper exami nes Multiple Case Checking (MCC) in raising constructions in light of minimalist Case theory and an interpretive view of vocabulary insertion. In general, Case theory excludes the option of a chain receiving more than one Case. However, certain constructions arguably demonstrate that this is possible. We present a range of MCC phenomena, showing that they are incompatible with early insertion models. Inherent Case examples, such as in Icelandic, are accounted for by markedness. For structural Case examples we present an analysis in which both Case assignment and Case checking are utilized. We account for aspects of English, Norwegian, and Niuean MCC using two parameters: whether or not Case features move along with NPs, and whether or not PF accesses whole chains.}}

@article{Takahashi:2008a,
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi and Gra{\v{c}}anin-Yuksek, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:59:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 13:00:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {223--250},
	Title = {Morphosyntax of Movement Dependencies in {H}aitian {C}reole},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In Haitian Creole the lexical item 'ki' shows up when a subject (but not an object) undergoes operator movement in wh-qustions, clefts, and relative clauses. We argue that 'ki' is a phonological reflex of agreement between the complementizer and a wh-phrase. More specifically, the complementizer is spelled out as 'ki' if all its features are checked off by a single goal. We demonstrate that this accomplished only when the operator is a subject.}}

@article{Hornstein:2008,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert and Martins, Ana Maria and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:55:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:56:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {198--222},
	Title = {Perception and Causative Structures in {E}nglish and {E}uropean {P}ortuguese: $\phi$-Feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This paper discusses perception and causative verbs in English and European Portuguese within Chomsky's (2000, 20001) Agree famework and provides an answer for the old riddle of why these verbs appear to select for different infinitival complements in their active and passive forms. Assuming that infinitival clauses are Case-bearing projections (Raposo 1987, Nunes 1995), the paper proposes that in active structures, the infinitival head and the embedded subject can both agree with the matrix light verb and so "share" the accusative Case it licenses. In passive tructures, on the other hand, the interveneing phi-features of the participial head block the agreeemnt between the finite T and the infinitival head, which will then be licensed only if preposition insertion is sanctioned as a Last Resort repair strategy.}}

@article{Cole:2008,
	Author = {Cole, Peter and Hermon, Gabriella},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:49:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:50:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {144--197},
	Title = {{VP} Raising in a {VOS} Language},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Toba Batak displays a variety of properties that typologically rare: (1) the predominant word order is V-O-S-IO and V-O-S-Adv. (2) Extraction of direct objects/ passive agents (by relativization, etc.) is ungrammatical, but subjects, IOs, and adverbials can be extracted. (3) In Toba Batak anaphoric binding, the active subject can bind a passive subject. We argue that these facts are explained by an analysis in which V-O-S-IO order is derived by VP-raising and in which the passive agent is an argument, generated as the specifier of vP rather than as an adjunct. Furthermore, the passive subject undergoes optional reconstruction to its base-generated position in VP. We also argue that, although c-command relations among elements of vP are critical, linear order plays no role whatsoever in the base structure. That is, the output of Merge can be unordered lineraly, and it can be shown that all surface word orders in Toba Batak can be derived from various movement rules out of an unordered base. Linear order comes into play only when constituents move out of hte vP to higher functional projections, linear order being simply a by-product of Move.}}

@article{Bowers:2008,
	Author = {Bowers, John},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:46:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:46:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {125--143},
	Title = {On Reducing Control to Movement},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Hornstein (1999, 2001) proposes a version of the movement theory of control (MTC) in which movement of a DP is driven by the need to ''receive'' a theta-feature of the verb/predicate it merges with. I argue against the use of theta-feaures in sytax on the grounds that they are fundamentally semantic, hence properly belong to the bare output conditions of hte C-I interface. I propose instead a version of the MTC closer in spirit to Bowers (1973/1986, 1981) in which Merge is driven by interpretable or uninterpretable c-selection features of hte standard sort. I then show that, given standard minimalist assumptions, the MTC is not only possible but necessary. I conclude by arguing that the MTC thus formulated supports a purely derivational theory of syntax and interpretation that contains no level of LF.}}

@article{Neeleman:2008,
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Koot, Hans van de},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:24:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:25:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {137--189},
	Title = {Dutch scrambling and the nature of discourse templates},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The so-called cartographic approach to discourse-related word-order variation is based on the idea that particular interpretations---say, contrastive focus--- are licensed in the specifier of particular functional projections---say, a focus phrase. In this paper we present arguments against this view based on scrambling in Dutch. We discuss a range of implementations of the cartographic approach and show that they are either too weak, in that they cannot generate all the word orders found in Dutch, or too strong, in that they fail to capture restrictions on scrambling. The alternative we present dispenses with discourse-related functional projections and instead relies on mapping rules that associate syntactic representations with representations in information structure. On this view, scrambling operations derive a syntactic configuration that matches the structural description of a mapping rule that could otherwise not apply. We suggest that it is this interface effect that licenses the marked structures created by scrambling.}}

@article{Kallulli:2008,
	Author = {Kallulli, Dalina and Rothmayr, Antonia},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:21:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:22:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {95--136},
	Title = {The syntax and semantics of indefinite determiner doubling constructions in varieties of {G}erman},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article investigates the syntax and semantics of a construction attested in several varieties of German, in which an indefinite determiner occurs twice (e.g., ein so ein Kerl `a such a guy'). It is argued that this phenomenon, which we refer to as indefinite determiner doubling, is restricted to structures containing a quantificational element, i.e., the elements appearing between the two determiners are quantifiers, providing additional evidence for Matthewson's (Natural Language Semantics, 9: 145--189, 2001) analysis of quantification, according to which a generalized quantifier is created in two steps, crucially involving a DP complement. The top, or `doubling,' determiner operates on this quantificational structure, functioning as a cardinality element. The analysis is extended to indefinite determiner doubling constructions in varieties of English (e.g., a such a man) and to constructions with definite determiner doubling in (some varieties of) German. The micro-variation observed across  German (and English) dialects with respect to the presence versus absence of the doubling determiner is confined to the PF-component, whose different properties across the two systems impose a preference, or a choice, for one or the other spell-out form (phonetically overt or phonetically silent). The variation observed with respect to the elements between the two determiners within and across different varieties of German is due to the (re-)analysis of these closed-class elements within different (functional) layers of DP-structure.}}

@article{Yang:1998,
	Author = {Yang, Charles D.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:14:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:15:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {38--64},
	Title = {Unordered {M}erge and its {L}inearization},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1998},
	Abstract = {In the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), Merge is a set operation that imposes no intrinsic ordering among its members. However, syntactic structures are linearized into strings of words at PF. This paper proposes that in order for a Merger set to be linearized, its members must be either hierarchically displaced or morphologically fused into a single terminal node.
     The empirical study focuses on the structure of DP and its linearization in various constructions. It is shown that the Definiteness Effect (DE) can be attributed to the failure to linearize the DP in unaccusatives. The systematic lack of the DE in some languages (Arabic, Hebrew, and Romanian), unexpected in previous analyses, is due to the morphological N-to-D raising (fusion), therefore satisfying the linearization condition. Furthermore, cross-linguistic evidence is given to show that D can be attracted out of DP for feature checking, rendering transitive DP arguments well-formed.}}

@article{Satterfield:1998,
	Author = {Satterfield, Teresa},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:06:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:10:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {28--37},
	Title = {The `{S}hell {G}ame': Why Children Never Lose},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1998},
	Abstract = {This paper articulates a formal solution to the puzzle of child language learnability within the Principles and Parameters-based framework. The language learning (parameter setting) task requires, in principle, that the selection of syntactic knowledge be sufficienlty constrained for the child to arrive at the appropriate target grammar, expending a minimum of computational effort and time. Since previous L1 analyses impose very strict requirements on the learner, solutions are achieved only at a very high cost. Further, not only do the standard accounts frequently contradict fundamental empirical facts of child linguistic development, such as the degree of variability observed in the production of early grammatical structures regardless of input; the accounts also fail to consider a crucial aspect which impacts selection: the young child's innate potential to efficiently acquire multiple languages simultaneously. The primary aim of the current paper is to provide a computational model that demonstrates a ``bilingual universals'' (in the spirit of Roeper 1996) stage of development based on real world data. The proposed model actually reflects a more precise UG-based representation within early monolingual grammars, as well as plausibly accounting for variability found in child L1 grammars}}

@article{Torrego:1998a,
	Author = {Torrego, Esther},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:02:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:03:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {206--219},
	Title = {Nominative Subjects and {PRO}-Drop {INFL}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998},
	Abstract = {In this article I discuss pro and its licensing strategies. I argue that the D-feature postulated by Chomsky (1995) for Tense and v can be realized in a separate head, namely, on a D, which then licenses pro (along the lines of Torrego (1998)). Focusing on nominative subjects in certain infinitival clauses of Catalan, Italian, and Spanish, I propose that their nominative subjects are licensed by a D with ``weak'' agreement features in association with Tense. Expletive pro and argumental pro are discussed and it is proposed that the D that licenses the former has no agreement features, whereas the D that licenses the latter has ``rich'' agreement. A parallel is established between the licensing strategy of ``clitic-doubling'' and the licensing of argumental pro in infinitival clauses.}}

@article{Niyogi:1998a,
	Author = {Niyogi, Partha and Berwick, Robert C.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:00:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:01:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {192--205},
	Title = {The Logical Problem of Language Change: A Case Study of {E}uropean {P}ortuguese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998},
	Abstract = {In this article we present new results of a novel computational approach to the interaction of two important cognitive-linguistic phenomena: (1) language learning; and (2) language change over time (diachronic linguistics). We exploit the insight that while language learning takes place at the individual level, language change is more properly regarded as an ensemble property that takes place at the level of populations of language learners. We show by analytical and computer simulation methods that language learning can be regarded as the driving force behind a dynamical systems account of language change. We apply this model to the specific case of historical change from Classical Portuguese to European Portuguese, demonstrating how a particular language learning model coupled with data on the differences between Classical and European Portuguese leads to specific predictions for possible language-change envelopes. The main investigative message of this paper is to show how this methodology can be applied to a specific case, that of  ortuguese. The main moral underscores the individual/population difference; we show that simply because an individual will choose a particular grammar does not mean that all other grammars will be eliminated.}}

@article{Hornstein:1998,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 08:58:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 08:58:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--127},
	Title = {Movement and {C}hains},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998},
	Abstract = {A line of thought within the Minimalist Program proceeds as follows: the objects interpreted at the interface determine the units of syntactic manipulation. This paper argues that chains are not proper units for determining relative quantifier scope and so should not be thought of as proper syntactic objects. This conclusion is buttressed by the claim that once theta-features are allowed into the theory, a conclusion independently required once control is considered, then chains are redundant objects that can be seen as violating the Inclusiveness Condition. The paper presents a theory that dispenses with chains. This requires syntactic innovations that are examined.}}

@phdthesis{Engdahl:1980,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Engdahl, Elisabet},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-28 10:18:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-28 10:19:20 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts},
	Title = {The Syntax and Semantics of Questions in {S}wedish},
	Year = {1980}}

@article{Tonhauser:2008,
	Author = {Tonhauser, Judith},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 10:00:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:20:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {332--342},
	Title = {Defining crosslinguistic categories: The case of nominal tense (Reply to {N}ordlinger and {S}adler)},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Nordlinger:2008,
	Author = {Nordlinger, Rachel and Sadler, Louisa},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:58:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:59:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {325--331},
	Title = {When is a termporal marker not a tense? {R}eply to {T}onhauser 2007},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Dobrin:2008,
	Author = {Dobrin, Lise M.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:56:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:58:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {300--342},
	Title = {From linguistic elicitation to eliciting the linguist: Lessons in community empowerment from {M}elanesia},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kwon:2008,
	Author = {Kwon, Song-Nim and Zribi-Hertz, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:46:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:14:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {258--299},
	Title = {Differential Function Marking, Case, and Information Structure: Evidence from {K}orean},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The central goal of this article is to propose a systematic description of Differential Funciton Marking (DM) in Korean, a langauge in which both subject and object markers may fail to be spelled out. Taking Aissen's theory of DM (Aissen 2003) as a starting point, we show that althought its predictions seem mostly consisten with the statistical results of corpus-based research on Korean (and Japanese), this model does not accurately account for the Korean data. We argue that subject and object bareness (the lack of a functional particle) regularly correlates with interpretive effects that should be captured in terms of information structure (focus structure). Adapting Erteschik-Shir's (1997, 2007) framework to represent focus-structure, we argue that bare subjects and objects in Korean fail to be visible at this level. Consequently, they may be construed neither as active topics nor as foci, and thus must either be left out of focus-structure or incorporated within larger focus-structure constituents in order to be interpreted. We show that bare objects are never construed as topics or foci and alwas exhibit a form of semantic incorporation, whicle LEUL-marked objects always stand for focus-structre constituents construed as focused at some level. Bare subjects, unlike NEUN-marked topical subjects and GA-marked subjects, can be construed neither as active topics nor as foci, and always occur in tense-deficient clauses construed as thetic and anchored to speech time. We argue that our assumptions correctly predict the results of corpus studies, and we suggest that as regards nominal arguments, F-structure visibility might ultimately stand as the crucial interpretive correlate of Functional positions in syntax.}}

@article{Coetzee:2008,
	Author = {Coetzee, Andries},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:42:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:55:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {218--257},
	Title = {Grammaticality and Ungrammaticality in Phonology},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In this article, I make two theoretical claims. (i) For some form to be grammatical in a language L, it is not necessary that hte form satisfy all constraints that are active in L; that is, even grammatical forms can violate constraints. (ii) There are degrees of ungrammaticality; that is, not all ungrammatical forms are equally ungrammatical. I first show that these claims follow straightforwardly from the basic architecture of an optimality-theoretic grammar. I then show that the surface sound patterns used most widely in formal phonology cannot be used to test the truth of these two claims, but argue that results from speech processing experiments can. Finally, I discuss three experiments on the processing of nonwords of hte form [stVt], [skVk], and [spVp] in English that were designed to test these claims, and show that both claims are confirmed by the results of the experiments.}}

@article{Hyams:2008,
	Author = {Hyams, Nina},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:36:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:37:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {192--209},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Inflection: A Parameter-Setting Approach},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {First written in 1986, prior to the many findings concerning the optionality of finiteness and the root infinitive phenomenon, this article attempts to extend the parameter-setting model of grammatical development to the acquisition of inflectional morphology. I propose that the Stem Parameter, which states that a stem is/is not a well-formed word int he langauge, is set early, and that a positive vs. negative setting directly affects the timing and manner in which children acquire inflectional morphemes. Related to this, I propose that the distinction between core and peripheral grammar (Chomsky 1981) provides a complexity metric for grammatical development.}}

@article{Sugisaki:2008,
	Author = {Sugisaki, Koji},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:32:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:33:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--191},
	Title = {Early Acquisition of Basic Word Order in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The acquisition of word order has been one of the central issues in the study of child language. One striking finding from the detailed investigation of various child langauges is that from the earliest observable stages, children are highly sensitive to the basic word order of their target language. However, the evidence so far comes mainly from the acquisition of rigid word-order languages. In light of this background, this study presents new evidence that such early sensitivity to basic word order can be observed even in the acquisition of Japanese, a free word-order language.}}

@article{Tamburelli:2008,
	Author = {Tamburelli, Marco},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:29:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:30:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {130--182},
	Title = {The Role of Paradigm Formation in Lexical Acquisition: Towards a Unified Account of Overgeneralization and Transfer Effects},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article argues for a theory of lexical acquisition that takes overgeneralization in monolinguals and syntactic transfer effects in bilinguals to be manifestations of the same underlying mechanism. The theory views both overgeneralization and transfer of epiphenomena of an updating system which spreads newly acquired information across paradigms. A consequence of this setup is that both overgeneralization and transfer effects are only expected to affect members of the same lexical paradigm. Experimental evidence, both old and new, is presented in support of this model.}}

@article{Sybesma:2008,
	Author = {Sybesma, Rint},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:16:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:16:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {580--587},
	Title = {Whether We Tense-Agree Overtly or Not},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sprouse:2008,
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:14:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:15:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {572--580},
	Title = {Rhetorical Questions and \emph{Wh}-Movement},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Richards:2008,
	Author = {Richards, Marc D.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:13:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:14:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {563--572},
	Title = {On Feature Inheritance: An Argument from the PHase Impenetrability Condition},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Meinunger:2008,
	Author = {Meinunger, Andr{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:11:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:13:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {553--563},
	Title = {About Object \emph{es} in the {G}erman Vorfeld},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hirose:2008,
	Author = {Hirose, Tomio},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:10:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:11:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {548--553},
	Title = {Nominal Paths and Head Parameter},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Haddican:2008,
	Author = {Haddican, Bill},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:08:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:09:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {539--547},
	Title = {The Structural Deficiency of Verbal Pro-Forms},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Aoun:2008,
	Author = {Aoun, Joseph and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:06:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:07:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {525--538},
	Title = {Vehicle Change Phenomena as an Argument for {M}ove {F}},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Three different formal devices have been proposed within minimalism to replace Chomsky's (1993) covert movement of phrasal categories to check Case and agreement: expletive-associate relations (Brody 1995), movement of formal features (Chomsky 1995), and the operation Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). We propose that vehicle change effects (in the sense articulated by Fiengo and May (1994)) establish empirical grounds for distinguishing among these alternatives and argue that only the Move F approach can account for the data without enriching the theoretical apparatus.}}

@article{Landau:2008,
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:02:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:04:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--523},
	Title = {{EPP} Extensions},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The fact that the specifier of T0 is subject both to the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and to the Empty Category Principle (ECP) has remained an unexplained accident within Government-Binding Theory. I propose a principled account of this correlation. The EPP is a selectional requirement of functional heads (e.g., T, Top, C) that applies at PF---an instance of p-selection for an overt element. Like all selectional requirements, it applies to the head of the selected phrase, explaining why null heads cannot appear in EPP positions (thus deriving certain representational ECP effects). A wide range of empirical results follow, all unified by the exclusion of null-headed phrases from EPP positions: subject-object asymmetries in the distribution of bare nouns in Romance and sentential complements; failure of certain adjuncts to occur in clause-initial position; resistance of indirect objects to A' -movement; and phonological doubling of heads of fronted categories. I argue against the agreement/checking view of the EPP and show that only the selectional construal allows a natural explanation of its puzzling properties.}}

@article{Aguero-Bautista:2008,
	Author = {Ag{\"u}ero-Bautista, Calixto},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:00:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:02:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {413--443},
	Title = {Diagnosing Cyclicity in {S}luicing},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article discusses how the remnant wh-phrase in a sluicing structure ends up in the position where it is pronounced. Finding a parallel between universally quantified interrogatives and sluices with universal
quantifiers, with respect to the distribution of pair-list readings, the article shows that quantified interrogatives involving weak islands can have pair-list interpretations that require reconstruction of the
wh-phrase to positions that can only be created by successive-cyclic movement, and that the same is true for structurally similar sluices. The article therefore concludes that the remnant wh-phrase in sluicing gets to its surface position via regular successive-cyclic movement.}}

@article{Fintel:2008,
	Author = {von Fintel, Kai and Iatridou, Sabine},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 15:58:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:00:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {445--483},
	Title = {Anatomy of  Modal Construction},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Languages can express the existence of an easy way of achieving a goal in a construction we call the sufficiency modal construction (SMC), which combines a minimizing/exclusive operator like only or
ne . . . que and a goal-oriented necessity modal like have to or need to, as in To get good cheese, you only have to go to the North End. We show that the morphosyntactic makeup of the SMC is crosslinguistically
stable. We show that the semantics of the construction poses a severe compositionality problem. We solve the problem by giving the negation and the exclusive operator differential scope. For only, this means decomposing it into negation and an exclusive other than component.}}

@article{Wurmbrand:2008,
	Author = {Wurmbrand, Susi},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:51:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:52:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {511--522},
	Title = {\emph{Nor}: Neither Disjunction nor Paradox},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sabbagh:2008,
	Author = {Sabbagh, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:50:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:51:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {502--511},
	Title = {Right Node Raising and Extraction in {T}agalog},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Madigan:2008,
	Author = {Madigan, Sean},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:49:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:50:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {493--502},
	Title = {Obligatory Split Control into Exhortative Complements in {K}orean},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{DAlessandro:2008,
	Author = {D'Alessandro, Roberta and Roberts, Ian},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:45:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:48:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {477--491},
	Title = {Movement and Agreement in {I}talian Past Participles and Defective Phases},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In this article, we propose a phase-based alternative to Kayne's (1989) analysis of past participle agreement in Italian. This analysis captures the principal facts without making reference to specifier-head agreement. Instead, the possibility of overt past participle agreement is determined by the Phase Impenetrability Condition and is linked to the surface position of hte past participle. The analysis has interesting crosslinguistic implications, notably in that it predicts a general asymmetry between subject and object agreement.}}

@article{Kiss:2008,
	Author = {Kiss, Katalin {\'E}.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:39:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:45:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {441--475},
	Title = {Free Word Order, (Non)configurationality, and Phases},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The article argues that a particular implementation of phase theory makes it possible to account for seemingly contradictory facts of Hungarian that no other framework has been able to handle. Namely, (a) Hungarian word order is fixed preverbally and free postverbally. The fixed word order of a string is liberated when it is crossed by V-movement, (b) Grammatical phenomena sensitive to c-command provide evidence of both configurationality and nonconfigurationality. The proposal is based on the following assumptions: The derivatin of the Hungarian sentence involves a lexical phase (PredP) and a functional phase (a TP or a FocP), both headed by the raised V. When the functional phase is constructed, the silent lower copies ofhte V and their projections are deleted, which results in the flattening of the phasal domain. Grammatical phenomena indicative of a hierarchical structure are interpreted on the hierarchical domain of the lexical phase, whereas those indicative of a flat sturcture are interpreted on the flattened domain of the functional phase. The sister constituents of the flattened domain of the functional phase can be linearized in a free order in PF.}}

@article{Hayes:2008,
	Author = {Hayes, Bruce and Wilson, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:34:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:13:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {379--440},
	Title = {A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraitns that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.}}

@article{Friedmann:2008,
	Author = {Friedmann, Na'ama and Taranto, Gina and Shapiro, Lewis P. and Swinney, David},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:13:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:15:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {355--377},
	Title = {The Leaf Fell (the Leaf): The Online Processing of Unaccusatives},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {According to the Unaccusative Hypothesis, unaccusative subjects are base-generated in object position and move to the subject position. We examined this hypothesis using hte cross-modal lexical priming technique, which tests whether and when an antecedent is reactivated during the online processing of a sentence. We compared sentences containing unergative verbs with sentenes containing unaccusatives, both alternating and non-alternating, and found that subjects of unaccusative reactivate after the verb, while subjects of unergatives do not. Alternating unaccusatives showed a mixed pattern of reativation. The research direclty supports the Unaccusative Hypothesis.}}

@incollection{Taranto:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Taranto, Gina},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:06:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:07:49 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {329--350},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Discourse adjectives},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bonami:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Bonami, Olivier and Godard, Dani{\`e}le},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:05:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:06:23 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {274--304},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Lexical semantics and pragmatics of evaluative adverbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Wyner:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Wyner, Adam Zachary},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:04:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:05:19 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {249--273},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Towards flexible types with constraints for manner and factive adverbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Katz:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Katz, Graham},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:03:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:04:03 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {220--248},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Manner modification of state verbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Pinon:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Pi{\~n}{\'o}n, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:01:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:02:23 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {183--119},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Aspectual composition with degrees},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Kennedy:2008a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher and Levin, Beth},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:59:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:00:49 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {156--182},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Measure of change: The adjectival core of degree achievements},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Doetjes:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Doetjes, Jenny},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:58:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 11:59:31 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {123--155},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Adjectives and degree modification},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Morzycki:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:56:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 11:58:10 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {101--122},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Nonrestrictive modifers in non-parenthetical positions},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Demonte:2008,
	Author = {Demonte, Violeta},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:38:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:40:45 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {71--100},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Meaning-form correlations and adjective position in {S}panish},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Larson:2008,
	Author = {Larson, Richard and Yamakido, Hiroko},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:36:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:38:02 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {43--70},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Exafe and the deep position of nominal modifiers},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Svenonius:2008,
	Author = {Svenonius, Peter},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:34:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:36:05 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {16--42},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The position of adjectives and other phrasal modifiers in the decomposition of {DP}},
	Year = {2008}}

@book{Dayal:1996,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-16 12:38:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-16 12:40:15 -0400},
	Publisher = {Kluwer Academic Press},
	Title = {Locality in {Wh}-Quantification: Questions and Relative Clauses in {H}indi},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Bhatt:2003,
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-09 16:37:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-09 16:38:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--541},
	Title = {Locality in {C}orrelatives},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2003},
	Abstract = {Correlativization seems to be an intrinsically non-local strategy, where the Correlative clause can appear discontinuous from the noun phrase it modifies. I show that correlative constructions in the Modem Indo-Aryan languages nevertheless display locality effects. The nature of these locality effects depends upon whether the correlative clause involves a single relativization ('Simple') or mutiple relativizations ('Multi-Head'). The generalization that emerges is that a Correlative clause must be merged as locally as possible to the phrase that it modifies. Simple correlatives modify DPs and so they start adjoined to the DP that they modify and then are fronted to an IP-adjoined position. Such an approach is able to explain the hitherto unexplained sensitivity of the correlative-modified phrase relationship to islands. Multi-Head Correlatives modify IPs and therefore they start adjoined to the smallest IP that contains the variables bound by the Multi-Head Correlative, followed by optional movement to the clause-initial position. My proposal argues that Simple Correlatives and Multi-Head Correlatives involve different derivational histories. This difference in derivational history is then used to account for the many differences in their syntactic behavior. Finally, the 'Condition on Local Merge' from which this analysis follows is shown to have cross-linguistic support}}

@webpage{Lechner:2007,
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-09 15:45:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-11 06:51:07 -0400},
	Title = {Interpretive Effects of {H}ead {M}ovement},
	Urldate = {2007},
	Year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz}}

@book{Williams:2003,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Williams, Edwin},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-19 05:40:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-07 11:59:46 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Representation Theory},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Hoekstra:2002,
	Author = {Hoekstra, Jarich},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:18:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:19:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {227--259},
	Title = {Genitive Compounds in {F}risian as Lexical Phrases},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article investigates genitive compounds, a special type of NN compound found
in West Frisian and some other languages/dialects on the North Sea littoral. Genitive compounds
show a number of properties distinguishing them from normal NN compounds, the most striking
of which is the obligatory definiteness/specificity of their first element and, as a consequence,
of the compound as a whole. These properties can be accounted for if genitive compounds are
analyzed as phrases moving towards word status. Historically they derive from the Old Frisian
prenominal genitive construction, and it is shown that they still are a kind of prenominal genitive
construction today, albeit heavily lexicalized, i.e., subject to lexical principles and containing
specifically lexical elements. Since some of the phrasal elements in genitive compounds do not
occur in syntax proper and since their definiteness produces a blocking effect on normal NN
compounds, they seem to provide evidence for the concept of lexical phrases, potentially
productive phrasal patterns in the lexicon.}}

@article{Dikken:2002b,
	Author = {den Dikken, Marcel},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:16:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:17:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {169--225},
	Title = {Lexical Intergity, Checking, and the Mirror: A Checking Approach to Syntactic Word Formation},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {Admitting syntactic formation of morphologically complex words is commonly
deemed to be an infringement on the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis. But syntactic word formation,
if understood in terms of the checking of features of subparts of words in designated
syntactic positions, is readily reconciled with strong lexicalism. This paper will argue that a
checking approach to syntactic word formation, in tandem with a novel interpretation of the
Mirror Principle of Baker (1985), yields a straightforward resolution of the otherwise problematic
inflectional morphology of the Athapaskan languages, as well as of `bracketing
paradoxes' of the unhappier and ungrammaticality type. The syntactically complex structure
of unhappier and ungrammaticality that underlies the checking approach to syntactic word
formation is supported on the basis of evidence from polarity item licensing, adverbial modification,
and so-anaphora.}}

@article{Bobaljik:2002a,
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:15:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:16:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--167},
	Title = {Realizing {G}ermanic Inflection: Why Morphology does not drive Syntax},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This paper examines and evaluates what may be called the ``Rich Agreement
Hypothesis'' (RAH) in the domain of verb movement asymmetries in Germanic. The most prominent
current accounts (e.g., Rohrbacher's 1999 Morphology-Driven Syntax) require inspection
of the internal make-up of paradigms and take overt morphological variation to be the cause of
syntactic variation. A survey of the literature shows that these proposals are empirically untenable
in their strong (bi-conditional) form; there are numerous cases of syntactic variation attested
in the absence of corresponding morphological variation. The strongest sustainable descriptive
generalization is a one-way implication from rich morphology to verb movement. Though this
has been noted before, its implications have not been adequately discussed. While morphologydriven
approaches could have explained a strong RAH, when faced with the weaker, one-way
implication, they can provide no account of why that correlation should hold and are thus at best
incomplete. That is, they provide no insight as to why there are no languages with rich morphology
but in which the finite verb remains in the VP. The particular correlations that are
attested, and in particular the absence of a certain class of languages, do however follow from
a theory which takes morphology to be not the cause but rather a reflection of syntactic structure,
in line with common theorizing in morphology. The inflection-movement correlations that
do exist therefore challenge rather than support morphology-driven approaches to morphosyntax.}}

@article{Ackema:2002a,
	Author = {Ackema, Peter and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:13:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:13:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {93--128},
	Title = {Syntactic Atomicity},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Hintikka:1969,
	Author = {Hintikka, Jaako},
	Booktitle = {Philosophical Logic},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-04 20:31:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-04 20:43:44 -0400},
	Editor = {Davis, J. W. and Hockney and Wilson},
	Pages = {21--45},
	Publisher = {Reidel},
	Title = {Semantics for Propositional Attitudes},
	Year = {1969}}

@incollection{Tomioka:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Tomioka, Satoshi},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:16:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:17:04 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {210--228},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {A step-by-step guide to ellipsis resolution},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Sauerland:2008a,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:15:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:16:09 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {183--209},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {The silent content of bound variable pronouns},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Lechner:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:14:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:14:50 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {154--182},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {On binding scope and ellipsis scope},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Merchant:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:12:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:13:19 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {132--153},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Variable island repair under ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Kennedy:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:11:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:12:12 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {95--131},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Argument Contained Ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Johnson:2008a,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:09:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-07 09:54:45 -0500},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {69--94},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {The view of {QR} from ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Jacobson:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:08:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:09:40 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {30--68},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Direct compositionality and variable-free semantics: the case of {A}ntecedent {C}ontained {D}eletion},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Hardt:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Hardt, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:06:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:08:05 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {15--29},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis and constraints on interpretation},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Nevins:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:00:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:01:35 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {329--368},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Cross-Modular Parallels in the Study of {P}hon and {P}hi},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bobaljik:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:57:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:58:36 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {295--328},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Where's {P}hi? {A}greement as a Postsyntactic Operation},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Harley:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Harley, Heidi},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:56:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:19 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {251--294},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {When is a Syncretism more than a Syncretism?},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Trommer:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Trommer, Jochen},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:55:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:05 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {221--250},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Third {P}erson Marking in {M}enominee},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Harbour:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Harbour, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:54:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:09 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {185--220},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Discontinuous Agreement and the {S}yntax-{M}orphology Interface},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{McGinnis:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {McGinnis, Martha},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:53:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {155--184},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Phi-Feature Competition in {M}orphology and {S}yntax},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bejar:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:52:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:16 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {130--154},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Conditions on {P}hi-{A}gree},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Rezac:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rez{\'a}c, Milan},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:50:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:50 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {83--129},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Phi-{A}gree and {T}heta-Related {C}ase},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Sauerland:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:49:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:59 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {57--82},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Semantic Markedness of {P}hi-Features},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Heim:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Heim, Irene},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:48:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:27 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {35--56},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Feature on Bound Pronouns},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Adger:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Adger, David and Harbour, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:45:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:25 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Why {P}hi?},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Holmberg:2004,
	Author = {Holmberg, Anders and Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-22 17:16:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-22 17:19:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {5},
	Pages = {651--673},
	Title = {Agreement and movement in {I}celandic raising constructions},
	Volume = {114},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {An intervening dative experiencer argument in an Icelandic raising verb construction blocks 
agreement between the matrix verb (the matrix T) and the embedded subject of the infinitival 
clause, as well as blocking raising of the embedded subject. If the experiencer is wh-moved (or 
relativized or topicalized), it still blocks agreement, but does not block raising. The facts show 
unequivocally that the whP moves directly from specVP to specCP. The facts are explained in 
terms of a theory of spell-out and the EPP: a whP is not spelled out before it enters an Agree 
relation with a C with a matching feature. Spelled-out or not, a whP in specVP blocks Agree 
between T and the embedded subject. A whP not spelled out does not block Stylistic Fronting, 
an EPP-driven movement affecting only spelled-out categories. Raising across a whP is 
claimed to be Stylistic Fronting, not standard A-movement. }}

@article{Felser:2004,
	Author = {Felser, Claudia},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-22 17:12:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-22 17:15:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {5},
	Pages = {543--574},
	Title = {Wh-copying, phases, and successive cyclicity},
	Volume = {114},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {This paper re-examines the wh-copying phenomenon that is attested in a number of
languages including German, Frisian, Afrikaans, and Romani, in the context of Chomsky's
(Chomsky, N., 1998. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. MIT Occasional Papers in
Linguistics 15. MITWPL, Cambridge, MA) phase-based approach to syntactic derivation.
Wh-copying is traditionally thought to provide strong evidence for the successive-cyclic nature
of wh-movement. Besides the more general problem of how intermediate movement steps are
formally triggered, however, the wh-copying phenomenon raises the questions of what grammatical
condition or conditions should permit (or possibly, force) the phonetic realisation of
intermediate wh-copies, why the spelling-out of locally uninterpretable copies of a wh-operator
does not cause the derivation to crash at the phase level, and to what extent their presence
poses a problem for the principle of Full Interpretation and for Kayne's (Kayne, R., 1994.
The Antisymmetry of Syntax. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA) Linear Correspondence Axiom.
It is shown that an analysis of wh-copying in terms of the discontinuous spelling-out of a
wh-expression's `operator' and `core' parts, in conjunction with a convergence-based view of
phases, not only helps provide answers to the above questions, but also accounts for some
otherwise difficult-to-explain restrictions on wh-copying.}}

@article{Son:2008,
	Author = {Son, Minjeong and Cole, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:29:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:30:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {120--160},
	Title = {An Event-Based Account of \emph{-kan} Constructions in {S}tandard {I}ndonesian},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {A widely held position in the literature on verbal meaning is that the lexical-semantic representation of verbsinvolvescomplex event structureswith semantic primitiveslike CAUSE and BECOME (e.g. Dowty 1979). A growing number of recent workson predicate decomposition have shown that there is a close correlation between the semantics of event structure and the syntax (e.g. Hale & Keyser 1993, Harley 1995, Travis 2000, van Hout 2000, Ramchand 2003, 2007). Thisarticle presentsan additional empirical argument for the view that there isa direct mapping between semantic decomposition of predicates and the (morpho)syntax by developing an explicit analysis of the semantics and syntax of the verbal suffix -kan in Standard Indonesian. We argue that -kan isa morphological reflex of the RESULT head, the semantics of which givesris e to a causative interpretation. By treating -kan as being sensitive to a syntactic configuration involving a result state, the current analysis not only provides important empirical support for the event decomposition of predicates in the syntax but also leads to a unified semantic and syntactic account of -kan, which captures straightforwardly distributional properties of the suffix.}}

@article{Mithun:2008,
	Author = {Mithun, Marianne},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:27:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:28:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--119},
	Title = {The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic domains. Such developments are first illustrated with material from Navajo and Central Alaskan Yup'ik, then surveyed more briefly in several other unrelated languages. In some cases, secondary effects of such changes can reshape basic clause structure. An awareness of these processes can accordingly aid in understandingcertain recurringbut hitherto unexplained arrays of basic morphological and syntactic patterns, exemplified here with cases of homophonous grammatical markers and of ergative/accusative splits. Like developments described by Gildea (1997, 1998) and Evans (2007), they involve the use of dependent clauses as independent sentences, but the processes described here differ from those in both the mechanisms at work and their results.}}

@article{Collins:2008,
	Author = {Collins, Chris and Moody, Simanique and Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:26:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:27:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {29--68},
	Title = {An {AAE} Camouflage Construction},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Spears 1998 discusses a use of the word ass in African American English (AAE) in sentences like They done arrested her stupid ass and I'm gonna sue her ass. We refer to DPs like her stupid ass generically as the ACC (ass CAMOUFLAGE CONSTRUCTION), and we view the ACC as an instance of a universal grammatical phenomenon we call CAMOUFLAGE. The ACC is also attested in non- AAE dialects of American English (Beavers & Koontz-Garboden 2006a).

For certain syntactic properties, the possessor of the ACC behaves as if it were external to the larger DP (e.g. binding, control, selection); for others, it behaves as if it were internal to the larger DP (e.g. finite verb agreement, traditional constituent-structure tests). To account for this dual behavior, we propose that the ACC possessor DP originates in a position external to the ACC, and moves into its possessor position.

We discuss the implications of our analysis for other areas of AAE syntax, including the resumptive-with construction, a previously undocumented grammatical phenomenon, and the use of self in various constructions, which we suggest are illuminated by the notion camouflage. We briefly consider arguable instances of camouflage crosslinguistically in languages such as Georgian, French, the Mayan languages K'ekchi and Tzotzil, and Yoruba. Genuine similarities between the ACC and these other constructions support our perspective on the ACC.}}

@article{Jackendoff:2008,
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:22:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:25:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {8--28},
	Title = {\emph{Construction After Construction} and Its Theoretical Challenges},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The English NPN construction, exemplified by construction after construction, is productive
with five prepositions---by, for, to, after, and upon---with a variety of meanings, including succession,
juxtaposition, and comparison; it also has numerous idiomatic cases. This mixture of regularity
and idiosyncrasy lends itself to an account in the spirit of construction grammar, in which the
lexicon includes specified syntactic structures matched with meanings. The internal syntactic
structure of NPN violates standard principles of phrase structure, and the required identity of the
two nouns (in most cases) presents descriptive difficulties. Furthermore, when NPN appears in
NP positions, it can take normal NP complements and modifiers, and it has quantificational
semantics despite the absence of a lexical quantifier. These peculiarities collectively present
interesting challenges to linguistic theory. The best hope lies in a theory of grammar that (i)
recognizes meaningful constructions as theoretical entities; (ii) recognizes a continuum of regularity
between words and rules; and (iii) recognizes the autonomy of syntax from semantics and
vice versa.}}

@article{Vermeulen:2008,
	Author = {Vermeulen, Reiko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:11:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:12:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {345--354},
	Title = {Nonconstituent Coordination in {J}apanese: A Case of Phonological Reordering},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Pater:2008,
	Author = {Pater, Joe},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:09:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:12:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {334--345},
	Title = {Gradual Learning and Convergence},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gajewski:2008,
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:08:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:09:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {327--334},
	Title = {On the Semantics of {H}indi-{U}rdu Multiple Correlatives},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Takahashi:2008,
	Author = {Takahashi, Daiko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:07:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:07:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {307--326},
	Title = {Quantificational Null Objects and Argument Ellipsis},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article provides a new argument for the analysis of null arguments
in terms of ellipsis by considering null objects that behave like quantifiers.
It is shown that the presence of quantificational null objects and
their scopal property are difficult to accommodate under the traditional
view of null arguments as pronouns but are best accounted for by the
ellipsis analysis. Among the consequences of the present study are the
need to postulate phonetically invisible/inaudible scrambling and its
obedience to the economy requirement.}}

@article{Kim:2008,
	Author = {Kim, Kwan-sup},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:04:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:06:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {295--307},
	Title = {English {C} Moves Downward as well as Upward: An Extension of {B}o\v{s}kovi{\`c} and {L}asnik's (2003) Approach},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gracanin-Yuksek:2008,
	Author = {Gra{\v{c}}anin-Yuksek, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:02:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:04:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {275--294},
	Title = {Free Relatives in {C}roatian: An Argument for the Comp Account},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The article argues for the Comp account (e.g., Groos and Van Riemsdijk
1981) over the head account (e.g., Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978)
of free relatives (FRs), on the basis of several converging arguments
from Croatian. Evidence from reconstruction effects shows that the
wh-phrase introducing a free relative (WHFR) originates inside the
relative clause and wh-moves to its surface position. In addition, arguments
from clitic placement show that the derived position of the
WHFR is no higher than Spec,CP of the FR.}}

@article{Copley:2008,
	Author = {Copley, Bridget},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:01:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:02:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261--274},
	Title = {The Plan's the Thing: Deconstructing Futurate Meanings},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {A futurate is a sentence with no obvious means of future reference,
which conveys that a future-oriented eventuality is planned or scheduled.
I argue that the component of planning found in the meaning of
futurates should be derived from the more familiar modal concepts
of abilities and desires. A futurate statement presupposes that some
contextually salient entity d, the director, has the ability to bring it
about that p, and asserts that d is committed to bringing it about that p.}}

@article{Idrissi:2008,
	Author = {Idrissi, Ali and Prunet, Jean-Francois and B{\'e}land, Ren{\'e}e},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 16:59:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:01:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {221--259},
	Title = {On the Mental Representation of {A}rabic Roots},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {In Prunet, Beland, and Idrissi 2000, we presented evidence from an
aphasic subject that argued for the morphemic status of Arabic consonantal
roots. We predicted that inaudible glides in weak roots should
resurface in metathesis and template selection errors, but at the time
the relevant data were unattested. Here, we present such data, obtained
from a new series of experiments with the same aphasic subject. Arabic
hypocoristic formation offers another case of glide resurfacing. Both
sources of data confirm that Arabic consonantal roots are abstract
morphemic units rather than surface phonetic units.}}

@article{Elbourne:2008,
	Author = {Elbourne, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 16:55:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 16:59:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {191--220},
	Title = {Ellipsis Sites as Definite Descriptions},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article analyzes three phenomena that are troublesome for some
theories of ellipsis: the existence of sloppy readings when the relevant
pronouns cannot possibly be bound; cases where the antecedent of
ellipsis does itself contain an ellipsis site, but in resolving the larger
ellipsis the interpretation understood at the ellipsis site in the antecedent
is not used; and cases where an ellipsis site draws upon material
from two or more separate antecedents. These cases are accounted for
by an analysis of silent VPs and NPs that makes them into higherorder
definite descriptions that can be bound into.}}

@article{Paul:2008,
	Author = {Paul, Ileana},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:51:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:51:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {91--124},
	Title = {On the Topic of Pseudoclefts},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This paper presents arguments in favor of a pseudocleft analysis of a certain
class of sentences in Malagasy, despite the lack of an overt wh-element. It is shown that
voice morphology on the verb creates an operator-variable relationship much like the
one created by wh-movement in free relatives in English and other languages. The bulk
of the paper argues in favor of an inversion analysis of specificational pseudoclefts in
Malagasy: a predicate DP is fronted to a topic position from within a small clause
constituent. Moreover, it is shown that the same inversion occurs in equative and
specificational sentences in Malagasy, which suggests that these types of sentences
share the same syntactic structure. The proposed analysis also provides support for the
view that specificational pseudoclefts have a topic > focus structure, where the
wh-clause has been overtly topicalized.}}

@article{Matushansky:2008,
	Author = {Matushansky, Ora},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:50:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:50:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {26--90},
	Title = {On the Attributive Nature of Superlatives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The standard view of superlatives treats them as a subkind of adjectives.
However, in many languages, superlatives require the presence of a determiner, even in
the predicate position. This leads to an apparent contradiction, since it is independently
known that determiners syntactically combine with extended NP projections and are
excluded with APs. This issue is resolved if superlative adjectives always appear in an
attributive (modificational) position. Superlative phrases without an overt noun (e.g., in
the predicative position) modify a null head noun. I show that this hypothesis
immediately explains the restrictions on the distribution of superlatives in languages as
diverse as Russian, French, German, Dutch, Breton, Spanish and Portuguese. I propose
that the modificational nature of superlative adjectives can be derived from their
semantics, and I argue that such a proposal yields a natural explanation of the behavior
of superlatives in Hebrew and Persian. Finally, I discuss the interaction between this
theory and the standard, movement-based analyses of comparatives and superlatives
and provide an explanation for apparent counterexamples.}}

@article{Leu:2008,
	Author = {Leu, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:48:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:48:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--25},
	Title = {\emph{What for} Internally},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {The present paper is concerned with the internal structure of Germanic what
for phrases. A comparative look at what for across Dutch, German, Norwegian,
Swedish, and Swiss German leads to a drastic revision of the traditional view on what
for. The proposal recognizes an (often silent) functional nominal SORT as a constitutive
part of the what for construction. For is analyzed as a prepositional complementizer
whose complement contains the (silent) nominal and the trace of what, to which for
assigns accusative Case. The projection of for, forP, is argued to sit in a specifier
position in the extended projection of the head noun, similar to adjectival modifiers on
a Cinquean view. What moves out of forP into the left periphery of the noun phrase.}}

@article{Guasti:2008,
	Author = {Guasti, Maria Teresa and Gavarr{\'o}, Anna and Lange, Joke de and Caprin, Claudia},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:40:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:41:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {89--119},
	Title = {Article Omission Across Child Languages},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Article omission is known to be a feature of early grammar, although it does not affect all child languages to the same extent. In this article we analyze the production of articles by 12 children, 4 speakers of Catalan, 4 speakers of Italian, and 4 speakers of Dutch. We consider the results in the light of (i) the adult input to the children are exposed to, (ii) the prosodic properties of articles in the three langauges, and (iii) the properties of hte syntax-semantics mapping of nouns in the languages under consideration. We show that the proportion of bare nouns (grammatical or ungrammatical) in the adult input does not bear any systematic relation to child procuditon/omission of articles and that the full developmental pattern observed can be explained by appealing to the role of the nominal mapping paramter (NMP) in guiding acquisition, in conjunction with prosodic properties of articles and with discourse conditions.}}

@article{Pirvulescu:2008,
	Author = {Pirvulescu, Mihaela and Belzil, Isabelle},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:34:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:36:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {75--88},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Past Participle Agreement in {Q}u{\'e}bec {F}rench {L1}},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Much developmental work has been devoted tot he acquisition of object clitics in French. There is a consensus that in early grammar, children omit object clitics in contexs where an adult would not. Several analyses have been put forth, among which, one proposing a close link between the omission of object clitics and the presence of past participle agreement. In this short article we address this hypothesis by examining the acquisition of past participle agreement through two sentence-preference tasks administered to children (3- to 5-year olds divided into three age groups) and adults from the Montr{\'e}al area. The results of the experiments show that past participle agreement is a marginal feature in early grammar and therefore too weak to be considered as a controlling the realization of the direct object clitics in child production. Children and adults display different behavior with respect to past participle agreement (weak and optional) versus subject-verb agreement (consistently strong and obligatory). This result points toward an analysis of past participle agreement in terms of language-specific optional verb movement.}}

@article{Corver:2008,
	Author = {Corver, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-22 13:59:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-22 14:00:08 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--93},
	Title = {Uniformity and diversity in the syntax of evaluative vocatives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {This article investigates the internal syntax of evaluative vocative
expressions (e.g., You idiot!). This construction superficially consists of a second person pronoun and an epithet noun. It turns out that this construction type has different morphosyntactic manifestations across languages/dialects (abstractly: youNOM idiot!; youACC/OBL idiot!; your idiot!). The paper aims at giving a uniform account for the `underlying' syntax of this construction type. It is argued that this construction has the `underlying' syntax of a possessive noun phrase. More particularly, the second person pronoun starts out as (part of) a PP-predicate and undergoes leftward predicate displacement within the vocative noun phrase. The major dimensions of (morpho)syntactic diversity are related to the following properties: (1) the nature of the predicate displacement operation involved (i.e., predicate inversion and/or predicate fronting); (2) the overtness versus covertness of the small clause head X, which is part of the vocative expression; (3) the case form of the second person pronoun. According to the structural analysis proposed in this article, evaluative vocative expressions form a further illustration of the structural uniformity that is hidden behind superficial diversity.}}

@article{Roehrs:2008,
	Author = {Roehrs, Dorian},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-22 13:56:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-22 13:57:35 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--42},
	Title = {Something inner- and cross-linguistically different},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008},
	Abstract = {Pronominal constructions such as something big, often referred to as the
`indefinite pronoun construction', have received different but often homogenous accounts in the literature. In this paper, I document the inner-and cross-linguistic diversity of this construction in German and some other languages. Highlighting respectively different sets of properties, I argue that there are three basic types: one type combines the adjective and the pronoun by complementation, another by adjunction, and a third involves a garden-variety DP. Adjunction is argued to be mediated by a Modifier Phrase (Rubin, E.J., Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, CSLI, Stanford, 429--439, 1996). The latter assumption is shown to have a number of advantages.}}

@phdthesis{Vergnaud:1974,
	Author = {Vergnaud, Jean-Roger},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-10 17:25:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-10 17:26:19 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {French Relative Clauses},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Schachter:1973,
	Author = {Schachter, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-10 17:22:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-10 17:22:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {19--46},
	Title = {Focus and Relativization},
	Volume = {49},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Henderson:2006,
	Author = {Henderson, Brent},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:12:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:13:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {275--289},
	Title = {Multiple Agreement and Inversion in {B}antu},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise
through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the theta-features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of theta-complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands theta and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come
from Swahili and Kirundi.}}

@article{Craenenbroeck:2006a,
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:10:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:11:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {248--274},
	Title = {The Crosslinguistic Syntax of {S}luicing: Evidence from {H}ungarian Relatives},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper deals with an elliptical construction in Hungarian that to our
knowledge has not received any attention in the theoretical literature so far. It involves the deletion of a relative clause with the exclusion of the relative pronoun and one more remaining constituent. We show that this construction should be analyzed as an instance of sluicing. The theoretical approach we provide for these sentences is an adapted version of Merchant's (2001) implementation of sluicing in terms of an [e]-feature that is responsible for the deletion process. Our extension of this proposal involves the modification of the syntactic subcontent of this [e]-feature. We show that languages where question words are found in the operator domain of the left periphery use a version of the [e]-feature that attaches to heads whose specifier is occupied by an operator. This predicts that sluicing not only occurs with wh-remnants but more widely with operator remnants as well. With this proposal we lay the foundation for a crosslinguistic taxonomy of sluicing constructions, and open new avenues towards explaining root/embedded asymmetries in some as yet ill-understood elliptical phenomena in English.}}

@article{Citko:2006,
	Author = {Citko, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:07:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:08:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {225--247},
	Title = {The Interaction between {A}cross-the-{B}oard \emph{wh}-Movement and Left-Branch Extraction},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper explores the interaction between two independently well studied
wh-movement strategies: across-the-board wh-movement and left-branch extraction. Focusing on Slavic languages, which allow both ATB movement and left-branch extraction in isolation, it shows that ATB left-branch extraction is subject to a rather surprising restriction: the   remnants   inside the second conjunct must be distinct from their   correspondents   inside the first conjunct. The account of this restriction developed in this paper relies on the interaction of two independently motivated principles: the Linear Correspondence Axiom of Kayne 1994 and a structural economy condition formulated within the framework of Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program.}}

@article{Tungseth:2007,
	Author = {Tungseth, Mai},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:44:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:45:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {187--228},
	Title = {Benefactives across {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Jensen:2007,
	Author = {Jensen, Britta},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:43:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:44:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {163--185},
	Title = {In favour of a truncated imperative clause structure: evidence from adverbs},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Julien:2007,
	Author = {Julien, Marit},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:43:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:43:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {103--161},
	Title = {Embedded {V2} in {N}orwegian and {S}wedish},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Rosenkvist:2007,
	Author = {Rosenkvist, Henrik},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:42:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:43:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {77--102},
	Title = {Subject Doubling in {O}evdalian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hroarsdottir:2007,
	Author = {Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg and Wiklund, Anna-Lena and Bentzen, Kristine and Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:40:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:41:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {45--75},
	Title = {The afterglow of verb movement},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Abraham:2007,
	Author = {Abraham, Werner and Leiss, Elisabeth},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:39:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:40:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {17--44},
	Title = {On the interfaces between (double) definiteness, aspect, and word orderin {O}ld and {M}odern {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boskovic:2007a,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:38:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:39:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {1--15},
	Title = {Don't feed your movements: Object shift in {I}celandic},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{OGrady:2008,
	Author = {O'Grady, William and Yamashita, Yoshie and Cho, Sookeum},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:36:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:37:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {58--68},
	Title = {Object Drop in {J}apanese and {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kehoe:2008,
	Author = {Kehoe, Margaret and Hilaire-Debove, Geraldine and Le{\'o}, Conxita},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:31:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:35:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {5--57},
	Title = {The Structure of Branching Onsets and Rising Diphthongs: Evidence from the Acquisition of {F}rench and {S}panish},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Neidle:2002,
	Author = {Neidle, Carol and MacLaughlin, Dawn},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:54:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:55:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {194--224},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Distribution of Functional Projections in {ASL}: Evidence from Overt Expressions of Syntactic Features},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Guasti:2002,
	Author = {Guasti, Maria Teresa and Rizzi, Luigi},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:53:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:54:24 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {167--194},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Agreement and Tense as Distinct Syntactic Positions: Evidence from Acquisition},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Cardinaletti:2002,
	Author = {Cardinaletti, Anna and Roberts, Ian},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:52:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:53:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {123--166},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Clause Structure and X-Second},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Scott:2002,
	Author = {Scott, Gary-John},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:51:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:52:07 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {91--122},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Stacked Adjectival Modivication and the Structure of Nominal Phrases},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Giusti:2002,
	Author = {Giusti, Giuliana},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:49:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:50:55 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {54--90},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Functional Structure of {N}oun {P}hrases: A Bare Phrase Structure Approach},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Bruge:2002,
	Author = {Brug{\'e}, Laura},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:47:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:49:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {15--53},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Positions of Demonstratives in the Extended Nominal Projection},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@book{Roberts:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Roberts, Ian G.},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 08:41:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 08:42:44 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax},
	Title = {Principles and Parameters in a {VSO} Language: A Case Study in {W}elsh},
	Year = {2005}}

@book{Kathol:2000a,
	Author = {Kathol, Andreas},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-25 14:40:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-25 14:41:42 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Linear Syntax},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Lakoff:1986,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistic Society 22},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:33:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:35:56 -0400},
	Editor = {Farley, Anne M. and Farley, Peter T. and McCullough, Karl-Erik},
	Pages = {152--167},
	Title = {Frame semantic control of the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Grosu:1973,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:30:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:31:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {88--92},
	Title = {On the nonunitary nature of the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@inproceedings{Goldsmith:1985,
	Author = {Goldsmith, John},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistic Society 21},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:27:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:29:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Eilfort, William H. and Kroeber, Paul D. and Peterson, Karen L.},
	Pages = {133--143},
	Title = {A principled exception to the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Year = {1985}}

@book{Chomsky:1964a,
	Author = {Chomsky, Noam},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 20:01:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 20:03:55 -0400},
	Publisher = {Mouton \& Company},
	Title = {Current issues in linguistic theory},
	Year = {1964}}

@article{Wurmbrand:2007,
	Author = {Wurmbrand, Susi},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-31 10:04:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-31 10:05:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {243-288},
	Title = {How Complex are Complex Predicates},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper argues that clause union/restructuring constructions such as verb
clusters in German do not involve head clustering in the form of (lexical or derived)
complex head formation. I provide several arguments showing that clause union
properties are licensed in the absence of complex head formation and that complex
head formation hence cannot be seen as a condition on clause union/restructuring.
Complex head approaches are compared to syntactic complementation approaches---in particular, to an approach where the verbs of a restructuring construction project
independent VPs that include all the internal arguments associated with the particular
verbs. A series of empirical facts are considered (constituency, word order,
modification, event structure properties, and nominalizations) that all point to the
conclusion that these constructions involve regular VPs rather than complex V-V
heads. Although it is not excluded that complex head approaches could be adjusted to
accommodate these facts, the main advantage of the VP-complementation approach is
that the sum of the properties discussed follows without additional assumptions from
the structure suggested and that this approach also correctly predicts which
constructions are excluded.}}

@article{Harbour:2007,
	Author = {Harbour, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-31 09:59:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-31 10:01:00 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {223--242},
	Title = {Against {PersonP}},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Emphatic verb doubling, developed as a diagnostic of T-to-C movement in
Classical Hebrew, demonstrates that discontinuous agreement is not a consequence of
movement to between hypothetical Person and Number phrases}}

@article{Stjepanovic:2007,
	Author = {Stjepanovi\'{c}, Sandra},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:32:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:33:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1stjepanovic.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {179--190},
	Title = {P-Stranding under {S}luicing in a Non-{P}-Stranding Language?},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Merchant:2007a,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:30:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-09 14:36:26 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1merchant.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--179},
	Title = {An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in {VP}-Ellipsis and {P}seudogapping},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{McNally:2007,
	Author = {McNally, Louise},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:28:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:30:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1mcnally.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {161--169},
	Title = {{DP}-Internal \emph{Only}, Amount Relatives, and Relatives Out of Existentials},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Sobin:2007,
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:27:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:28:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1sobin.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {147--160},
	Title = {\emph{Do So} and {VP}},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Culicover and Jackendoff (2005) argue that VP structure with adjunct modifiers is ``flat'': both complements and adjuncts are equally sisters of V. Their arguments center around the apparent misbehavior of do so as a replacement for a syntactic VP constituent. However, several of these arguments are inconclusive. The rule that Culicover and Jackendoff offer for do so does not fare better overall than does the hierarchic VP account of do so.}}

@article{MacDonald:2007,
	Author = {MacDonald, Jonathan E.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:26:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:27:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1macdonald.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {128--147},
	Title = {Domain of Aspectual Interpretation},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Thompson (2006) argues for a syntactic account of telicity in which DPs and PPs check a [bounded] feature at an AspP projection above vP to create a telic predicate. I provide evidence for an AspP projection between vP and VP and argue that AspP and everything AspP dominates defines a domain of aspectual interpretation, a syntactic space within which elements must be located in order to affect the telicity of a predicate. I provide data showingthat elements above AspP cannot affect aspectual interpretation. These data pose a serious problem for Thompson's account.}}

@article{Hazout:2007,
	Author = {Hazout, Ilan},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:24:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:25:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1hazout.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {117--128},
	Title = {On the Rleation between Expletive \emph{There} and Its Associate: A Reply to {W}illiams},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The relation between expletive there and its associate involves agreement, as suggested in Hazout 2004, and not theta-role assignment, as suggested in Williams 1994, 2006. This difference reflects radically different assumptions about the nature of the subject-predicate relation. The analysis in Hazout 2004 provides a superior account of the empirical facts and affords insights that are missed by the account in Williams 1994.}}

@article{Darzi:2007,
	Author = {Darzi, Ali},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:22:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:23:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1darzi.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {103--116},
	Title = {On the vP Analysis of {P}ersian Finite Control Constructions},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Ghomeshi (2001) proposes an account of Persian subject control constructions in terms of a reduced vP complement to the control verb, followinga proposal made by Wurmbrand (2001). Faced with the fact that the complement of the control verb is headed by what has been treated in the linguistic literature on Persian as the complementizer ke `that', she suggests that ke, in this construction, is a clitic hosted by the matrix control verb. However, closer examination of the claimed ``restructuring'' construction, the distribution of temporal adverbials, and ke-cliticization in Persian militates against such a proposal.}}

@article{Legate:2007a,
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:21:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:22:20 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1legate.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {55--101},
	Title = {Morphological and Abstract Case},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article examines the relationship between abstract and morphological case, arguing that morphological case realizes abstract Case features in a postsyntactic morphology, according to the Elsewhere Condition.Aclass of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages is identified wherein intransitive subjects receive abstract nominative Case and transitive objects receive abstract accusative Case; these are realized through a morphological default, which is often mislabeled as absolutive. Further support comes from split ergativity based on a nominal hierarchy, which is shown to have a morphological source. Proposals that case and agreement are purely morphological phenomena are critiqued.}}

@article{Embick:2007a,
	Author = {Embick, David and Marantz, Alec},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:20:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:21:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1embick.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--53},
	Title = {Architecture and Blocking},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We discuss theoretical approaches to blocking effects, with particular emphasis on cases in which words appear to block phrases (and perhaps vice versa). These approaches share at least one intuition: that syntactic and semantic features create possible ``cells'' or slots in which particular items can appear, and that blocking occurs when one such cell is occupied by one form as opposed to another. Accounts of blocking differ along two primary dimensions: the size of the objects that compete with one another (morphemes, words, phrases, sentences); and whether or not ungrammatical forms are taken into consideration in determining the correct output (relatedly, whether otherwise wellformed objects are marked ungrammatical by competition). We argue that blocking in the sense of competition for the expression of syntactic or semantic features is limited to insertion of the phonological exponents of such features (the Vocabulary items of Distributed Morphology) at terminal nodes from the syntax. There is thus no blocking at the word level or above, and no competition between grammatical and ungrammatical structures. The architectural significance of these points is emphasized throughout the discussion.}}

@article{Pope:2007,
	Author = {Pope, Jennifer and Meyerhoff, Miriam and Ladd, D. Robert},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:16:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:17:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3pope.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {615--627},
	Title = {Forty years of language change on {M}artha's {V}ineyard},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This short report presents results from a replication of Labov's study of language variation and language change in progress on Martha's Vineyard (MV). The original paper was revolutionary in many respects: it established that the relationship between social and linguistic variables could be systematically studied, and put forward the construct of apparent time as a means of inferring diachronic change in progress based on synchronic patterns. By drawing on Labov's methods for a restudy of MV forty years later, we establish (i) the validity of apparent-time inferencing, and (ii) the robustness of social indexing for the (ay) and (aw) variables on MV. The results strengthen both methodological and theoretical principles that have become central to (socio)linguistics.}}

@article{Fleck:2007,
	Author = {Fleck, David W.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:14:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:15:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3fleck.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {589--614},
	Title = {Evidentiality and Double Tense in {M}atses},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The Matses language of the Panoan family, spoken in Amazonian Peru and Brazil, has one of the most intricate evidential systems ever described, requiring speakers to precisely and explicitly code their source of information every time they report a past event. In a typologically unique inflectional configuration that I call DOUBLE TENSE the speakers specify both (i) how long ago an inferred event happened and (ii) how long ago the evidence upon which the inference was made was encountered. This article explores in detail the Matses evidential system, focusing on several novel patterns relevant to the typological study of evidentiality and providing social and historical perspectives.}}

@article{Sankoff:2007,
	Author = {Sankoff, Gillian and Blondeau, H{\'e}l{\`e}ne},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:11:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:13:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3sankoff.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {560--588},
	Title = {Language Change Across the Lifespan: /r/ in {M}ontreal {F}rench},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We address the articulation between language change in the historical sense and language change as experienced by individual speakers through a trend and panel study of the change from apical to dorsal /r/ in Montreal French. The community as a whole rapidly advanced its use of dorsal [R]. Most individual speakers followed across time were stable after the critical period, with phonological patterns set by the end of adolescence. A sizeable minority, however, made substantial changes. The window of opportunity for linguistic modification in later life may be expanded with rapid change in progress when linguistic variables take on social significance.}}

@article{Geurts:2007,
	Author = {Geurts, Bart and Nouwen, Rick},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:09:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:11:10 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3geurts.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {533--559},
	Title = {\emph{At Least} et al.: The Semantics of Scalar Modifiers},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {On the naive account of scalar modifiers like more than and at least, At least three girls snored is synonymous with More than two girls snored, and both sentences mean that the number of snoring girls exceeded two (the same, mutatis mutandis, for sentences with at most and less/fewer than). We show that this is false and propose an alternative theory, according to which superlative modifiers (at least/most) are quite different from comparative ones (more/less/fewer than). Whereas the naive theory is basically right about comparative modifiers, it is wrong about superlative modifiers, which we claim have a MODAL meaning: an utterance of At least three girls snored conveys two things: first, that it is CERTAIN that there was a group ofthree snoring girls, and second, that more than four girls MAY have snored. We argue that this analysis explains various facts that are problematic for the naive view, which have to do with specificity, distributional differences between superlative and comparative modifiers, differential patterns of inference licensed by these expressions, and the way they interact with various operators, like modals and negation.}}

@article{Bohnemeyer:2007,
	Author = {Bohnemeyer, J{\"u}rgen and Enfield, Nicholas J. and Essegbey, James and Ebarretxe-Antu{\~n}ano, Iraide and Kita, Sotaro and L{\"u}pke, Friederike and Ameka, Felix K.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:05:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:08:39 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3bohnemeyer.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {495--532},
	Title = {Principles of Event Segmentation in Language: The Case of Motion Events},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We examine universals and crosslinguistic variation in constraints on event segmentation. Previous typological studies have focused on segmentation into syntactic (Pawley 1987) or intonational units (Giv{\'o}n 1991). We argue that the correlation between such units and semantic/conceptual event representations is language-specific. As an alternative, we introduce the MACRO-EVENT PROPERTY (MEP): a construction has the MEP if it packages event representations such that temporal operators necessarily have scope over all subevents. A case study on the segmentation of motion events into macro-event expressions in eighteen genetically and typologically diverse languages has produced evidence of two types of design principles that impact motion-event segmentation: language-specific lexicalization patterns and universal constraints on form-to-meaning mapping.}}

@book{Culicover:2005,
	Author = {Culicover, Peter W. and Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-30 08:46:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-30 08:48:21 -0500},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Simpler Syntax},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Watanabe:1992,
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-21 12:34:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-21 12:36:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Pages = {255--291},
	Title = {Subjacency and {S}-structure movement of \emph{wh}-in-situ},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Broekhuis:2007,
	Author = {Broekhuis, Hans},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:15:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:16:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.2Broekhuis.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {109--141},
	Title = {Object shift and subject shift},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Adopting the hypothesis that both NP-movement of subjects and
scrambling of objects are instances of A-movement, this article aims at
accounting for the similarities and differences between these movements within
the so-called derivation-and-evaluation framework, which combines certain
aspects from the minimalist program and optimality theory.}}

@article{Ackema:2007,
	Author = {Ackema, Peter and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:13:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:14:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.2Ackeman_Neeleman.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {81--107},
	Title = {Restricted pro drop in {E}arly {M}odern {D}utch},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In this paper, we argue that Early Modern Dutch allowed pro
drop, despite the fact that the language has only poor agreement. This
provides a direct counterexample to the standard view that Italian-style pro drop
is subject to a condition of grammatical recoverability (in that the features of pro
must be indexed on the verb). However, pro drop in Early Modern Dutch is
subject to very strict pragmatic conditions, and this, we argue, does follow from
the lack of rich agreement. Basing ourselves on Mira Ariel's Accessibility
Theory, we argue that if fewer features of an omitted subject are grammatically
recoverable, its antecedent must be more salient in discourse. Consequently,
there is an indirect relation between rich agreement and pro drop: rich agreement
facilitates pro drop in more contexts. Since a very limited distribution of
pro drop implies that the rule is vulnerable in diachronic development, the
familiar cross-linguistic generalization can be derived.}}

@article{Wiklund:2007,
	Author = {Wiklund, Anna-Lena and Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn and Bentzen, Kristine and Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:09:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:12:27 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Wiklund_etal.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {203--233},
	Title = {Rethinking {S}candinavian verb movement},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper reconsiders the distribution of verb movement in Scandinavian
in light of new data from Norwegian and Icelandic. The main claim is that Regional
Northern Norwegian displays optional verb movement to the inflectional domain,
whereas Icelandic has no independent verb movement at all to this domain, contrary
to standard assumptions: All verb movement in Icelandic is to the CP domain of the
clause. A remnant movement approach to verb movement is explored and it is
proposed that movement to the CP domain and movement corresponding to V-to-I
movement differ in amount of material pied-piped. The analysis presented captures
the observed differences between the two movements.}}

@article{Lodrup:2007,
	Author = {L{\o}drup, Helge},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:06:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:08:49 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Lodrup.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--201},
	Title = {A new account of simple and complex reflexives in {N}orwegian},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article argues that the complex reflexive in Norwegian has a wider
distribution than is usually assumed in the literature (for example, Hellan 1988).
Both simple and complex reflexives are used in the local domain, which must be
defined as the minimal clause. The simple reflexive is used when the physical aspect
of the referent of the binder is in focus. It is seen as an inalienable denoting the body
of the referent of the binder. Its distribution follows an independently established
binding principle for inalienables, while the complex reflexive is an elsewhere form.}}

@article{Hoeksema:2007,
	Author = {Hoeksema, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:04:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:05:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Hoeksema.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {163--182},
	Title = {Parasitic licensing of negative polarity items},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper proposes a new treatment of parasitically licensed negative
polarity items, based on the idea that indefinite negative polarity items may
optionally incorporate a negative feature from their licenser, and thus acquire the
necessary features to in turn license a negative polarity item. The process of negative
incorporation is that of Klima (Negation in English. In J.A. Fodor and J.J. Katz
(Eds.), The Structure of Language. Readings in the Philosophy of Language,
Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, pp. 246-323, 1964), but now viewed as a
potentially covert operation and offers an alternative to den Dikken's (J. Comp.
Germ. Linguist., 5:35-66, 2002) seminal account of parasitic licensing. Some
advantages of the covert incorporation proposal are sketched, including two
applications outside the area of polarity licensing: adverbial modification by
approximative adverbs, and emphatic reduplication.}}

@book{Safir:2004,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Safir, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-29 17:20:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-29 17:22:00 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {The {S}yntax of {(In)}dependence},
	Year = {2004}}

@book{Gartner:2007,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-29 13:41:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-29 13:42:48 -0500},
	Publisher = {Akademie-Verlag},
	Title = {Generalized Transformations and Beyond},
	Year = {forthcoming}}

@techreport{Sternefeld:2000,
	Author = {Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-28 08:32:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-28 08:33:51 -0500},
	Institution = {Universit{\"a}t T{\"u}bingen},
	Number = {02--00},
	Title = {Semantic vs. Syntactic Reconstruction},
	Type = {SfS-Report},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Hay:2007,
	Author = {Hay, Jennifer and Bauer, Laurie},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:15:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:16:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2hay.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {388--400},
	Title = {Phoneme inventory and population size},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This short report investigates the relationship between population size and phoneme inventory size, and finds a surprisingly robust correlation between the two. The more speakers a language has, the bigger its phoneme inventory is likely to be. We show that this holds for both vowel inventories and consonant inventories. It is not an artifact of language family.}}

@article{Labov:2007,
	Author = {Labov, William},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:13:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:15:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2labov.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {344--387},
	Title = {Transmission and Diffusion},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = { The transmission of linguistic change within a speech community is characterized by incrementation within a faithfully reproduced pattern characteristic of the family tree model, while diffusion across communities shows weakening of the original pattern and a loss of structural features. It is proposed that this is the result of the difference between the learning abilities of children and adults. Evidence is drawn from two studies of geographic diffusion. (i) Structural constraints are lost in the diffusion of the New York City pattern of tensing short-a to four other communities: northern New Jersey, Albany, Cincinnati, and New Orleans. (ii) The spread of the Northern Cities Shift from Chicago to St. Louis is found to represent the borrowing of individual sound changes, rather than the diffusion of the structural pattern as a whole. 

}}

@article{Birner:2007,
	Author = {Birner, Betty J. and Kaplan, Jeffrey P. and Ward, Gregory},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:11:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:13:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2birner.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {317--343},
	Title = {Functional Compositionality and the Interaction of Discourse Constraints},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We argue for the existence of functionally complex constructions whose elements compositionally impose discourse-functional constraints on the use of the whole. In particular, we examine th-clefts (as in That's John who wrote the book), equatives with epistemic would and demonstrative subjects (as in That would be John), and simple equatives with demonstrative subjects (as in That's John). We show that, contra previous approaches, the latter two constructions need not be analyzed as truncated clefts. Rather, the properties that these constructions share with th-clefts can be straightforwardly accounted for as the sum of the constraints on their shared elements---that is, the equative construction, the demonstrative subject, and the presence of a contextually salient open proposition. The convergence of these elemental properties in each of these three constructions results in the possibility of the demonstrative being used to refer to the instantiation of the variable in the open proposition, which in turn predicts a complex of distributional behaviors shared by precisely the constructions that share these properties. Because these distributional behaviors can be straightforwardly explained in terms of this functional compositionality, the motivation for a truncated-cleft analysis disappears. These results support the view that not all functional properties must be learned on a construction-by-construction basis; instead, the discourse functions of an utterance are built up compositionally from those of its parts.}}

@article{Zuraw:2007,
	Author = {Zuraw, Kie},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:09:52 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:11:28 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2zuraw.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {277--316},
	Title = {The Role of Phonetic Knowledge in Phonological Patterning: Corpus and Survey Evidence from {T}agalog Infixation},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {A current controversy in phonological theory concerns the explanation of crosslinguistic tendencies. It is often assumed that crosslinguistic tendencies are explained by mental bias: a pattern is common because it is favored by learners/speakers. But work by Blevins and colleagues in EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY has argued that many crosslinguistic tendencies can be explained without positing such bias. This would mean that crosslinguistic tendencies cannot be unproblematically used as evidence about the mental machinery that humans bring to learning and using language. In response, many researchers have looked at different types of data, such as processing, learning of real and artificial languages, and literary invention. This article presents another type of data: extension of native-language phonology to words with novel phonological structure, in this case infixation in Tagalog into loanwords with novel initial consonant clusters. The data come from a written corpus and a survey. Tagalog speakers' treatment of these clusters parallels Fleischhacker's crosslinguistic findings of cluster splittability. This article argues that explaining the data requires attributing to Tagalog speakers phonetic knowledge and a bias about how to apply that knowledge.}}

@article{Beaver:2007,
	Author = {Beaver, David and Clark, Brady Zack and Flemming, Edward and Jaeger, T. Florian and Wolters, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:06:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:09:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2beaver.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {245--276},
	Title = {When Semantics Meets Phonetics: Acoustical Studies of Second-Occurrence Focus},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {A second-occurrence (SO) focus is the semantic focus of a focus-sensitive operator (e.g. only), but is a repeat of anearlier focused occurrence. We report onthe first systematic productionan d perception experiments to show that SO foci occurring after a nuclear accent are, as Rooth (1996b) has claimed, prosodically marked. We find that (i) there is no mean pitch rise on SO foci, (ii) SO foci are marked by longer duration and greater energy, and (iii) listeners are able to detect the difference between SO foci and nonfoci. On the basis of these results, we argue that SO focus is compatible with theories of focus interpretationthat it has beenclaimed to contradict.}}

@article{Friedmann:2007,
	Author = {Friedmann, Na'ama},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:00:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:02:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {377--422},
	Title = {Young Children and {A}-chains: The Acquisition of {H}ebrew {U}naccusatives},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Pouscoulous:2007,
	Author = {Pouscoulous, Nausicaa and Noveck, Ira and Politzer, Guy and Bastide, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 08:59:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:00:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {347--375},
	Title = {A Developmental Investigation of Processing Costs in Implicature Production},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hernandez:2007,
	Author = {Hern{\'a}ndez, Ana Carrera},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-16 10:06:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-16 10:07:03 -0500},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Lingua/Lingua117(12)_Hernandez.pdf},
	Number = {12},
	Pages = {2106--2133},
	Title = {Gapping as a syntactic dependency},
	Volume = {117},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boersma:2007,
	Author = {Boersma, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-16 09:57:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-16 10:03:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Lingua/Lingua117(12)_Boersma.pdf},
	Number = {12},
	Pages = {1989--2054},
	Title = {Some listerner-oriented accounts of h-aspir{\'e} in {F}rench},
	Volume = {117},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article shows that the usual speaker-based account of h-aspire in French can explain at most three of the 
four phonological processes in which it is involved, whereas a listener-oriented account can explain all of them. 
On a descriptive level, the behaviour of h-aspire is accounted for with a grammar model that involves a control 
loop, whose crucial ingredient is listener-oriented faithfulness constraints. These constraints evaluate 
phonological recoverability, which is the extent to which the speaker thinks the listener will be able to 
recover the phonological message. On a more reductionist level, however, the pronunciation of h-aspire and its 
variation is accounted for with a new, very simple, grammar model for bidirectional phonology and phonetics, 
which uses a single constraint set for the four processes of perception, recognition, phonological production, 
and phonetic implementation, and in which phonological and phonetic production are evaluated in parallel. In 
this model, the phenomenon of phonological recoverability is not built in, as in control-loop grammars, but 
emerges from the interaction of four equally simple learning algorithms.}}

@article{Legate:2007,
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne and Yang, Charles},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:37:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:38:09 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {315--344},
	Title = {Morphosyntactic Learning and the Development of Tense},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Green:2007,
	Author = {Green, Lisa and Roeper, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:32:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:33:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {269--313},
	Title = {The Acquisition Path for Tense-Aspect: Remote Past and Habitual in Child {A}frican {A}merican {E}nglish},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article considers the comprehension of tense-aspect markers remote base BIN and habitual \emph{be} by 3- to 5-year old developing African American English (AAE)-speaking children and their Southwest Louisiana Vernacular English (SwLVE)-speaking peers. Overall both groups of children associated BIN with the distant past; however, the AAE-speaking children were twice as likely to give a distant past response on the ``BIN went'' task. These results are discussed in terms of event realization, the Aspect Hypothesis, and feature agreement. We delineate a path that uses the lexical part ofthe Aspect Hypothesis, teh role of sematnics in defining the end stat of a refined aspectual system, and an interface bweteen syntax and semantics to explain subtel steps involving agreement in the acquisition process. Teh AAE-speaking children scored significantly higher on the habitual \emph{be} tasks than the SwLVE-speaking children, whose scores were not significantly different from chance. The results suggest that the AAE-speaking children have developing native knowledge of habitual `be' and are beginning to associate it with eventualities that recur.}}

@article{Hyams:2007,
	Author = {Hyams, Nina},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:27:54 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:28:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {231--268},
	Title = {Aspectual Effects on Interpretation in Early Grammar},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on the temporal and modal meanings associated with root infinitives (RIs) and other non-finite clauses in several typologically diverse languages --- English, Russian, Greek and Dutch. I discuss the role that event structure, aspect and modality play in the interpretation of these clauses. The basic hypothesis is that in the absence of a tense specificaiton, the temporal reference of non-finite clauses is determined by the event structure of the predicate, in particular by the property of event closure. General principles of aspectual interpretation, such as the Puctuality Constraint (Giorgi and Pianesi 1997) and the Default Anchoring Requirement (a special case of a broader requirement that all clauses be temporally interpreted) interact with the particular aspectual features of hte target langauge to explain the cross-linguistic differences in the temporal interpretation (past/present/modal) non-finite clauses.}}

@article{Pires:2007,
	Author = {Pires, Acrisio},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 07:49:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 07:50:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Pires.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {165--203},
	Title = {The Derivation of Clausal Gerunds},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = { This paper investigates the syntax of clausal gerunds---a class of gerunds that 
can have either a null subject or an overt DP Case-marked with accusative or 
nominative. First, it addresses the difficulty of accounting for gerunds that allow both 
null and overt subjects in principles and parameters/minimalist approaches to Case and 
control. Second, the paper explores the existence of a common structure for the two 
clausal gerunds, supported by the absence of empirical distinctions in their feature 
specification, especially regarding tense. Third, the paper introduces new observations 
about the distribution of clausal gerunds and argues that the complex alternations and 
restrictions on their distribution results from the interaction between Case and 
Agreement valuation, the limited possibility of A-movement out of a clausal gerund, 
and convergence considerations resulting from the existence of distinct numerations}}

@article{Boeckx:2007,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Grohmann, Kleanthes K.},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 07:46:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 07:47:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Boeckx.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {204--222},
	Title = {Remark: Putting Phases in Perspective},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Landau:2007,
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 17:16:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 17:18:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Landau.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {127--164},
	Title = {Constraints on Partial {VP}-Fronting},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Partial VP-fronting, in which a verb is fronted with one argument, stranding
the other one, is subject to a curious restriction in both Hebrew and English: The fronted
VP-portion must be a potential independent VP in the language. It is shown that both
incremental merger and remnant VP-fronting cannot explain the restriction, whereas an
analysis incorporating late adjunction of the stranded argument can. Late adjunction,
in turn, cannot apply too deeply, which explains why the same set of environments
inaccessible to partial VP-fronting force adjunct reconstruction. The analysis implies
that not only Spell-Out, but also interpretive constraints, like the Theta-Criterion, apply at the
phase level. Furthermore, Condition A is shown to be another such constraint.}}

@article{Kallulli:2007,
	Author = {Kallulli, Dalina},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:53:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:54:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {770--780},
	Title = {Rethinking the Passive/Anticausative Distinction},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Gouskova:2007,
	Author = {Gouskova, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:52:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:53:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {759--770},
	Title = {Dep: Beyond Epenthesis},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Flack:2007,
	Author = {Flack, Kathryn},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:50:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:51:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {749--758},
	Title = {Templatic Morphology and Indexed Markedness Constraints},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zonneveld:2007,
	Author = {Zonneveld, Wim},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:46:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:47:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {737--748},
	Title = {Dutch 2nd Singular Prosodic Weakening: Two Rejoinders},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article examines the arguments for, and rejects, the proposal by Ackema and Neeleman (2003) that the behavior of the Dutch 2nd person singular pronoun `jij' in inverted structures should be explained as morphosyntactic allomorphy, conditioned by ``initial'' prosodic phrasing prior to Spell-Out. First, by neutralizing (under inversion) the distinction between 2sg and 1sg present tense verb forms, the proposal makes an incorrect prediction for a well-known class of ``strong'' verbs. Second, ``initial'' prosody does not appear to condition the process. Benmamoun and Lorimer's (2006) ``overapplication'' data for this phenomenon are shown to result from an incorrect interpretation of ``d-weakening'' verbs.}}

@article{Mascaro:2007,
	Author = {Mascar{\'o}, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:43:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:44:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {715--735},
	Title = {External Allomorphy and Lexical Representation},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same time show a regular phonological distribution. Standard approaches cannot deal with these cases because they must either resort to diacritic features or list regular phonological contexts as idiosyncratic. These problems can be overcome if we assume that allomorphs are lexically organized as a partially ordered set. If no ordering is established, allomorphic choice is determined by the phonology --- in particular, by the emergence of the unmarked (TETU). In other cases, TETU effects are insufficient, and lexical ordering determines the preference for dominant allomorphs.}}

@article{Neeleman:2007,
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Kriszta Szendroi},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:38:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:43:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {671--714},
	Title = {Radical Pro Drop and the Morphology of Pronouns},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We propose a new generalization governing the crosslinguistic distribution of radical pro drop (the type of pro drop found in Chinese). It occurs only in langauges whose pronouns are agglutinating for case, number, or some other nominal feature. Other types of languages cannot omit pronouns freely, althought they may have agreement-based pro drop. This generalization can for the most part be derived from three assumptions. (a) Spell-out rules for pronouns may target nonterminal categories. (b) Pro drop is zero spell-out (i.e., deletion) of regular pronouns. (c) Competition between spell-out rules is governed by the Elsewhere Principle. A full derivaiton relies on an acquisitional strategy motivated by the absence of negative evidence. We test our proposal using data from a sample of twenty langauges and ``The World Atlas of Language Structures'' (Haspelmath et al. 2005).}}

@article{Miyagawa:2007,
	Author = {Miyagawa, Shigeru and Koji Arikawa},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:35:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:36:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {645--670},
	Title = {Locality in Syntax and Floating Numeral Quantifiers},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {We defend the idea that a floating quantifier observes syntactic locality with its associated noun phrase. This idea has given rise to a number of important empirical insights, including the VP-internal subject position, intermediate traces, and NP-traces. Recently, this syntactic locality of floating quantifiers has been questioned in a number of languages. We take up evidence from Japanese that purports to disprove the locality requirements on floating numeral quantifiers and their associated NP, and we demonstrate that the arguments in fact give evidence for syntactic locality, not against it. Our conclusions suggest that evidence agaist the locality of floating quantifiers given in other langauges should be reexamined.}}

@article{Boskovic:2007,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:25:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:34:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {589--644},
	Title = {On the Locality and Motivation of {M}ove and {A}gree: An Even More Minimal Theory},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The article proposes a new thoery of successive-cyclic movement that reconciles the early and current minimalist approaches to it. As in the early approach, there is not feature checking in intermediate positions of successive-cyclic movement. However, as in the current approach and unlike in early minimalism, successive-cyclic movement starts before teh final target of movement enters the structure, and Form Chain is eliminated. The locality of Move and the locality of Agree are shown to be radically different, Agree being free from several mechanisms that constrain Move, namely, phases and the Activation Condition. However, there is no need to take phases to define locality domains of syntax or to posit the Activation Condition as an independent principle. They still hold empirically for Move as theorems. The Generalized EPP (the "I need a Spec" property of attracting heads) and the Inverse Case Filter are also dispensable. The traditional Case Filter, stated as a checking requirement, is the sole driving force of A-movement. More generally, Move is always driven by a formal inadequacy (an uninterpretable feature) of the moving element, while Agree is target driven. The system resolves a lookahead problem that arises under the EPP-driven movement approach, where the EPP diacritic indicating that X moves is placed on Y, not X, although X often needs to start moving before Y enters the structure.}}

@unpublished{Merchant:2007,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2007-10-24 09:59:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-10-24 10:00:36 -0400},
	Month = {February},
	Note = {Unpublished manuscript, University of Chicago},
	Title = {Voice and Ellipsis},
	Year = {2007}}

@unpublished{Vries:2007,
	Author = {de Vries, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-20 15:20:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-20 15:21:53 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, University of Groningen},
	Title = {Internal and External Remerge: On Movement, Multidominance, and the Linearization of Syntactic Objects},
	Year = {2007}}

@phdthesis{Blevins:1990,
	Author = {Blevins, James},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-20 15:13:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-20 15:14:39 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {Syntactic Complexity: Evidence for Discontinuity and Multidomination},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Kuwabara:1997,
	Address = {Chiba},
	Author = {Kuwabara, Kazuki},
	Booktitle = {Researching and Verifying an Advanced Theory of Human Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-18 20:20:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-18 20:21:49 -0400},
	Editor = {Inoue, Kazuo},
	Pages = {61--84},
	Publisher = {Kanda University of International Studies},
	Title = {On the Properties of Truncated Clauses in {J}apanese},
	Year = {1997}}

@unpublished{Kratzer:2006,
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-18 19:23:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-18 19:24:40 -0400},
	Month = {July},
	Note = {talk given at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem},
	Title = {Decomposing Attitude Verbs},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Nerbonne:1990,
	Author = {Nerbonne, John and Iida, Masayo and Ladusaw, William},
	Booktitle = {The Proceedings of the Ninth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-12 07:12:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-12 07:14:34 -0400},
	Editor = {Halpern, Aaron L.},
	Pages = {379--394},
	Title = {Semantics of Common {N}oun {P}hrase Anaphora},
	Year = {1990}}

@unpublished{Taraldsen:1978a,
	Author = {Taraldsen, Knut Tarald},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 22:20:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 22:21:47 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished paper, {MIT}},
	Title = {On the {NIC}, vacuous application and the that-trace filter},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Hockett:1952,
	Author = {Hockett, Charles F.},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 09:55:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 09:56:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Studies in Linguistics},
	Pages = {27--39},
	Title = {A formal statement of morphemic analysis},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1952}}

@book{Harris:1951,
	Author = {Harris, Zellig},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 09:53:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 09:54:29 -0400},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	Title = {Methods in Structural Linguistics},
	Year = {1951}}

@inproceedings{Perlmutter:1978,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David},
	Booktitle = {Berkeley Linguistic Society},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-03 14:41:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-03 14:42:51 -0400},
	Organization = {University of California, Berkeley},
	Pages = {157--189},
	Title = {Impersonal Passives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis},
	Volume = {{IV}},
	Year = {1978}}

@book{Pires:2006,
	Address = {Amsterdam/Philadelphia},
	Author = {Pires, Acrisio},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-03 12:23:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-03 12:24:23 -0400},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {The {M}inimalist Syntax of {D}efective {D}omains},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Bobaljik:2003,
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan},
	Booktitle = {The Second {Glot} {I}nternational State-of-the-Article Book},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Sybesma, Rint},
	Pages = {107--148},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Floating Quantifiers: Handle with care},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Blom:2007,
	Author = {Blom, Elma},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--113},
	Title = {Modality, Infinitives, and Finite Bare Verbs in {D}utch and {E}nglish Language},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article focuses on the meaning of nonfinite clauses (``root infinitives'') in Dutch and English child language. I present experimental and naturalistic data confirming the claim that Dutch root infinitives are more often modal than English root infinitives. This cross-linguistic difference is significatly smaller than previously assumed, however. Explaining the observations, I assume that morphology operates separately from syntax and semantics (Beard (1982; 1995)) and rely on teh notion of underspecification (Halle and Marantz (1993), Harley and Noyer (1999)). It is argued that the Dutch infinitival verb and the English bare verb are both underspecified vocabulary items that can be inserted in various syntactic contexts. Syntactic difference between Dutch and English result in the includion of tensed root infinitives in English, whereas Dutch root infinitives are limited to untensed clauses. This proposal accounts for cross-linguistic differences in the meaning of root infinitives, cross-linguistic differences in type of verbal predicate, variability in the meaning of root infinitives, and patterns in subject selection.}}

@article{Bohnacker:2007,
	Author = {Bohnacker, Ute},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:11:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {31--73},
	Title = {On the ``Vulnerability'' of Syntactic Domains in {S}wedish and {G}erman},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article investigates the L2 acquisition of clausal syntax in postpuberty learners of German and Swedish regarding V2, VP headedness, and verb particle constructions. The learner data are tested against L2 theories according to which lower structural projections (VP) are acquired before higher functional projections (IP, CP), VP syntax is unproblematic (`invulnerable'), but where grammatical operations related tot he topmost level of syntactic structure (CP) are acquired late (e.g., Platzacks' (2001) `vulnerable C-domain'). It is shown that such theories do not hold water: Native speakers of Swedish learning German and native speakers of German learning Swedish both master V2 from early on. At the same time, these learners exhibit a nontargetlike syntax at lower structural levels: residual VO int eh case of hte swedish-L2 learners of German, and persistent nontarget transitive verb particle constructions in the German-L1 learners of Swedish. I argue that these findings are best explained by assuming full transfer of L1 syntax (e.g., Schwart an Sprouse (1996)).}}

@article{Matsuo:2007,
	Author = {Matsuo, Ayumi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--29},
	Title = {Differing Interpretations of Empty Categories in {E}nglish and {J}apanese {VP} Ellipsis Contexts},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Schneider-Zioga:2007,
	Author = {Schneider-Zioga, Patricia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Schneider.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {403--446},
	Title = {Anti-agreement, anti-locality and Minimality},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Anti-agreement is the phenomenon whereby the morphosyntactic form of
subject/verb agreement is sensitive to whether or not an agreeing subject has been
locally extracted. This paper argues that, together with an anti-locality constraint on
movement (Grohmann, 2003) which prohibits overly local movement as elaborated
in (i--v), the occurrence of a canonically left dislocated subject in anti-agreement languages
accounts for all syntax peculiar to the phenomenon in the Bantu language of
Kinande: (i) subjects can extract long-distance even across islands; (ii) subjects are
locally unextractable if the canonical subject/verb agreement occurs; (iii) local subject
extraction requires a change in subject/verb agreement morphology; (iv) objects
cannot locally extract even if they appear to do so; and (v) objects can extract longdistance;
however, they are sensitive to islands. Evidence comes from an analysis of
the distribution of nominal expressions in the language as well as in-depth examination
of two different wh-question formation strategies in the language. This study also
reveals that the last resort strategy in a language is relativized to what is first resort: if
resumption is first resort, movement is last resort, and vice versa.}}

@article{Ormazabal:2007,
	Author = {Ormazabal, Javier and Romero, Juan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Ormazabal_Romero.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {315--347},
	Title = {The Object Areement Constraint},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper deals with the so-called Person Case Constraint (Bonet, 1991),
a universal constraint blocking accusative clitics and object agreement morphemes
other than third person when a dative is inserted in the same clitic/agreement cluster.
The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we argue that the scope of the PCC is considerably
broader than assumed in previous work, and that neither its formulation in terms
of person (1st/2nd vs. 3rd)-case (accusative vs. dative) restrictions nor its morphological
nature are part of the right descriptive generalization.We present evidence (i) that
the PCC is triggered by the presence of an animacy feature in the object's agreement
set; (ii) that it is not case dependent, also showing up in languages that lack dative case;
and (iii) that it is not morphologically bound. Second, we argue that the PCC, even if
it is modified accordingly, still puts together two different properties of the agreement
system that should be set apart: (i) a cross-linguistic sensitivity of object agreement
to animacy and (ii) a similarly widespread restriction on multiple object agreement
observed crosslinguistically. These properties lead us to propose a new generalization,
the Object Agreement Constraint (OAC): if the verbal complex encodes object
agreement, no other argument can be licensed through verbal agreement.}}

@article{Nevins:2007,
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Nevins.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {273--313},
	Title = {The Representation of Third Person and it Consequences for Person-Case Effects},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In modeling the effects of the Person-Case Constraint (PCC), a common
claim is that 3rd person ``is not a person''. However, while this claim does work in
the syntax, it creates problems in the morphology. For example, characterizing the
well-known ``spurious se effect'' in Spanish simply cannot be done without reference
to 3rd person. Inspired by alternatives to underspecification that have emerged in
phonology (e.g., Calabrese, 1995), a revised featural system is proposed, whereby
syntactic agreement may be relativized to certain values of a feature, in particular,
the contrastive and marked values. The range of variation in PCC effects is shown
to emerge as a consequence of the parametric options allowed on a Probing head,
whereas the representation of person remains constant across modules of the grammar
and across languages.}}

@article{Gutierrez-Bravo:2007,
	Author = {Guti{\`e}rrez-Bravo, Rodrigo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Gutierrez.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {235--271},
	Title = {Prominence Scales and Unmarked Word Order in {S}panish},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper deals with a number of facts related to the word order of Spanish
declarative clauses and develops an analysis where the unmarked word order of
Spanish clauses with different classes of verbs is not determined by syntactic conditions
such as Case or agreement, but rather by structural conditions that are closely
related to the thematic role of the different arguments of the verb. The analysis is
based on a set of data that point to the conclusion that even though unmarked word
order in Spanish is not determined by Case or agreement considerations, it is still
mostly regulated by the EPP. However, these same data indicate that (a) the EPP
is a requirement operative in some constructions but not in others, and (b) phrases
other than the subject DP can satisfy the EPP. This paper develops an Optimality
Theoretic account of these facts where the core of the analysis consists of introducing
the notion of the Pole of the clause, defined as the highest specifier of the inflectional
layer, and developing a set of markedness constraints whose interaction determines
when and whether this specifier position is occupied. Central to this analysis are the
characterization of the EPP as a violable constraint that requires the Pole specifier to
be filled, and the use of Harmonic Alignment to formalize a hierarchy of markedness
constraints that target the relative markedness of an argument or adjunct when it
occupies the Pole specifier, independently of the grammatical relation it bears.}}

@incollection{Klima:1964,
	Author = {Klima, Edward S.},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of Language: Readings in the Philosophy of Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Fodor, Jerry A. and Katz, Jerrold J.},
	Pages = {246--323},
	Publisher = {Prentice Hall},
	Title = {Negation in {E}nglish},
	Year = {1964}}

@incollection{Langacker:1969,
	Author = {Langacker, Ronald W.},
	Booktitle = {Modern Studies in {E}nglish},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Reibel, David A. and Schane, Sandford A.},
	Pages = {160--186},
	Publisher = {Prentice Hall},
	Title = {On Pronominalization and the Chain of Command},
	Year = {1969}}

@article{McCawley:1968a,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {286--299},
	Title = {English as a {VSO} Language},
	Volume = {46},
	Year = {1970}}

@incollection{Fukui:1986a,
	Author = {Fukui, Naoki and Speas, Margaret},
	Booktitle = {{MIT} Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Fukui, Naoki and Rapoport, Tova R. and Sagey, Elizabeth},
	Pages = {128--172},
	Publisher = {Department of Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Title = {Specifiers and Projection},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Lasnik:1977,
	Author = {Lasnik, Howard and Kupin, J.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {173--196},
	Title = {A Restrictive Theory of Transformational Grammar},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1977}}

@incollection{Chomsky:1970,
	Address = {Waltham, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Chomsky, Noam},
	Booktitle = {Readings in {E}nglish Transformational Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobs, J. and P. Rosenbaum},
	Pages = {184--221},
	Publisher = {Ginn},
	Title = {Remarks on Nominalization},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Ladfoged:2007,
	Author = {Ladfoged, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.1ladefoged01.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {161--180},
	Title = {Articulatory Features for Describing Lexical Distinctions},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The sounds that distinguish words in the world's languages can be described in terms of properties that are often called (distinctive) features. The best-known attempts to describe sounds in this way are the acoustic features of Jakobson, Fant, and Halle (1952) and the innate cognitive abilities described by the feature theory of Chomsky and Halle (1968). This article provides a more comprehensive answer to the problem of specifying contrasting segments, but one that still leaves some questions open. It also considers the constraints on possible combinations of features, using a development of the notion of a feature hierarchy suggested by Clements (1985)}}

@article{Alexopoulou:2007,
	Author = {Alexopoulou, Theodora and Keller, Frank},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.1alexopoulou.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {110--160},
	Title = {Locality, Cyclicity, and Resumption: At the Interface between the Grammar and Human Sentence Processor},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = { We present an experimental investigation of the role of resumptive pronouns. We investigate object extraction in WH-questions for a range of syntactic configurations (nonislands, weak islands, strong islands) and for multiple levels of embedding (single, double, and triple). In order to establish the crosslinguistic properties of resumption, parallel experiments were conducted in three languages, viz. English, Greek, and German. Three main experimental results are reported. First, resumption does not remedy island violations: resumptive pronominals are at most as acceptable as gaps, but not more acceptable. This result disconfirms claims in the literature that resumptives can `save' island violations. Second, embedding reduces acceptability even in extraction out of nonislands and declaratives, structures standardly assumed to be fully grammatical. Third, nonislands and weak islands pattern together and contrast with strong islands in terms of the effect of resumption and embedding. Our experimental findings show a remarkable consistency across the three languages we investigate; crosslinguistic variation appears confined to quantitative differences in crosslinguistically identical principles. We argue that these experimental results can be explained by the interaction of grammatical principles with resource limitations of the human parser. In particular, extraction from nonislands and weak islands imposes increased demands on the computational resources of the parser. We extend Gibson's (1998) syntactic prediction locality theory in order to formalize this intuition and account for the processing complexity of A-bar dependencies.

}}

@article{Jager:2007,
	Author = {J{\"a}ger, Gerhard},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.1jager.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {74--109},
	Title = {Evolutionary Game Theory and Typology: A Case Study},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article deals with the typology of the case marking of semantic core roles. The competing economy considerations of hearer (disambiguation) and speaker (minimal effort) are formalized in terms of EVOLUTIONARY GAME THEORY. It is shown that the case-marking patterns that are attested in the languages of the world are those that are evolutionarily stable for different relative weightings of speaker economy and hearer economy, given the statistical patterns of language use that were extracted from corpora of naturally occurring conversations.}}

@article{Bickel:2007,
	Author = {Bickel, Balthasar and Banjade, Goma and Gaenszle, Martin and Lieven, Elena and Paudyal, Netra Prasad and Rai, Ichchha Purna and Rai, Manoj and Rai, Novel Kishore and Stoll, Sabine},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.1bickel.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--73},
	Title = {Free Prefix Ordering in {C}hintang},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article demonstrates prefix permutability in Chintang (Sino-Tibetan, Nepal) that is not constrained by any semantic or morphosyntactic structure, or by any dialect, sociolect, or idiolect choice---a phenomenon ruled out by standard assumptions about grammatical words. The prefixes are fully fledged parts of grammatical words and are different from clitics on a large number of standard criteria. The analysis of phonological word domains suggests that prefix permutability is a side-effect of prosodic subcategorization: prefixes occur in variable orders because each prefix and each stem element project a phonological word of their own, and each such word can host a prefix, at any position.}}

@article{Corbett:2007,
	Author = {Corbett, Greville G.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.1corbett.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {8--42},
	Title = {Canonical Typology, Suppletion, and Possible Words},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {I specify a typology for the extreme of inflectional morphology, namely suppletion (as in go ~ went). This is an unusual enterprise within typology, and it requires a `canonical' approach. That is, I define the canonical or best instance, through a set of converging criteria, and use this point in theoretical space to locate the various occurring types. Thus the criteria establish the dimensions along which specific instances of suppletion are found, allowing me to calibrate examples out from the canonical. The criteria fall into two main areas, those internal to the lexeme and those external to it. Moreover, I find interactions with other morphological phenomena and discuss four of them: syncretism, periphrasis, overdifferentiation, and reduplication. These remarkable instances of suppletion, particularly when in interaction with other phenomena, extend the boundary of the notion `possible word'. Besides laying out the possibilities for the specific phenomenon of suppletion, I show how a canonical approach allows progress in typology, even in the most challenging areas.}}

@article{Barlow:2007,
	Author = {Barlow, Jessica A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Keywords = {library},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {121--164},
	Title = {Grandfather Effects: A Longitudinal Case Study of the Phonological Acquisition of Intervocalic Consonants in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@inproceedings{Nevins:2003,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew and Pranav Anand},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 22},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Tsujimura, M.},
	Pages = {370--383},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {Some {AGREE}ment Matters},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Tanaka:2007,
	Author = {Tanaka, Tomoyuki},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.1Tanaka.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {25--67},
	Title = {The rise of lexical subjects in {E}nglish infinitives},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Bouma:2007,
	Author = {Bouma, Gosse and Hendricks, Petra and Hoeksema, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.1Bouma_etal.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--24},
	Title = {Focus Particles Inside {P}repositional {P}hrases: A Comparison of {D}utch, {E}nglish, and {G}erman},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Johannessen:1998,
	Author = {Johannessen, Janne Bondi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Coordination},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Derbyshire:1981,
	Author = {Derbyshire, Desmond C. and Pullum, Geoffrey},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {International Journal of American Linguistics},
	Pages = {192--214},
	Title = {Object-initial languages},
	Volume = {47},
	Year = {1981}}

@inproceedings{Munn:1994,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Munn, Alan},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the {N}orth {E}ast {L}inguistic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Gonz{\`a}lez, Merc{\`e}},
	Pages = {397--410},
	Publisher = {Graduate Linguistic Student Association},
	Title = {A Minimalist Account of Reconstuction Asymmetries},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {1994}}

@unpublished{Fox:2006,
	Author = {Fox, Danny and Pesetsky, David},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Note = {talk given Berlin},
	Title = {Cyclic Linearization of Shared Material},
	Year = {2006}}

@unpublished{Bachrach:2006,
	Author = {Bachrach, Asaf and Katzir, Roni},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Month = {August},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, {MIT}},
	Title = {Right-Node Raising and Delayed Spellout},
	Year = {2006}}

@unpublished{Frampton:2006,
	Author = {Frampton, John},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Month = {April},
	Note = {talk at Harvard University},
	Title = {The remerger theory of movement},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Sabbagh:2007,
	Author = {Sabbagh, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Sabbagh.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {349--401},
	Title = {Ordering and Linearizing Rightward Movement},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper offers a novel solution to an old problem concerning Right
Node Raising constructions---namely, that Right Node Raising constructions seem to
involve an unbounded application of (Across-the-Board) rightward movement that
flies in the face of certain locality constraints on movement generally, as well as the
locality constraint on (simple) rightward movement in particular. Despite these apparent
challenges, I argue in this paper that RNR constructions are in fact movement
derived. I propose that the apparent unbounded nature of the movement involved in
RNR follows from the simple fact that rightward movement is actually, in principle,
an unbounded type ofmovement. I propose, in addition, to analyze those cases where
rightward movement appears to be bounded as the result of a derivational constraint
proposed in recent work by Fox and Pesetsky (2004) which demands that certain
instances of movement be order preserving.}}

@incollection{Wilder:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:17:33 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {229--258},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Shared Constituents and Linearization},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Anand:2006,
	Author = {Anand, Pranav and Nevins, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Ergativity: Emerging Issues},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Johns, Alana and Massam, Diane and Ndayiragije, Juv{\'e}nal},
	Pages = {3--25},
	Publisher = {Springer},
	Title = {The locus of {E}rgative Case Assignment: Evidence from Scope},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Dryer:1996,
	Author = {Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Booktitle = {Handbook on Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobs, J.},
	Pages = {1050--1065},
	Publisher = {Walter de Gruyter},
	Title = {Word Order Typology},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Dryer:1991,
	Author = {Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Linguistics},
	Pages = {443--482},
	Title = {{SVO} Languages and the {OV/VO} Typology},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {1991}}

@incollection{Dryer:2007,
	Author = {Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Booktitle = {Clause Structure: Language Typology and Syntactic Description},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Shopen, Timothy},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Word Order},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2007}}

@incollection{Dryer:2005a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Booktitle = {The World Atlas of Language Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Haspelmath, Martin and Dryer, Matthew S. and Comrie, Bernard},
	Pages = {334-335},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Order of Subject and Verb},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Dryer:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Booktitle = {The World Atlas of Language Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Haspelmath, Martin and Dryer, Matthew S. and Comrie, Bernard},
	Pages = {378--379},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Position of Interrogative Phrases in Content Questions},
	Year = {2005}}

@unpublished{Giannakidou:2002a,
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia and Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Month = {May},
	Note = {paper presented at the Maryland Mayfest},
	Title = {Modularity in the {M}inimalist {P}rogram},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Freidin:1986,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Freidin, Robert},
	Booktitle = {Studies in the Acquisition of Anaphora},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Lust, Barbara},
	Pages = {151--188},
	Publisher = {Reidel},
	Title = {Fundamental Issues in the Theory of Binding},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1986}}

@unpublished{Fitzpatrick:2005,
	Author = {Fitzpatrick, Justin and Groat, Erich},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Month = {March},
	Note = {paper presented at ECO5},
	Title = {The Timing of Syntactic Operations: Phases, C-command, Remerger, and {L}ebeaux Effects},
	Year = {2005}}

@unpublished{Frampton:2004,
	Author = {Frampton, John},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, Northwestern University},
	Title = {Copies, Traces, Occurrences, and all that: Evidence from {B}ulgarian multiple \emph{wh}-phenomena},
	Year = {2004}}

@book{Geach:1962,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Geach, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Publisher = {Cornell University Press},
	Title = {Reference and Generality},
	Year = {1962}}

@article{Kratzer:1990a,
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {273--324},
	Title = {Uniqueness},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Kratzer:2007,
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Booktitle = {The {S}tanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Title = {Situations in Natural Language Semantics},
	Year = {to appear}}

@book{Rothstein:2004,
	Author = {Rothstein, Susan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishing},
	Title = {Structuring Events},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Higginbotham:1983a,
	Author = {Higginbotham, James},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Philosophy},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {100--127},
	Title = {The Logic of Perceptual Reports: An Extensional Alternative to Situation Semantics},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {1983}}

@article{Hornstein:2007,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2hornstein.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {410--411},
	Title = {A Very Short Note on Existential Constructions},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hansson:2007,
	Author = {Hansson, Gunnar {\'O}lafur},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2hansson.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {395--409},
	Title = {Blocking Effects in Agreement by Correspondence},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Han:2007a,
	Author = {Han, Chung-Hye and Lee, Chungmin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2han.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {373--394},
	Title = {On Negative Imperatives in {K}orean},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Haddad:2007,
	Author = {Haddad, Youssef A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2haddad.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {363--372},
	Title = {Subject Anaphors: Exempt or Non Exempt?},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Almeida:2007,
	Author = {Almeida, Diogo A. de A. and Yoshida, Masaya},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2almeida.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {349--362},
	Title = {A Problem for the Preposition Stranding Generalization},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Adger:2007a,
	Author = {Adger, David},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2adger.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {343--349},
	Title = {Pronouns Postpose at {PF}},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Giorgi:2007,
	Author = {Giorgi, Alessandra},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2giorgi.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {321--342},
	Title = {On the Nature of Long-Distance Anaphors},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Dikken:2007,
	Author = {Dikken, Marcel den},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2dikken.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {302--320},
	Title = {Amharic Relatives and Possessives: Definiteness, Agreement, and the Linker},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Ouhalla's (2004) valuable discussion of relativized and possessed noun
phrases in Amharic leaves a number of questions open. Foremost
among these is the placement of the linker element ya. Starting from
an analysis of relative clauses and possessors as predicates of their
``heads,'' this article develops a syntax of complex noun phrases in
Amharic that explains the raison d'etre and placement of ya, and also
accommodates facts about definiteness marking and agreement in the
Amharic complex noun phrase that have hitherto largely escaped attention
or analysis. The analysis emphasizes the role of Predicate Inversion
and head movement in syntax, and it confirms and extends the
minimalist Agree-and phase-based approach to syntactic relationships.}}

@article{Bhatt:2007,
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh and Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2bhatt.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {287-301},
	Title = {Rightward Scrambling as Rightward Remnant Movement},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Mahajan (1997) and Simpson and Bhattacharya (2003) analyze Indo-
Aryan languages such as Hindi-Urdu and Bangla as SVO. We argue
against this position, drawing on rightward scrambling in Hindi-Urdu
to make this point. We propose an account of the phenomenon in
terms of rightward remnant-VP movement. This account differs from
proposals that posit rightward movement of individual arguments as
well as from the antisymmetric proposals mentioned above, which treat
rightward scrambling as argument stranding. Our rightward remnant
movement analysis better captures two empirical properties of rightward
scrambling that remain elusive in the other accounts: the correlation
between linear order and scope, and restricted scope for rightwardscrambled
wh-expressions.}}

@article{Hyde:2007,
	Author = {Hyde, Brett},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2hyde.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {239--285},
	Title = {Issues in Banaw{\'a} Prosody: Onset Sensitivity, Minimal Words, and Syllable Integrity},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Three aspects of Banawa prosody (Buller, Buller, and Everett 1993,
Everett 1996a,b) have been argued to present significant difficulties
for metrical stress theory. First, Banawa stress is sensitive to the presence
or absence ofsyllable onsets; second, Banawa tolerates monomoraic
feet yet requires a bimoraic minimal word; and, third, it seems to
employ mora-based footing that is free to ignore syllable boundaries.
In this article, I argue that these issues are not nearly as problematic
as they might first appear. The article demonstrates that Banawa's
onset sensitivity can be produced by a constraint aligning the head
syllables off eet with onsets, that its minimal word restriction can be
produced with Nonfinality constraints, and that it can maintain syllable
integrity simply by giving clash and lapse avoidance priority over
other footing considerations.}}

@article{Folli:2007,
	Author = {Folli, Raffaella and Harley, Heidi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.2folli.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--218},
	Title = {Causation, Obligation, and Argument Structure: On the Nature of Little v},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {As shown by Kayne (1975), Romance causatives with faire fall into
two classes, faire infinitif (FI) and faire par (FP). We argue from
Italian data that the properties of the two classes depend on the nature
of the complement of fare: FI embeds a vP, FP a nominalized VP. The
syntactic and semantic characteristics of these complements account
straightforwardly for well-known differences between FI and FP, including
the previously untreated ``obligation'' requirement in FI, absent
in FP. Our analysis also accounts for another subtle restriction
on the formation of FP: the existence of an animacy requirement on
the subject of fare, absent in FI. Finally, we argue that only FP can
undergo passivization; this accounts for a previously unobserved
asymmetry in passivizability of causatives of unergative and unaccusative
intransitive verbs.}}

@phdthesis{Vicente:2007,
	Address = {Leiden, The Netherlands},
	Author = {Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	School = {Universiteit Leiden},
	Title = {The Syntax of Heads and Phrases: A Study of Verb (Phrase) Fronting},
	Year = {2007}}

@phdthesis{Starke:2001,
	Author = {Starke, Michal},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	School = {University of Geneva},
	Title = {Move Dissolves into Merge: A Theory of Locality},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Swart:2007,
	Author = {Swart, Henri{\"e}tte de and Winter, Yoad and Zwarts, Joost},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1deSwart_etal.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {195--222},
	Title = {Bare nominals and reference to capacities},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper concentrates on the syntax and semantics of bare nominals in
Germanic and Romance languages. These languages do not normally allow nominals
to occur without an article. However, some syntactic configurations, including predicative
constructions, supplementives and some prepositional phrases, allow bareness
of certain nominals. We argue that bare nominals in these constructions refer to
capacities: professions, religions, nationalities or other roles in society. Capacities are
analyzed as entities of type e, sortally distinct from regular individuals as well as kinds.
We further argue that the capacity interpretation is associated withNP---alayer within
theDP that lacks number features. This accounts for the number-neutral status of bare
nominals. We also show some patterns in languages other than Romance and Germanic
that provide further cross-linguistic support for the postulation of capacities as
a separate ontological category, specific to a low position within the DP.}}

@article{Myers:2007,
	Author = {Myers, Scott and Hansen, Benjamin B.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1Myers_Hansen.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {157--193},
	Title = {The Origin of Vowel Length Neutralization in Final Position: Evidence from {F}innish Speakers},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In a broad variety of languages with contrastive vowel length,
long vowels are systematically excluded from a domain-final position, and are
replaced with short vowels there. This is despite the fact that vowels at the
end of a domain (utterance, phrase, word) are generally longer in duration
than corresponding nonfinal vowels. We propose that the phonological pattern
of final shortening arises diachronically from the effects of final devoicing -- the
breakdown in voicing at the end of an utterance. Partial devoicing of the final
vowel makes it difficult to hear the end of the vowel and so favors identification
of final vowels as short. If language learners generalize such an identification
pattern, they have adopted a final shortening pattern. The claim that partially
voiceless final vowels tend to be identified as short is supported by a series of
experiments with Finnish speakers. The first two experiments establish that there
is both final lengthening and final devoicing in the language. Three further experiments
show that Finnish speakers identify the length category of partially voiceless
final vowels on the basis of the duration of its voiced portion, so that partial
devoicing of a vowel increases the probability of its being identified as short.}}

@article{Liptak:2007,
	Author = {Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o} and Zimmerman, Malte},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1Liptak_Zimmerman.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {103--155},
	Title = {Indirect scope marking again: a case for generalized question formation},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In this paper we describe and analyse a particular scope marking
construction that has not received attention in the generative literature so far: scope
marking into relative and noun-associate clauses, which we will refer to as adjunct
scope marking. In this type of scope marking system, a wh-element in an embedded adjunct
clause takes matrix scope when it occurs in a clause that syntactically and semantically
modifies a wh-phrase in the matrix. These facts provide unambiguous evidence
for the indirect dependency approach to wh-scope marking advocated by Dayal (1994,
2000) where the embedded question provides a semantic restriction for thematrix whelement.
Dayal's theory will be extended to provide a compositional analysis of these
constructions. The extended approach argues for a generalization of the question-formation
procedure to different clause types, as first advocated in Sternefeld (2001).}}

@article{Heath:2007,
	Author = {Heath, Jeffrey},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1Heath.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--101},
	Title = {Bidirectional case-marking and linear adjacency},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Bidirectional case markers in West African languages, including those of
the Songhay family, are morphemes inserted between subject and object NPs that
would otherwise be adjacent. They therefore specify both that the NP to the left is
a subject, and that the NP to the right is an object, and they cannot be bracketed
uniquely with either. This is shown by the fact that these morphemes are absent when
either subject or object position is (structurally and phonologically) absent, for example
due to extraction. This is the only morphological case-marking in the relevant
languages. The operation inserting such morphemes must have reference to constituent
structure (NP), abstract case (subject, object), and linear adjacency. These data
increase the evidence that complex case-marking operations can apply in a centrally
located morphology component that has simultaneous access to categorial and linear
relations. The idea is questionable that such morphological operations take place at a
syntax/PF interface, where syntactic categories are first aligned with prosodic phrases,
since actual prosodic (e.g. accentual) bracketings do not always coincide with the
bracketings relevant to case morphology. This point is made with data from Tamashek
(Berber) nominal prefix alternations, preceding the main section on Songhay
case marking.}}

@article{Giannakidou:2007,
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1Giannakidou.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--81},
	Title = {The landscape of {EVEN}},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This paper explores the role that the scalar properties and presuppositions
of even play in creating polarity sensitive even meanings crosslinguistically (henceforth
EVEN). I discuss the behavior of three lexically distinct Greek counterparts
of even in positive, negative, subjunctive sentences, and polar questions. These items
are shown to be polarity sensitive, and a three-way distinction is posited between a
positive polarity (akomi ke), a negative polarity (oute), and a `flexible scale'even (esto)
which does not introduce likelihood, but is associated with scales made salient by the
context. The analysis is a refinement of Rooth's original idea that negative polarity
is involved in the interpretation of English even, and establishes further that the
``negative'' polarity domain of EVEN includes a sensitivity that is not strictly speaking
negative (flexible scale esto). The distributional restrictions of EVEN items are shown
to follow from distinct presuppositions (positive polarity and flexible scale EVEN),
or from their lexical featural specification (negative polarity EVEN), a result that
squares neatly with the fact that ill-formedness is systematic pragmatic deviance in
the former case but robust ungrammaticality in the latter. This result supports the by
now widely accepted view that polarity dependencies are not of uniform nature, and
that we need to distinguish presupposition failures (which are weaker and possibly
fixable in some contexts) from cases of ungrammaticality which are robust and cannot
be fixed in any context (Giannakidou, 2001).}}

@article{Embick:2007,
	Author = {Embick, David},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.1Embick.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--37},
	Title = {Blocking effecs and analytic/synthetic alternations},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {A number of interactions in grammar are referred to as showing blocking
effects, typically defined as cases in which the existence of one form prevents the
existence of a form that is otherwise expected to occur. Patterns of analytic/synthetic
alternation, in which two-word and one-word forms alternate with each other, have
been taken to be instances of blocking in this sense. An example is found in the formation
of English comparatives and superlatives, where, for example, the synthetic form
smarter appears to block the analytic form *more smart. Analytic forms are available
in other cases (e.g. more intelligent), such that the interaction between the ``one word''
and ``two word'' forms is crucially at issue. This paper examines English comparative
and superlative formation, concentrating on the question of how the morphophonology
relates to syntax and semantics. A central point is that in the architecture of
Distributed Morphology, these cases do not involve word/word or word/phrase competition-
based blocking. Rather, blocking effects broadly construed are reduced to the
effects of distinct mechanisms: (1) Vocabulary Insertion at a particular terminal node
(morpheme), and (2) the operation of combinatory processes. The paper provides
a detailed discussion of the latter type, showing that synthetic comparative/superlative
forms are created post-syntactically by affixation under adjacency. Throughout
the discussion, questions concerning the status of blocking effects in Distributed Morphology, and those
found in analytic/synthetic alternations in particular, play a central role.}}

@article{Stepanov:2007,
	Author = {Stepanov, Arthur},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/syntax10(1)Stepanov.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {80--126},
	Title = {The End of {CED}? Minimalism and Extraction Domains},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The traditional   unified   approaches to extractability out of subjects and
adjuncts in the form of Huang's (1982) Condition on Extraction Domains (CED) and
Chomsky's (1986a) Barriers and its minimalist descendants face an empirical challenge
presented by languages in which extraction out of subjects is possible but extraction out
of adjuncts is not. The existence of such languages calls into question the unifying basis
for the traditional accounts---namely, the complement/noncomplement distinction that
was at the core of these accounts. In this paper I consider a possible extension of a
recent minimalist account making use of the complement/noncomplement distinction---
Nunes and Uriagereka (2000)---to the problematic languages and show that it
also encounters conceptual and empirical problems. I then propose an   eclectic   minimalist
approach to extraction domains in which extractability out of subjects and adjuncts
are regulated by different mechanisms of grammar in a nonoverlapping manner.}}

@article{An:2007,
	Author = {An, Duk-Ho},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(1)An.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {38--79},
	Title = {Clauses in Noncanonical Positions at the Syntax-Phonology Interface},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In this paper, I discuss the distribution of null complementizer clauses in
English. I argue that two factors are interwoven to yield the observed distribution: first,
unlike what is standardly assumed, not only the emptiness of C but also that of Spec,CP
matters; second, the relevant clauses are obligatorily parsed as separate intonational
phrases. I show that these properties lead to a new generalization that can be derived
from independent assumptions about the syntax-phonology interface, according to
which an intonational phrase whose boundary cannot be properly demarcated is
disallowed in PF. I argue that this is exactly why null complementizer clauses are ruled
out in certain syntactic positions. I also discuss a parallelism between intonational
phrases and the notion of phase proposed by Chomsky (2000, 2001).}}

@article{Adger:2007,
	Author = {Adger, David and Harbour, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/syntax10(1)Adger_Harbour.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {2--37},
	Title = {Syntax and Syncretisms of the Person Case Constraint},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {The Person Case Constraint is frequently concomitant with Case Syncretism.
We provide a syntax-driven account of both phenomena that relies on the dual role that
/-features play in selecting and in Case-licensing argument DPs. The account differs
from other syntactic approaches to the PCC in the role it affords the applicative head in
the Case system and in the attention it pays to the syntactic structures that feed
morphology and therefore induce syncretism.}}

@incollection{Starke:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Starke, Michal},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {251--268},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Inexistence of Specifiers and the Nature of Heads},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Rizzi:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {223--251},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Locality and Left Periphery},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Mehler:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Mehler, Jacques and Nespor, Marina},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {213--222},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Linguistic Rhythm and the Acquisition of Language},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Kayne:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kayne, Richard S.},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {192--212},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Prepositions as Probes},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Cinque:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {132--191},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {``Restructuring'' and Functional Structure},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Chomsky:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Chomsky, Noam},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {104--131},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Beyond Explanatory Adequacy},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Chierchia:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Chierchia, Gennaro},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {39--103},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Scalar Implicatures, Polarity Phenomena, and the Syntax/Pragmatics Interface},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Caramazza:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Caramazza, Alfonso and Shapiro, Kevin},
	Booktitle = {Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Pages = {15--38},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Language Categories in the Brain: Evidence from Aphasia},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{McCloskey:1986,
	Author = {McCloskey, James},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Pages = {183--186},
	Title = {Right Node Raising and Preposition Stranding},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Bresnan:1971a,
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Pages = {257--281},
	Title = {On Sentence Stress and Syntactic Transformations},
	Volume = {47},
	Year = {1971}}

@article{Tanaka:1999a,
	Author = {Tanaka, Hidekazu},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/30.2Tanaka.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {317--325},
	Title = {Raised Objects and {S}uperiority},
	Volume = {30},
	Year = {1999}}

@incollection{Zwart:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Zwart, Jan-Wouter},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {903--946},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Continental {W}est-{G}ermanic Languages},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Whitman:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Whitman, John},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {880--902},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Preverbal Elements in {K}orean and {J}apanese},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Tallerman:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Tallerman, Maggie},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {839--879},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The {C}eltic Languages},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Simpson:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Simpson, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {806--838},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Classifiers and {DP} Structure in Southeast {A}sia},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Rigau:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rigau, Gemma},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {775--805},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Number Agreement Variation in {C}atalan Dialects},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Rice:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rice, Keren and Saxon, Leslie},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {698--774},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Comparative {A}thapaskan Syntax: Arguments and Projections},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Ouhalla:2005a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Ouhalla, Jamal},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {607--638},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Clitic Placement, Grammaticalization, and Reanalysis in {B}erber},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Raposo:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Raposo, Eduardo P. and Uriagereka, Juan},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {639--697},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Clitic Placement in {W}estern {I}berian: A Minimalist View},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Munaro:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Munaro, Nicola and Pollock, Jean-Yves},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {542--606},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Qu'st-ce-que (qu)-est ce que? {A} Case Study in Comparative {R}omance Interrogative Syntax},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Kornfilt:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kornfilt, Jaklin},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {513--541},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Agreement and Its Placement in {T}urkic Nonsubject Relative Clauses},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Kihm:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kihm, Alain},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {459--512},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Noun Class, {G}ender, and the Lexicon-Syntax-Morphology Interfaces: {A} Comparative Study of {N}-iger-{C}ongo and {R}omance Languages},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Holmberg:2005a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Holmberg, Anders and Platzack, Christer},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {420--458},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The {S}candinavian Languages},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Franks:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Franks, Steven},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {373--419},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The {S}lavic Languages},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{DeGraff:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {DeGraff, Michel},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {293--372},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Morphology and Word Order in ``{C}reolization'' and Beyond},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Cheng:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Sybesma, Rint},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {259--292},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Classifiers in Four Varieties of {C}hinese},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Beninca:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Beninc{\`a}, Paola and Poletto, Cecilia},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {221--258},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On Some Descriptive Generalizations in {R}omance},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Amritavalli:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Amritavalli, R. and Jayaseelan, K. A.},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {178--220},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Finiteness and Negation in {D}ravidian},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Aboh:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Aboh, Enoch Olad{\'e}},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {138--177},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Object Shift, {V}erb Movement and {V}erb Reduplication},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Terzi:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Terzi, Arhonto},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {110--137},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Comparative Syntax and Language Disorders},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Rizzi:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {70--109},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Grammatical Basis of Language Development: A Case Study},
	Year = {2005}}

@incollection{Kayne:2005l,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kayne, Richard S.},
	Booktitle = {The {O}xford Handbook of Comparative Syntax},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo and Kayne, Richard S.},
	Pages = {3--69},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Some Notes on Comparative Syntax: With Special Reference to {E}nglish and {F}rench},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Potsdam:1997b,
	Address = {McGill University},
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of North East Linguistic Society 27},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kusumoto, Kiyomi},
	Keywords = {library},
	Pages = {353--368},
	Publisher = {Graduate Student Linguistic Association},
	Title = {English Verbal Morphology and {VP} Ellipsis},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Baker:1997,
	Author = {Baker, Mark C. and Stewart, Osamuyimen Thompson},
	Booktitle = {{NELS} 27},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kusumoto, Kiyomi},
	Pages = {33--47},
	Publisher = {McGill University},
	Title = {Unaccusativity and the Adjective-Verb Distinction: {E}do Evidence},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Alderete:1997,
	Author = {Alderete, John},
	Booktitle = {{NELS} 27},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kusumoto, Kiyomi},
	Pages = {17--31},
	Publisher = {McGill University},
	Title = {Dissimilation as local conjunction},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Adger:1997,
	Author = {Adger, David and Quer, Josep},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 27},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kusumoto, Kiyomi},
	Pages = {1--15},
	Publisher = {McGill University},
	Title = {Subjunctives, unselective embedded questions, and clausal polarity items},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Zucchi:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Zucchi, Sandro and White, Michael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {329--346},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Twigs, Sequences and the Temporal Constitution of Predicates},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Wold:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Wold, Dag E.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {311--328},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Long Distance Selective Binding: The Case of Focus},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Stalnaker:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Stalnaker, Robert},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {279--294},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {On the Representation of Context},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Winter:1996a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Winter, Yoad},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spencer, Andrew},
	Pages = {295--310},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {What Does the Strongest Meaning Hypothesis Mean?},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Spejewski:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Spejewski, Beverly},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {261--278},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Temporal Subordiniation and {E}nglish Perfect},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Simons:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Simons, Mandy},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {245--260},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Disjunction and Anaphora},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Sharvit:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sharvit, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {227--244},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Fuctional Dependencies and Indirect Binding},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Rooth:1996a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Mats Rooth},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {202--226},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {On the Interface Principles for Intonational Focus},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Musan:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Renate Musan},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {167--184},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {There-Constructions Revisited},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Pinkal:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Pinkal, Manfred},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {185--201},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Vagueness, Ambiguity and Underspecification},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Lasersohn:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Lasersohn, Peter},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {154--166},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Adnominal Conditionals},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Krifka:1996a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Krifka, Manfred},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {136--153},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Pragmatic Strengthening in Plural Predications and {D}onkey Sentences},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Jacobson:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {111--135},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {The Locality of Interpretation: The Case of Binding and Coordination},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Honcoop:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Honcoop, Martin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {93--110},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Towards a Dynamic Semantics Account of Weak Islands},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Hendriks:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Hendriks, Herman},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {75--92},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Information Packaging: From Cards to Boxes},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Francez:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Francez, Nissim and Winter, Yoad},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {69--74},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {A Generalized Definition of Quantifier Absorption},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Fernando:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fernando, Tim and Kamp, Hans},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {53--68},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Expecting Many},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Farkas:1996,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Farkas, Donka F. and Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {35--52},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {How Clause-Bounded is the Scope of Universals?},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Bayer:1996a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Bayer, Samuel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {1--16},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {The Size of Events},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Buring:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Buring,Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Galloway, Teresa and Spence, Justin},
	Pages = {17--34},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {A Weak Theory of Strong Readings},
	Year = {1996}}

@inproceedings{Bayer:1997a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Bayer, Samuel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {1--16},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {The Size of Events},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Pinon:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Pi{\~n}{\'o}n, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:02:57 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {276--293},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Achievements in an Event Semantics},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Kibble:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kibble, Rodger},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Pages = {258--275},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Complement Anaphora and Dynamic Binding},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Kennedy:1997b,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Pages = {240--257},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Comparison and Polar Opposition},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Izvorski:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Izvorski, Roumyana},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {222--239},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {The {P}resent {P}erfect as an Epistemic Modal},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Gutierrez-Rexach:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Guti{\`e}rrez-Rexach, Javier},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {180--196},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Dynamic Action Semantics and Deontic Operators},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Glasbey:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Glasbey, Sheila},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {169--179},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {{I}- Level Predicates that Allow Existential Readings for Bare Plurals},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Frank:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Frank, Anette and Kamp, Hans},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {151--168},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {On Context Dependence in Modal Constructions},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Fong:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fong, Vivienne},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {135--150},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {A Diphasic Approach to Directional Locatives},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Dobrovie-Sorin:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {117--134},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Types of Predicates and the Representation of Existential Readings},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Dayal:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {99--116},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Free Relatives and Ever: Identity and Free Choice Readings},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Chierchia:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Chierchia, Gennaro},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {73--98},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Partitives, Reference to Kings and Semantic Variation},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Brisson:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Brisson, Christine},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {55--72},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {On Definite Plural {NP}'s and the Meaning of \emph{all}},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Beil:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beil, Franz},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {37--54},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {The Definiteness Effect in Attributive Comparatives},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Abusch:1997,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Abusch, Dorit and Rooth, Mats},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of SALT {VII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {1--18},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Epistemic {NP} Modifiers},
	Year = {1997}}

@inproceedings{Zuber:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Zuber, R.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {267--283},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {On the Semantics of Exclusion and Inclusion Phrases},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Winter:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Winter, Yoad},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {249--266},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Atom Predicates and Set Predicates: Towards a General Theory of Plural Quantification},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Sharvit:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sharvit, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {233--248},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Individual Concepts and Attitude Reports},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Rullmann:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Rullmann, Hotze and Beck, Sigrid},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 16:51:43 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {215--232},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Presupposition Projection and the Interpretation of \emph{which}-Questions},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Pi:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Pi,Chia- Yi Tony and Stewart, Osamuyimen T.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {202--214},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Mirco-Events in Two Serial Verb Constructions},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Percus:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Percus, Orin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Pages = {185--201},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {A Somewhat More Definite Article},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Ogihara:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Ogihara, Toshiyuki},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {169--184},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Tense, Aspect, and Argument Structure},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Larson:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Larson, Richard K.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {145--168},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Events and Modification in Nominals},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Kurafuji:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kurafuji, Takeo},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {129--144},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Dynamic Binding and the {E}-Type Strategy: Evidence from {J}apense},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Krifka:1998b,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Krifka, Manfred},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {111--129},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Additive Particles under Stress},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Kratzer:1998c,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {92--110},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {More Structural Analogies Between Pronouns and Tense},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Jacobson:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {74--91},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Antecedent Contained Deletion and Pied-Piping: Evidence for a Variable-Free Semantics},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Greenberg:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Greenberg, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {55--73},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Temporally Restricted Generics},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Buring:1998a,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Buring,Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {36--54},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {Identity, Modality, and the Candidate Behind the Wall},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Beck:1998,
	Address = {Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beck, Sigrids},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {19--35},
	Publisher = {{CLC} Publications},
	Title = {{NP} Dependent Readings of \emph{different}},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Arregui:1998,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Arregui, Ana and Kusumoto, Kiyomi},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT VIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Strolovitch, Devon and Lawson, Aaron},
	Pages = {1--18},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Tense in Temporal Adjunct Clauses},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Yanovich:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Yanovich, Igor},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {309--326},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Choice-functional Series of Indefinite Pronouns and {H}amblin Semantics},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Werner:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Werner, Tom},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {294--308},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {You Do What You Gotta Do, Or Why \emph{must} Implies \emph{will}},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Wagner:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Wagner, Michael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {276--293},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {{NPI}-Licensing and Focus Movement},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Umbach:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Umbach, Carla},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {258--275},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Why Do Modified Numerals Resist a Referential Interpretation?},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Taranto:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Taranto, Gina},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {241--257},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {How Discourse Adjectives Synchronize the Speaker and the Hearer's Beliefs},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Fox:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fox, Danny and Shoichi, Takahashi},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {223--240},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {{MaxElide} and the Re-binding Problem},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Simons:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Simons, Mandy},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {205--222},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Semantics and Pragmatics in the Interpretation of `or'},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Schwarz:2005a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Schwarz, Bernhard},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {187--204},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Modal Superlatives},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Russell:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Russell, Benjamin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {169--186},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Functional Parasitic Gaps},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Quer:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Quer, Josep},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {152--168},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Context Shift and Indexical Variables in {S}ign {L}anguage},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Nissenbaum:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Nissenbaum, Jon},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {134--151},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Kissing {P}edro {M}artinez: (Existential) Anankastic Conditionals and Rationale Clauses},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Morzycki:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {116--133},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Size Adjectives and Adnominal Degree Modification},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Kehler:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kehler, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {98--115},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Coherence-Driven Constraints on the Placement of Accent},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Hacquard:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Hacquard, Valentine},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {80--97},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Aspects of `Too' and `Enough' Constructions},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Bhatt:2005a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh and Sharvit, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {62--79},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Note on Intensional Superlatives},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Beyssade:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beyssade, Claire and Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {44--61},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Syntax-based Analysis of Predication},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Beaver:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beaver, David and Francez, Itamar and Levinson, Dmitry},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {19--43},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Bad Subject: (Non-)canonicality and {NP} Distribution in Exisentials},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Bale:2005,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Bale, Alan},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Georgala, Effi and Howell, Jonathan},
	Pages = {1--18},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Quantifiers, Again and the Complexity of {V}erb {P}hrases},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Sharvit:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sharvit, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {305--322},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Free Indirect Discourse and `De Re' Pronouns},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Shan:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Shan, Chung-chieh},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {289--304},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Binding Alongside Hamblin Alternatives Calls for Variable-free Semantics},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Romero:2004a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Romero, Maribel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {271--288},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Tense and Intensionality in Specificationals Copular Sentences},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Kawahara:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto and Potts, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {253--270},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {{J}apenese Honorifics as Emotive Definite Descriptions},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Portner:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Portner, Paul},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {235--252},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Semantics of Imperatives within a Theory of Clause Types},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Borschev:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Borschev, Vladimir and Partee, Barbara H.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {212--234},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Semantics of {R}ussian Genitive of Negation: The Nature and Role of Perspectival Structure},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Nakanishi:2004a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Nakanishi, Kimiko},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {179--196},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On Comparitive Quantification in the Verbal Domain},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Nelken:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Nelken, Rani and Shan, Chung-chieh},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {197--211},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Logic of Interrogation Should Be Internalized in a Modal Logic for Knowledge},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{McCready:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {McCready, Eric},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {163--178},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Two {J}apenese Adverbials and Expressive Content},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Ippolito:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Ippolito, Michela},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {127--144},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {An Analysis of Still},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Giannakidou:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {110--126},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Domain Restriction and the Arguments of Quantificational Determiners},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Filip:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Filip, Hana},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {92--109},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Telicity Parameter Revisited},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Ferreira:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Ferreira, Marcelo},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {74--91},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Imperfectives and Plurality},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Fernando:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fernando, Tim},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {56--73},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Inertia in Temporal Modification},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Caponigro:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Caponigro, Ivano},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {38--55},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Semantic Contribution of Wh-words and Type Shifts: Evidence from Free Relatives Crosslinguistically},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Anand:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Anand, Pranav and Nevins, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {20--37},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Shifty Operators in Changing Contexts},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Abbott:2004,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Abbott, Barbara},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIV}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B.},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Some Remarks on Indicative Conditionals},
	Year = {2004}}

@inproceedings{Wilhelm:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Wilhelm, Andrea},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {310--327},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Quasi-Telic Perfective Aspect in {D}ene {S}utine ({C}hipewyan)},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Rooy:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Rooy, Robert van and Safarova, Marie},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {292--309},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Read = {Yes},
	Title = {On Polar Questions},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Stateva:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Stateva, Penka},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {276--291},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Superlative More},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Marti:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Marti, Luisa},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {240--257},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Contextual Variables as Pronouns},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Kuroda:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kuroda, S.-Y.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {204--221},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Milsark's Generalization and Categorical Judgments},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Krifka:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Krifka, Manfred},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {180-203},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Bare {NP}s: Kind-referring, Indefinites, Both, or Neither?},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Kim:2003c,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kim, Ji-yung},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {162--179},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {``Intermediate Scope'' in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Katz:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Katz, Graham},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {145--161},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Modal Account of the {E}nglish Present Perfect Style},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Ippolito:2003a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Ippolito, Michela},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {127--144},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Quantification over Times in Subjunctive Conditionals},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Hardt:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Hardt, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-06 17:30:38 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {109--126},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Sloppy Identity, Binding, and Centering},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Gawron:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Gawron, Jean Mark and Kehler, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {91--108},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Respective Answers to Coordinated Questions},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Doron:2003a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Doron, Edit},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {73--90},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Bare Singular Reference to Kinds},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Breheny:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Breheny, Richard},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {55--72},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Lexical Account of Implicit (Bound) Contextual Dependence},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Beaver:2003a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beaver, David and Condoravdi, Cleo},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {37--54},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Read = {Yes},
	Title = {A Uniform Analysis of Before and After},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Asher:2003,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Asher, Nicholas and Wang, Linton},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {19--36},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Ambiguity and Anaphora with Plurals in Discourse},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Abels:2003a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Abels, Klaus},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XIII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Young, Robert B. and Zhou, Yuping},
	Pages = {1--18},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Who Gives a Damn about Minimizers in Questions?},
	Year = {2003}}

@inproceedings{Zvolenszky:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {339--358},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Is a Possible-Worlds Semantics of Modality Possible? A Problem for {K}ratzer's Semantics},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Zimmerman:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Zimmerman, Malte},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {322--338},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Compositional Analysis of Anti-Quantifiers as Quantifiers},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Winter:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Winter, Yoad},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {306--321},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Functional Readings and Wide-Scope Indefinites},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Tonhauser:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Tonhauser, Judith},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {286--305},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Dynamic Semantics Account of the Temporal Interpretation of Noun Phrases},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Sharvit:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sharvit, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {266--285},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Embedded Quantifiers in Which- and Whether-Questions},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Shan:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Shan, Chung-chieh},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {246--265},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Continuation Semantics of Interrogatives That Accounts for {B}aker's Ambiguity},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Schwarzschild:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Schwarzschild, Roger},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {225--245},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Grammar of Measurement},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Han:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Han, Chung-hye and Romero, Maribel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {204--224},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Verum Focus in Negative Yes/No Questions and {L}add's p/-p Ambiguity},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Morzycki:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {184--203},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Wholes and Their Covers},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Jayez:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Jayez, Jacques and Tovena, Lucia M.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {164--183},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Determiners and (Un)certainty},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Jacobson:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {144--163},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Direct Compositionality and Variable-Free Semantics: The Case of Binding into Heads},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Gunlogson:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Gunlogson, Christine},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {124--143},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Declarative Questions},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Greenberg:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Greenberg, Yael},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {104--123},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Two Types of Quantificational Modalized Genericity, and the Interpretation of Bare Plural and Indefinite Singular NPs},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Giannakidou:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {84--103},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {{UNTIL}, Aspect, and Negotiation: A Novel Argument for Two Untils},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Farkas:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Farkas, Donka F.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {59--83},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Varieties of Indefinites},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Beaver:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beaver, David {I}. and Clark, Brady Z.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {40--58},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Monotonicity and Focus Sensitivity},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Aloni:2002a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Aloni, Maria and Rooy, Robert van},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {20--39},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Dynamics of Questions and Focus},
	Year = {2002}}

@inproceedings{Abusch:2002,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Abusch, Dorit},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XII}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Lexical Alternatives as a Source of Pragmatic Presupposition},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006g,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {175--185},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {A Note on Mood, Modality, Tense, and Aspect Affixes in {T}urkish},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006f,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {167--174},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Status of ``Mobile'' Suffixes},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006e,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {145--166},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Complement and Adverbial {PP}s: Implications for Clause Structure},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006d,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {119--144},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Issues in Adverbial Syntax},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006c,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {99--118},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {A Note on ``Restructuring'' and Quantifier Climbing in {F}rench},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006b,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {81--98},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {``Restructuring'' and the Order of Aspectual and Root Modal Heads},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006a,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {65--80},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Interaction of Passive, Causative, and ``Restructuring'' in {R}omance},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Cinque:2006,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Booktitle = {Restructuring and Functional Heads},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {11--64},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {``Restructuring'' and Functional Structure},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Hoekstra:1988,
	Author = {Hoekstra, Teun},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Pages = {101--139},
	Title = {Small Clause Results},
	Volume = {74},
	Year = {1988}}

@inproceedings{Larson:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Larson, Richard K. and Vassilieva, Masha},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {449--465},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Semantics of the Plural Pronoun Construction},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Simons:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Simons, Mandy},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {431--448},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On the Conversational Basis of Some Presuppositions},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Schein:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Schein, Barry},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {404--430},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Adverbial, Descriptive Reciprocals},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Sauerland:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {388--403},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On the Computation of Conversational Implicatures},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Reinhart:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Reinhart, Tanya},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {365--387},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Experiencing Derivations},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Pinon:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Pi{\~n}{\'o}n, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {346--364},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Read = {Yes},
	Title = {A Finer Look at the Causative-Inchoative Alternation},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Oh:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Oh, Sei-Rang},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {326--345},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Distributivity in an Event Semantics},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Morzycki:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {306--325},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Almost and {I}ts Kin, Across Categories},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Moltmann:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {286--305},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Two Kinds of Universals and two Kinds of Groups},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Meier:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Meier, C{\'e}cile},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {268--287},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Result Clauses},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Kaufmann:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Kaufmann, Stefan},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {248--267},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Probabilities of Conditionals},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Chierchia:2001a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Chierchia, Gennaro and Crain, Stephen and Gualmini, Andrea and Guasti, Maria Teresa and Meroni, Luisa},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {231--247},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {At the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface in Child Language},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Giorgi:2001b,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Giorgi, Alessandra and Pianesi, Fabio},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {212--230},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Tense, Attitudes and Subjects},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Filip:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Filip, Hana},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {192--211},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {The Semantics of Case in {R}ussian Secondary Predication},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Fernando:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fernando, Tim},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {172--191},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Conservative Generalized Quantifiers and Presupposition},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Elbourne:2001a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Elbourne, Paul},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {152--171},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {When is Situation Semantics Allowed?},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Dekker:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Dekker, Paul},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {114--133},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On If and Only},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Copley:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Copley, Bridget},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {95--113},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Be Going to as a Case of High Aspect},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Butler:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Butler, Alastair},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {76--94},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Degree Relatives are Ordinary Relatives},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Buring:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {B{\"u}ring, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {56--75},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Situation Semantics for Binding out of DP},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Bittner:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Bittner, Maria},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {36--55},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Topical Referents for Individuals and Possibilities},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Barker:2001,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Barker, Chris},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {20--35},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Introducing Continuations},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Arregui:2001a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Arregui, Ana and Matthewson, Lisa},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT XI}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Hastings, Rachel and Jackson, Brendan and Zvolenszky, Zsofia},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {A Cross-Linguistic Perspective on the Expression of Manner},
	Year = {2001}}

@inproceedings{Zimmerman:2000a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Zimmerman, Malte},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {290--306},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Pluractional Quantifiers: The occasional-construction in {E}nglish and {G}erman},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Yan:2000a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Yan, Rong},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {273--289},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Chinese NPs: Quantification & Distributivity},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Werner:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Werner, Tom},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {257--272},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Counting and Bare Plurals},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Villalta:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Villalta, Elisabeth},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {239--256},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Spanish Subjunctive Clauses Require Ordered Alternatives},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Geenhoven:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Geenhoven, Veerle Van},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {221--238},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Pro Properties, Contra Generalized Kinds},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Storto:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Storto, Gianluca},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {203--220},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On the Structure of Indefinite Possessives},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Sharvit:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Sharvit, Yael and Stateva, Penka},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {185--202},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Against `Long' Movement of the Superlative Operator},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Romero:2000a,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Romero, Maribel},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {149--166},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Reduced Conditionals and Focus},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Pylkkanen:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Pylkk{\"a}nen, Liina},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {132--148},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Representing Causatives},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Ogihara:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Ogihara, Toshiyuki},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {115--131},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Counterfactuals, Temporal Adverbs, and Association with Focus},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Matthewson:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Matthewson, Lisa},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {98--114},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {On Distributivity and Pluractionality},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Lasersohn:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Lasersohn, Peter},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {83--97},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Same, Models and Representation},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Fintel:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fintel, Kai von},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {27--39},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Whatever},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Carlson:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Carlson, Greg and Pelletier, Francis Jeffry},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {20--26},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Average Noun Phrases},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Beck:2000,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT X}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jackson, Brendan and Matthews, Tanya},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Exceptions in Relational Plurals},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Ritter:1991,
	Author = {Ritter, Elizabeth},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 25: Perspectives on Phrase Structure: Heads and Licensing},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rothstein, Susan},
	Publisher = {Academic Press},
	Title = {Two functional categories in noun phrases: Evidence from {M}odern {H}ebrew},
	Year = {1991}}

@article{Ritter:1992,
	Author = {Ritter, Elizabeth},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Canadian Journal of Linguistics},
	Pages = {197--218},
	Title = {Cross-linguistic evidence for number phrase},
	Year = {1992}}

@incollection{Johnson:2007,
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Phrasal and Clausal Architecture},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Simin, Karimi and Samiian, Vida and Wilkins, Wendy K.},
	Pages = {146--166},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {In search of phases},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hagstrom:2006,
	Author = {Hagstrom, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/9.3Hagstrom.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {217--228},
	Title = {Review of ``Prolific Domains: On the Anti-Locality of Movement Dependencies''},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Beck:2006a,
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid and Kim, Shin-Sook},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/9.3Beck_Kim.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {165--208},
	Title = {Intervention Effects in Alternative Questions},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@phdthesis{Harley:1995a,
	Author = {Harley, Heidi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Subjects, Events and Licensing},
	Year = {1995}}

@incollection{Shlonsky:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Shlonsky, Ur},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {329--353},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Enclisis and Proclisis},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Roberts:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Roberts, Ian},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {297--328},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The {C}-System in {B}rythonic {C}eltic Languges, {V2}, and the {EPP}},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Poletto:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Poletto, Cecilia and Pollock, Jean-Yves},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {251--296},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Left Periy of Some Romance {W}h-Questions},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Manzini:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Manzini, M. Rita and Savoia, Leonardo M.},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {211--250},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Clitics: Cooccurrence and Mutual Exclusion Patterns},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Giorgi:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Giorgi, Alessandra and Pianesi, Fabio},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {190--210},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Complementizer Deletion in {I}talian},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Cecchetto:2004b,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Cecchetto, Carlo},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {166--189},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Remnant Movement in the Theory of Phases},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Cardinaletti:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Cardinaletti, Anna},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {115--165},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Toward a Cartography of Subject Positions},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Bianchi:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Bianchi, Valentina},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {76--114},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Resumptive Relatives and {LF} Chains},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Beninca:2004a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Beninc{\`a}, Paola and Poletto, Cecilia},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {52--75},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Topic, Focus, and {V2}: Defining the {CP} Sublayers},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Belletti:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Belletti, Adriana},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {16--51},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Aspects of the Low {IP} Area},
	Year = {2004}}

@incollection{Rizzi:2004,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of {CP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Rizzi, Luigi},
	Pages = {3--15},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Cartography of {S}yntactic {S}tructures},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Lin:2002a,
	Author = {Lin, Yen-Hwei},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.4Lin.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {303--347},
	Title = {Mid Vowel Assimilation Across {M}andarin Dialects},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {In Standard Mandarin, a mid vowel agrees in [back] and [round] features with adjacent 
glides. A mid vowel preceded by a front rounded glide [ h], however, is only partially assimilated, resulting in a front unrounded [e] rather than the expected front rounded [o/]. This process of Mid Vowel Assimilation varies across Mandarin dialects depending on the features involved, the direction of feature spreading, and whether 
or not a mid vowel is fully or partially assimilated. This article proposes a unified 
constraint-based account of the variation and typology of Mid Vowel Assimilation 
across Mandarin dialects. Couched within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 
1993) and Feature Class Theory (Padgett 1995, 1996), the proposed analysis demon- 
strates (i) how the interaction of gradient assimilation-related constraints and 
markedness constraints on feature cooccurrence avoids marked segment types and 
produces partial assimilation effects, and (ii) how different rankings of the proposed 
set of constraints generate the variation pattern across Mandarin dialects. To fully 
account for the typology of Mandarin Mid Vowel Assimilation and the uneven dis- 
tribution of different types of Mid Vowel Assimilation, I suggest that (i) some 
assimilation-related constraints can be categorically assessed as a marked option, 
and (ii) some constraint rankings on markedness, while not universally fixed, can be 
designated as universal default rankings.}}

@article{Kang:2002a,
	Author = {Kang, Beom-Mo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.4Kang.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {375--398},
	Title = {Categories and Meanings of {K}orean Floating Quantifiers -- With Some Reference to {J}apanese},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This paper aims to give an explicit categorial syntax and formal semantics of various 
forms of floating quantifiers (FQs) in Korean. Non-case-marked FQs are assigned 
the category of NP modifier, i.e., NP\NP and this categorization, together with the 
combinatorial operation of functional composition, can handle the basic cases of 
subject/object asymmetry. An FQ in front of a transitive verb can compose with the 
verb, making itself related only to the object, but not to the subject. Case-marked 
FQs show no such asymmetry and they can be handled when they are assigned cat- 
egories of VP or TV modifiers. 
Discourse factors are also relevant for FQs particularly because FQs with discourse 
markers, which signify some discourse-relevant prominence, enjoy the full freedom 
of word order as usual adverbs. Non-case-marked FQs can also be used as adver- 
bials in a strong discourse context such as a ``contrastive'' one or nonconstituent 
coordination construction, but discourse effects are not as strong in Korean as in 
Japanese, as shown by still-awkward sentences with topicalized FQs. The absence 
of discourse restriction of contrastiveness with respect to dative NP hosts is another 
indication that Korean FQs are less affected by discourse factors than Japanese ones. 
Discourse factors are more grammaticalized in Korean than in Japanese.}}

@article{Bentley:2002,
	Author = {Bentley, John R.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.4Bentley.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {349--374},
	Title = {The Spelling of /MO/ in {O}ld {J}apanese},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The general consensus of Japanese historical linguists is that the orthography in 
Kojiki (712) preserves more phonemic distinctions than Nihon shoki (720) -- specifi- 
cally the spelling of two varieties (mwoand mo) of what later merged to become mo 
-- but the chronological proximity of these two works makes this consensus difficult 
to accept. This paper examines the phonetic orthography in Nihon shoki, and parts 
of Man'y{\^o}sh{\^u}, to demonstrate that a careful screening of these data reveals vestiges 
of the orthographic tradition preserved in Kojiki in other records as well. The begin- 
nings of the merger of mwoand moare explored, and a tentative dating for this spelling 
change is proposed}}

@article{Takano:2002,
	Author = {Takano, Yuji},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.3Takano.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {243--301},
	Title = {Surprising Constituents},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article discusses the nature of apparently surprising phenomena found in Japanese. 
Two or more elements of a sentence, excluding the verb, can appear rather freely in 
the focus position of Japanese cleft constructions. These elements cannot possibly 
be considered to form a base-generated constituent and hence the existence of such 
``surprising constituents'' poses an interesting problem for syntactic theory. It is shown 
that an approach that appeals to overt verb raising to account for surprising constituents 
is inadequate for a number of reasons. An alternative approach is proposed in which 
surprising constituents are formed by ``oblique movement'' (movement of an element 
to another element that does not dominate it). Consequences of this proposal are 
explored for related theoretical and empirical domains.}}

@article{Narrog:2002,
	Author = {Narrog, Heiko},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.2Narrog.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {123--167},
	Title = {Polysemy and Indeterminacy in Modal Markers -- The Case of {J}apanese \emph{BESHI}},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The Old Japanese modal suffix beshi deserves special attention for at least two reasons. 
Firstly, it is one of only a few modal markers throughout Japanese language history 
that have both deontic and epistemic meaning, which is very common in English 
and other Indo-European languages. Secondly, it is said to be extremely polysemous. 
There might be no other modal suffix in the history of the Japanese language that 
has been associated with such a range and variety of meanings. There are also concrete 
examples of beshi that are given divergent interpretations in grammatical analysis 
and Modern Japanese translations. 
The primary goal of this paper is to provide a principled explanation both for 
the different ``meanings'' of beshi and for divergent interpretations that are due to 
indeterminacy. It is argued that Old Japanese beshi from a synchronic point of view 
basically has only a deontic and an epistemic sense, and other ``meanings'' can be 
explained either in terms of vagueness or in terms of implicature in specific contexts. 
Conditions are explained under which indeterminacy between the deontic and the 
epistemic sense arises and compared with the conditions for indeterminacy and 
deontic-epistemic polysemy to those observed in the history of modals in English 
and German. Furthermore an account of the diachronic layering behind the syn- 
chronic meaning range of beshi in Old Japanese is given. It is claimed that the 
development of the meanings of beshi does not strictly adhere to the ``deontic-to- 
epistemic'' pattern frequently found on Indo-European languages.}}

@article{Hale:2002a,
	Author = {Hale, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.2Hale.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {109--122},
	Title = {On the {D}agur Object Relative: Some Comparative Notes},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Simpson:2002c,
	Author = {Simpson, Andrew and Wu, Zoe},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.1Simpson_Wu.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {67--99},
	Title = {{IP}-Raising, Tone Sandhi and The Creation of {S}-Final Particles: Evidence for Cyclic {S}pell-{O}ut},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This paper examines how information provided by tone sandhi provides potential 
insights into processes of movement. The paper focuses on the Taiwanese element 
kong (Mandarin shuo) `say' which is grammaticalizing as a complementizer-type particle 
in an unexpected sentence-final position. Evidence from tone sandhi phenomena 
indicates that this results from an operation of IP-raising in which the clausal com- 
plement ofkongis raised to its left after the application of tone sandhi rules. The active 
grammaticalization patterning offers both a clear insight into the creation of 
clause/sentence-final particles in SVO languages and also provides strong evidence for 
the idea of `cyclic Spell-Out'. It is also argued that a derivational rather than a purely 
representational model of grammar is required to accommodate the patterns found.}}

@article{Kang:2002,
	Author = {Kang, Hyunsook},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.1Kang.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--66},
	Title = {On the Optimality-Theoretic Analysis of {K}orean Nasal-Liquid Alternations},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {Davis and Shin (1999) recognize the importance of the Syllable Contact Law in Korean 
phonology and showed that by incorporating a syllable contact constraint many of 
the consonant alternations in Korean can be insightfully explained. However, their 
analysis is not complete in that they failed to recognize the importance of word 
structure or did not fully consider it. This is most relevant in accounting for the 
different alternations involving /nl/ and /ln/ sequences. There are certain alternations 
involving these sequences which occur but are not predicted under the Davis and 
Shin analysis. I will show that such alternations reflect the importance of word 
structure and can be accounted for by implementing output-to-output constraints in 
addition to the constraints and rankings posited by Davis and Shin.}}

@article{Fiengo:2002,
	Author = {Fiengo, Robert and McClure, William},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JEAL/JEAL11.1Fiengo_McClure.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {5--41},
	Title = {On How to use \emph{-WA}},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The distribution of the particle -wa in Japanese sentences depends to a very signifi- 
cant extent on which speech act those sentences are used to perform. In an Austinian 
theory of assertive speech acts, four types of assertive speech act are distinguished. 
It is argued here that the dimensions along which the structures of these speech acts 
vary are the dimensions that serve to explain the presence of -wa. Furthermore, the 
various uses of -wathat have been identified in the literature, including the thematic 
and contrastive uses, are brought under a unified system. There are, however, two more 
general themes that are addressed here. First, it is claimed that, once a principled theory 
of speech acts is in play, the relative contributions of syntax and semantics to the study 
of natural language become more easy to distinguish. This provides an antidote to 
the tendency to syntacticize problems that are properly pragmatic (or pragmaticize 
problems that are properly syntactic, etc.). The attempt is made to separate these 
domains without favor. The other theme involves Austin's account of predication in 
terms of matching types of items and senses of predicates. That proposal, which 
stands in contrast to common assumptions in the semantics literature, and which is 
central to his account of assertive speech acts, deserves attention}}

@article{Toda:2007,
	Author = {Toda, Tatsuhiko},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Toda.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {188--195},
	Title = {\emph{So}-Inversion Revisited},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Soh:2007,
	Author = {Soh, Hooi Ling},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Soh.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {178--188},
	Title = {Ellipsis, Last Resort, and the Dummy Auxiliary \emph{shi} `be' in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Craenenbroeck:2007,
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Haegeman, Liliane},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Craenenbroeck.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {167--178},
	Title = {The Derivation of Subject-Initial {V2}},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Bruening:2007,
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Rubach.85.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Title = {Wh-in-situ does not Correlate with \emph{Wh}-Indefinites or Question Particles},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {Two theories, the Clausal Typing Hypothesis (Cheng 1991) and the
unselective binding theory of wh-in-situ, have linked wh-in-situ to two
other phenomena typologically: the use of a question particle, and the
use of wh-words as indefinites. This article shows, through a typological
survey and a detailed comparison of Passamaquoddy and Mandarin
Chinese, that there is no connection between wh-in-situ and either
property. Passamaquoddy uses wh-words as indefinites in all the contexts
Chinese does, but it is a robust wh-movement language. Crosslinguistically,
languages of all possible types are attested: most crucially,
wh-in-situ languages without question particles exist, and wh-in-situ
languages that do not use wh-words as indefinites also exist. In fact,
most languages, regardless of whether they are wh-movement or whin-
situ languages, have question particles, and most languages use whwords
as indefinites.}}

@article{Rubach:2007,
	Author = {Rubach, Jerzy},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Rubach.85.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {85--138},
	Title = {Feature Geometry from the Perspective of {P}olish, {R}ussian, and {U}krainian},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {This article looks at two current models of feature geometry, the Halle-
Sagey model as modified by Halle (2005) and the Clements-Hume
model, from the perspective of palatalization and related processes in
Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian. The Halle-Sagey model predicts that
palatalization should be analyzed by assuming derivational levels and
is thus at odds with the tenet of strict parallelism in Optimality Theory.
In contrast, the Clements-Hume model appears to be able to achieve
the same goal without recourse to derivational stages because it is
based on the assumption that, in the ways relevant for palatalization,
vowels and consonants are characterized by the same features. However,
analysis of palatalization and related processes shows that this
assumption is incorrect. The consequence is that derivational stages
cannot be avoided and that the tenet of strict parallelism must be
rejected.}}

@article{Ko:2007,
	Author = {Ko, Heejeong},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Ko.49.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {49--83},
	Title = {Asymmetries in Scrambling and Cyclic Linearization},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {I argue that linear order in constructions with scrambling is constrained
by Cyclic Linearization of syntactic structure at the interface, and I
show that this proposal provides a unified account for a variety of
asymmetries in scrambling. Arguments in this article establish novel
evidence for the thesis that the architecture of grammar requires linearization
in phonology to be cyclically determined by the syntax. The
article also sheds light on the distribution of floating quantifiers, possessor-
raising constructions, and formal properties of scrambling.}}

@article{Han:2007,
	Author = {Han, Chung-hye and Lidz, Jeffrey and Musolino, Julien},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/38.1Han_etal.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--47},
	Title = {V-Raising and Grammar Competition in {K}orean: Evidence from Negation and Quantifier Scope},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007},
	Abstract = {In a head-final language, V-raising is hard to detect since there is no
evidence from the string to support a raising analysis. If the language
has a cliticlike negation that associates with the verb in syntax, then
scope facts concerning negation and a quantified object NP could
provide evidence regarding the height of the verb. Even so, such facts
are rare, especially in the input to children, and so we might expect
that not all speakers exposed to a head-final language acquire the same
grammar as far as V-raising is concerned. Here, we present evidence
supporting this expectation. Using experimental data concerning the
scope of quantified NPs and negation in Korean, elicited from both
adults and 4-year-old children, we show that there are two populations
of Korean speakers: one with V-raising and one without.}}

@article{Hendricks:2001a,
	Author = {Hendricks, Petra and de Hoop, Helen},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*LandP/LP24(1)_Hendriks.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--32},
	Title = {Optimality Theoretic Semantics},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Muller:2006,
	Author = {M{\"u}ller, Stefan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4muller.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {850--883},
	Title = {Phrasal or lexical constructions},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Dalrymple:2006,
	Author = {Dalrymple, Mary and Nikolaeva, Irina},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4dalrymple.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {824--849},
	Title = {Syntax of Natural and Accidental Coordination: Evidence from Agreement},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Adjective agreement with coordinated nouns in Finnish presents a puzzling pattern: in some
cases, a plural adjective is required with coordinated singular nouns, while in other cases that
seemto be syntactically identical, a plural adjective is disallowed. The key to this puzzle lies at
the syntax-semantics interface: plural adjectives are required in cases of NATURAL COORDINATION,
where a salient close relation holds between the conjuncts, but disallowed in cases of ACCIDENTAL
COORDINATION. The semantic distinction between natural and accidental coordination has a syntactic
reflex in Finnish, where only the features of the natural-coordination structure are compatible
with the agreement requirements of plural adjectives. We show that the distinction between natural
and accidental coordination is syntactically reflected not only in Finnish, but in other languages
as well, including Tundra Nenets, Russian, and Kurdish.*}}

@article{Phillips:2006a,
	Author = {Phillips, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4phillips.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {795--823},
	Title = {The Real-Time Status of Island Phenomena},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {In parasitic-gap constructions an illicit gap inside a syntactic island becomes acceptable in
combination with an additional licit gap, a result that has interesting implications for theories of
grammar. Such constructions hold even greater interest for the question of the relation between
grammatical knowledge and real-time language processing. This article presents results from two
experiments on parasitic-gap constructions in English in which the parasitic gap appears inside
a subject island, before the licensing gap. An off-line studyconfirms that parasitic gaps are
acceptable when theyoccur inside the infinitival complement of a subject NP, but not when they
occur inside a finite relative clause. An on-line self-paced reading studyusing a plausibility
manipulation technique shows that incremental positing of gaps inside islands occurs in just those
environments where parasitic gaps are acceptable. The fact that parasitic gaps are constructed
incrementallyin language processing presents a challenge for attempts to explain subject islands
as epiphenomena of constraints on language processing and also helps to resolve apparent conflicts
in previous studies of the role of island constraints in parsing.*}}

@article{Vasishth:2006,
	Author = {Vasishth, Shravan and Lewis, Richard L.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4vasishth.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {767--794},
	Title = {Argument-Head Distance and Processing Complexity: Explaining Both Locality and Antilocality Effects},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Although proximity between arguments and verbs (locality) is a relatively robust determinant
of sentence-processing difficulty (Hawkins 1998, 2001, Gibson 2000), increasing argument-verb
distance can also facilitate processing (Konieczny 2000). We present two self-paced reading
(SPR) experiments involving Hindi that provide further evidence of antilocality, and a third SPR
experiment which suggests that similarity-based interference can attenuate this distance-based
facilitation. A unified explanation of interference, locality, and antilocality effects is proposed
via an independently motivated theory of activation decay and retrieval interference (Anderson
et al. 2004).*}}

@article{Baltin:2006,
	Author = {Baltin, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4baltin.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {734--766},
	Title = {The Nonunity of {VP}-Preposing},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This article shows that a VP in English is only a VP at the outset of a derivation, and that VPpreposing
in English is in fact preposing of the internal arguments of the verb, followed by
remnant movement of the original VP, making English and German (Mueller 1998) more similar
than they might appear at first glance. The evidence for the nonconstituency of the verb and its
original arguments inpreposed position comes from its solution to what has been termed Pesetsky's
paradox, in that an object of a preposed VP can bind into an adverbial at the end of a sentence,
creating an apparent conflict between the assumptions that binding requires c-command and that
only constituents move. This article also provides evidence for c-command as the prominence
constraint on binding, rather than o-command (Pollard & Sag 1994) or f-command (Dalrymple
1999).*}}

@article{Bybee:2006a,
	Author = {Bybee, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.4bybee.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {711--733},
	Title = {From Usage to Grammar: The Mind's Response to Repetition},
	Volume = {82},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {A usage-based view takes grammar to be the cognitive organization of one's experience with
language. Aspects of that experience, for instance, the frequency of use of certain constructions
or particular instances of constructions, have an impact on representation that is evidenced in
speaker knowledge of conventionalized phrases and in language variation and change. It is shown
that particular instances of constructions can acquire their own pragmatic, semantic, and phonological
characteristics. In addition, it is argued that high-frequency instances of constructions undergo
grammaticization processes (which produce further change), function as the central members of
categories formed by constructions, and retain their old forms longer than lower-frequency instances
under the pressure of newer formations. An exemplar model that accommodates both
phonological and semantic representation is elaborated to describe the data considered.*}}

@article{Marusic:2006,
	Author = {Maru{\v{s}}i\v{c}, Franc and {\vZ}aucer, Rok},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Marusic_Zaucer.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1093--1159},
	Title = {On the Intensional \emph{FEEL-LIKE} Construction in {S}lovenian: A Case of a Phonologically Null Verb},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper discusses an apparently monoclausal construction which
has a dispositional interpretation (`x feels like V-ing') but no overt dispositional
element. The paper is a detailed study of the construction as it is realized in
Slovenian, although similar constructions are found in some other languages, most
notably Slavic. We argue that the construction is best analyzed as biclausal, containing
a covert matrix psych-predicate. We thus go against the monoclausal
treatment proposed by Rivero and Milojevic Sheppard (2003). The discussion
touches on a number of theoretical issues, such as (deficient) clausal complements,
the phase theory, adverbial syntax, and the sententialist/intensionalist debate on
intensionality.}}

@article{Hyams:2006,
	Author = {Hyams, Nina and Ntelitheos, Dimitris and Manorohanta, Cecile},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Hyams.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1049--1092},
	Title = {Acquisition of {M}alagasy voicing system: implications for the adult grammar},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {In this paper we discuss the acquisition of the voicing system of Malagasy,
an Austronesian language. Our study is based on the longitudinal data of three children
ages 19--32 months, and is to our knowledge the first systematic investigation
of the acquisition of Malagasy. The Malagasy voicing system has a distinctive morphology
and involves the promotion of an argument (actor, theme, instrument, etc.)
to a referentially and syntactically prominent position, typically clause-final.We look
at two competing accounts of the Malagasy voicing system, one in which the promoted
argument is analyzed as a subject and the promotion operation an instance of
A-movement (Guilfoyle, Hung, & Travis, 1992) and a more recent account in which
Malagasy is analyzed as a V2-like language in which the promoted argument is a topic
and the promotion an instance of A -movement (Pearson, M. (2001); Pearson, M. (2005)). 
Both analyses have clear implications for acquisition, which we examine in
this paper. Our acquisition results favor the analysis of the promoted argument as
an A -element. We also show that there is a developmental stage in Malagasy that
parallels the root infinitive (RI) stage widely observed in various European languages.
Apparent differences between the Germanic RIs and the analogous phenomenon in
Malagasy are derived from differences in the functional structure associated with a
voicing system as opposed to an agreement system.}}

@article{Giorgi:2006,
	Author = {Giorgi, Alessandra},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Giorgi.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {1009--1047},
	Title = {From temporal anchoring to long distance anaphors},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the distribution of long distance anaphors in two
typologically unrelated languages, Italian and Chinese, and shows that in spite of the
superficial differences they are ruled by the same grammatical principles. It is proposed
that the properties determining the temporal location of events at the interface
level --- i.e., Sequence of Tense --- also allow the identification of the antecedent of
long distance anaphors. The paper focuses on so-called blocking effects---namely, the
impossibility for a long distance anaphor to extend its binding domain beyond certain
elements, such as an indicative verbal form in Italian or an indexical or context-related
item in Chinese. I also consider backward binding phenomena, and show how they
might follow from the same generalizations. The paper investigates the role of the
speaker and the bearer of attitude in the sentence, and capitalizing on the proposals by
Giorgi and Pianesi (1997, 2001a, 2001b, 2004a, 2004b) on Sequence of Tense, argues
that they are syntactically realized and might act as binders and blockers both for
temporal anchoring and for binding.}}

@article{Danon:2006,
	Author = {Danon, Gabi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Danon.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {977--1008},
	Title = {Caseless nominals and projection of {DP}},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Modern Hebrew differentiates between definite and indefinite objects,
using a prepositional object marker only in front of definites. This article explores the
hypothesis that lack of an object marker when the object is indefinite follows from
lack of abstract Case on indefinite objects. It is shown that indefinites in Hebrew are
allowed in various other positions in which Case seems to be unavailable and in which
definites are not allowed, a fact that receives a straightforward account under the
proposed hypothesis that indefinites do not require Case. The possibility of having
Caseless indefinites is then argued to follow from lack of a DP projection in Hebrew
indefinites. The second part of this article aims to show that an analysis of indefinites
in Hebrew as lacking a DP projection is indeed possible and can be motivated
on independent grounds. This involves a reexamination of the arguments that have
motivated the influential N-to-D analysis of Semitic noun phrases. I claim that most
previous work on Semitic nominals is in fact compatible with an analysis in which
nouns do not raise as high as the D position, and that the hypothesis that indefinites
in Hebrew are not full DPs has some explanatory advantages over the view that all
construct state nominals in Hebrew are DPs.}}

@article{Cecchetto:2006,
	Author = {Cecchetto, Carlo and Geraci, Carlo and Zucchi, Sandro},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Cecchetto.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {945--975},
	Title = {Strategies of relativization in {I}talian {S}ign {L}anguage},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {We discuss a construction of Italian Sign Language (LIS) that we call PROREL
clauses. This construction is used to translate Italian relative clauses by native
signers of LIS. We show, however, that it differs from Italian relative clauses both
syntactically and semantically. From a syntactic standpoint, we argue that PROREL
clauses are correlative constructions on a par with left-adjoined relative clauses investigated
for Hindi by Dayal (Locality in WH quantification: Questions and relative
clauses in Hindi. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996). On the semantic
side, we argue however that unlike Hindi correlatives, PROREL clauses lack restrictive
interpretations and are interpreted instead as subject-predicate structures. In
this respect, they are similar to Japanese internally headed relative clauses (IHRCs)
investigated by Shimoyama (Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8:147--182, 1999). We
propose that like Japanese IHRCs in Shimoyama's proposal, PROREL clauses are
related to the main clause via e-type anaphora.}}

@article{Anttila:2006,
	Author = {Anttila, Arto},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.4Anttila.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {893--944},
	Title = {Variation and Opacity},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Phonological variation and phonological opacity have been extensively
studied independently of each other. This paper examines two phonological
processes that simultaneously exhibit both phenomena: Assibilation and Apocope
in Finnish. The evidence converges on two main conclusions. First, variation
results from the presence of MULTIPLE METRICAL SYSTEMS within Finnish. Assibilation
and Apocope are metrically conditioned alternations and the segmental
variation reflects metrical variation. The metrical analysis explains a number of
apparently unrelated phenomena, including typological asymmetries across dialects,
quantitative asymmetries within dialects, differences between nouns and
verbs, differences among noun classes, and the loci of lexical frequency effects.
Second, phonological opacity arises from MORPHOLOGICAL LEVEL ORDERING. By
interleaving transparent phonologies with independently motivated morphosyntactic
constituents (stems, words, phrases) we derive the transparent and opaque
interactions of four phonological processes, including Assibilation and Apocope.}}

@article{Aguilar-Mediavilla:2006,
	Author = {Aguilar-Mediavilla, Eva M.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {371--372},
	Title = {The Incidence of Phonological Competence on the Morpho-Syntax of Children with {S}pecific {L}anguage {I}mpairment: A Longitudinal Study},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Gualmini:2006,
	Author = {Gualmini, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {363--370},
	Title = {Some Facts about Quantification and Negation One Simply Cannot Deny: A Reply to {G}ennari and {M}ac{D}onald},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Sugisaki:2006,
	Author = {Sugisaki, Koji and Snyder, William},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {349--361},
	Title = {The Parameter of Preposition Stranding: A View from Child {E}nglish},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Hendriks:2006,
	Author = {Hendriks, Petra and Spenader, Jennifer},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {319--348},
	Title = {When Production Precedes Comprehension: An Optimization Approach to the Acquisition of Pronouns},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Gruter:2006,
	Author = {Gr{\"u}ter, Theres},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {287--317},
	Title = {Another Take on the {L2} Initial State: Evidence from Comprehension in {L2} {G}erman},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Hegarty:1996,
	Author = {Hegarty, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {111--119},
	Title = {The role of categorization in contribution of conditional \emph{then}: Comments on {I}atridou},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Stechow:1996,
	Author = {Stechow, Arnim von},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {57-110},
	Title = {Against {LF} Pied-Piping},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1996},
	Abstract = {The arguments for LF Pied-Piping given by Nishigauchi and others are represented. It is shown that Nishigauchi's semantics for pied-piped phrases gives the wrong meaning for interrogatives. We argue that none of the arguments for LF Pied-Piping is tenable and most of the arguments against the traditional approach (unbounded wh-movement at LF) do not stand up to scrutiny. However, some data turn out to be problematic for the traditional account. The alternative considered here involves pied-piping at an intermediate level between S-structure and LF. It is called WH-structure and is followed by reconstruction at LF. This proposal will combine the essential insights of Nishigauchi's idea and have all its advantages over the traditional view, without running into the problems of his approach.}}

@phdthesis{Hallman:2000a,
	Author = {Hallman, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	School = {University of California, Los Angeles},
	Title = {The Structure of Predicates: Interactions of Derivation, Case and Quantification},
	Year = {2000}}

@unpublished{Sportiche:2003,
	Author = {Sportiche, Dominique},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, University of California, Los Angeles},
	Title = {Reconstruction, Binding and Scope},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Heycock:2005a,
	Author = {Heycock, Caroline and Zamparelli, Roberto},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLS/NLS13(3)_Heycock.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {201--270},
	Title = {Friends and Colleagues: Plurality, Coordination, and the Structure of {DP}},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005},
	Abstract = {Starting from an analysis for the crosslinguistic variation in the grammaticality of DP- 
internal conjunctions such as This [man and woman] are in love, this article develops a 
theory of the syntax/semantics interface within the DP and a novel proposal for the 
interpretation of conjunction. The main claims are that plural/mass denotations are built 
in stages within the DP, by the combined effect of number features and semantic 
operators associated with functional heads; that languages differ in whether the deno- 
tation of nouns is filtered for singular or plural number; and that the word and cross- 
linguistically denotes SET PRODUCT, an operation which, in different contexts, can mimic 
the behavior of intersection and union.}}

@article{Riggle:2006,
	Author = {Riggle, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.3Riggle.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {857--891},
	Title = {Infixing Reduplication in {P}ima and its theoretical consequences},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Pima (Uto-Aztecan, central Arizona) pluralizes nouns via partial reduplication.
The amount of material copied varies between a single C (mavit / ma-m-vit
`lion(s)') and CV (hodai / ho-ho-dai `rock(s)'). The former is preferred unless copying
a single C would give rise to an illicit coda or cluster, in which case CV is copied. In
contrast to previous analyses of similar patterns in Tohono O'odham and Lushootseed,
I analyze the reduplicant as an infix rather than a prefix. The infixation of the
reduplicant can be generated via constraints requiring the first vowel of the stem to
correspond to the first vowel of the word. Furthermore, the preference for copying the
initial consonant of the word can be generated by extending positional faithfulness
to the base-reduplicant relationship. I argue that the infixation analysis is superior
on two grounds. First, it reduces the C vs. CV variation to an instance of reduplicant
size conditioned by phonotactics. Second, unlike the prefixation analyses, which must
introduce a new notion of faithfulness to allow syncope in the base just in the context
of reduplication (e.g. ``existential faithfulness'' (Struijke 2000a)), the infixation
analysis uses only independently necessary constraints of Correspondence Theory.}}

@article{Hall:2006a,
	Author = {Hall, T. A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.3Hall.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {803--856},
	Title = {Derived Environment Blocking Effects in {O}ptimality {T}heory},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The present study examines a particular kind of rule blockage --
referred to below as `Derived Environment Blocking' -- which has not been recognized
to date in the literature. Derived Environment Blocking (DEB) occurs if
a phonological process is prevented from deriving a sequence of sounds [XY], but
underlying (i.e. nonderived) /XY/ sequences are permitted to surface as [XY]. It
will be argued below that Derived Environment Blocking effects can be captured
in Optimality Theory in terms of a general ranking involving FAITHFULNESS and
MARKEDNESS constraints and that individual languages invoke a specific instantiation
of this ranking. DEB will be compared to Comparative Markedness (McCarthy
2003) and it will be shown that the former approach is preferable to the latter.}}

@article{Francis:2006,
	Author = {Francis, Elaine J. and Matthews, Stephen},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.3Francis_Matthews.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {751--801},
	Title = {Categoriality and Object Extraction in {C}antonese Serial Verb Constructions},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The Cantonese `coverb' construction, a serial verb construction in
which the first verb (the `coverb') has a preposition-like meaning and function,
presents a challenge for theories of wh-dependencies and island constraints. Coverbs
resist extraction of their objects by topicalization or relativization, a fact
which has often been explained in terms of a preposition-stranding constraint in
accounts of similar facts in Mandarin. However, Cantonese coverbs display the
morphosyntactic properties of verbs, suggesting that they cannot be prepositions.
In this paper, we propose that coverbs are verbs, and that the relevant extraction
constraint is a kind of adjunct island constraint. This proposal is supported
with experimental evidence from a sentence judgment task. Two key findings are
as follows: (1) listeners judged extraction from a coverb phrase as significantly
less acceptable than extraction from a simple clause; (2) listeners judged sentences
both with and without aspectual marking (verbal morphosyntax) on the
coverb as highly acceptable. Together, these findings support our proposal that
coverbs are verbs (not prepositions) and that coverb phrases form a kind of
adjunct island. However, we show that existing adjunct island conditions (such as
the CED) are not adequate to account for our data. Following Hawkins' (1999)
processing-based theory of filler-gap dependencies, we propose a simple, languagespecific
formulation of the extraction constraint, and we argue that this constraint
is more generally motivated by a processing principle called Avoid Competing
Subcategorizers -- one of the same principles that motivates preposition-stranding
constraints in other languages. Thus, although object extraction is prohibited by
a kind of adjunct island constraint, the function of the constraint in processing
efficiency is similar to that of a preposition-stranding constraint.}}

@article{Dikken:2006b,
	Author = {Dikken, Marcel den},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.3denDikken.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {689--749},
	Title = {\emph{Either}-Float and the Syntax of Co-\emph{or}-dination},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The syntax of either . . . or . . . treats the analyst to two main puzzles:
the `either too high' puzzle (either can be dissociated from the contrastive focus,
surfacing in positions higher up the syntactic tree), and the `either too low' puzzle
(either is apparently too low in the tree, embedded inside the first disjunct). Covering
data beyond the range of extant accounts, this paper presents an integrated solution
to both puzzles. The paper's central claim is that both either and or are phrasal
categories. They originate in a position adjoined to their disjunct, to the contrastive
focus or to a higher node on the `h-path' projected from the contrastive focus.
Though either itself is immobile, its [+NEG] counterpart, neither, can undergo
phrasal movement from its base-generation site to a higher position in the tree, from
which it triggers negative inversion; [+WH] whether must move to SpecCP; and or
and [+NEG] nor must, if they are not base-generated there, front to the initial
position in the second disjunct in order to be able to participate in a feature-checking
relationship with the abstract head J(unction), the functional head that takes the
second disjunct as its complement and the first disjunct as its specifier. The movement
of whether, neither and (n)or will be diagnosed on the basis of the familiar
restrictions on movement.}}

@article{Cozier:2006,
	Author = {Cozier, Franz K.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {655--688},
	Title = {The Co-Occurrence of Predicate Clefting and \emph{WH}-Questions in {T}rinidad {D}ialectal {E}nglish},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper examines the properties of a grammatical construction
called a predicate cleft (PC), which occurs in a regional dialect of English,
Trinidad Dialectal English (TDE), spoken on the Eastern Caribbean island of
Trinidad. The examination of the PC in TDE is of typological interest inasmuch
as it resembles similar constructions in certain West African languages. A PC
renders focus or contrastive focus to a verb in a given sentence by copying the
verb and preposing it. Similar verb focusing constructions have been observed for
many West African languages, including Vata and Nweh, as well as for Caribbean
Creoles (Koopman 1984, Piou 1982). The PC in TDE is also of theoretical
interest when combined with wh-question formation; the wh-subject/object asymmetries
explored here provide interesting support for an escape hatch for whphrases
in an intermediate position between VP and Tense that is comparable to
a VP-adjoined position (Chomsky 1986). Evidence is also provided for a CP-like
domain lower in the clause; I argue that both a wh-phrase and a verb focused
in a PC have focus features that must be checked in a Focus Phrase (FocP). The
current investigation enriches the characterization of both PCs and wh-question
formation by looking not only at each operation individually but also examining
their interaction with one another as well as with adverbs.}}

@article{Adger:2006,
	Author = {Adger, David},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/24.3Adger.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {605--654},
	Title = {Post-Syntactic Movement and the {O}ld {I}rish Verb},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The placement of second position clitics has been analysed as involving
syntactic movement, morphological transpositions, or prosodic inversion. This
paper argues that a syntactic treatment of the Old Irish verbal complex is untenable
and that facts about allomorphy and phonological phrasing preclude a prosodic
inversion analysis. I show how application of a morphological transposition operation
(the Morphological Merger operation in a Distributed Morphology framework)
not only to overt clitics in the language, but also to the functional head Force,
provides a unified analysis of this highly intricate system.}}

@article{Haiden:2006,
	Author = {Haiden, Martin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/9.2Haiden.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {143--160},
	Title = {Review of ``Complex Predicates: Verbal Complexes, Resultative Constructions, and Paricle Verb in {G}erman''},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Complex Predicates presents the results of an ambitious project: a formally explicit,
unified analysis of complex predicate-formation in German. Apart from infinitival
constructions, which are discussed in chapter 2, the book addresses the passive
(chapter 3), resultatives (chapter 4), depictives (chapter 5), and verb--particle constructions
(chapter 6). Complex Predicates presents this wide area of phenomena in a
concise and insightful manner, and develops an analysis that is based on few specific
assumptions in the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG).
This said, the book obviously targets an audience wider than HPSG. Chapter 1 offers
a brief introduction into general assumptions of the framework, developed along
with a basic HPSG-analysis of German clause structure, and throughout the book
the author has made every effort to find a good balance between empirical scrutiny,
theoretical explicitness, and accessibility for readers who are not familiar with
HPSG. Comparable monographs are hard to find and badly needed.}}

@article{Lee-Schoenfeld:2006,
	Author = {Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/9.2Lee-Schoenfeld.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {101--142},
	Title = {German possessor datives: raised \emphg{and} affected},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The German POSSESSOR DATIVE CONSTRUCTION (PDC) is an instance of
EXTERNAL POSSESSION: a single nominal acts simultaneously as possessor, that is,
a subpart of a larger nominal phrase, and as a BENEFACTIVE or MALEFACTIVE
(AFFECTEE) argument of the verb. The challenge is to understand the mechanisms
that make this dual functioning possible. Following Landau [Lingua 107 (1999) 1],
this paper presents a POSSESSOR RAISING analysis, arguing that the POSSESSOR DATIVE
(PD) moves from the specifier of the possessed nominal to a verbal argument
position. The analysis is implemented in a dynamic structure-building framework,
where heads with their selectional features are introduced in the course of the
derivation, and it is in principle possible that an argument that gets merged into the
structure to take on one thematic role raises into a newly built sentence domain to
fulfill another thematic role. This movement and the resulting double h-role
assignment are crucially driven by formal features; that is, both stem from the fact
that, in its origin site, the raised argument is not case-licensed. An additional caselicensing
head is needed for the derivation to converge. This head is an affectee light
verb which assigns inherent dative case to the argument in its specifier. Thus, unlike
Landau's account of PDCs in Hebrew, where PDs can be interpreted as affected without actually being h-related to the verb, the analysis here offers an explanation
for the crosslinguistically more general case of the PDC, where the PD's role as both
possessor and affectee needs to be syntactically encoded.}}

@book{Kimenyi:1980,
	Author = {Alexandre Kimenyi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Publisher = {University of California Press},
	Title = {A Relational Grammar of {K}inyarwanda},
	Year = {1980}}

@article{Jayaseelan:2001,
	Author = {Jayaseelan, K. A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(2)_Jayaseelan.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {63--93},
	Title = {Questions and Question-Word Incorporating Quantifiers in {M}alayalam},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Stepanov:2001a,
	Author = {Stepanov, Arthur},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(2)_Stepanov.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {94--125},
	Title = {Late Adjunction and Minimalist Phrase Structure},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Brody:2001,
	Author = {Brody, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(2)_Brody.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {126--138},
	Title = {One More Time},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Lillo-Martin:2001,
	Author = {Lillo-Martin, Diane},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(2)_LilloMartin.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {139--143},
	Title = {Review of ``The Syntax of American Sign Language''},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Carstens:2001,
	Author = {Carstens, Vicki},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(3)_Carstens.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {147--163},
	Title = {Multiple Agreement and Case Deletion: Against $phi$-(In)completeness},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Frazier:2001,
	Author = {Frazier, Lyn and Clifton, Charles, Jr.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(1)_Frazier_Clifton.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--22},
	Title = {Parsing Coordinates and Ellipsis: Copy {$\alpha$}},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Tsohatzidis:2001,
	Author = {Tsohatzidis, Savas L.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(1)_Tsohatzidis.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {23--33},
	Title = {Correlative and Noncorrelative Conjunctions in Argument and Nonargument Positions},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Zwart:2001a,
	Author = {Zwart, C. Jan-Wouter},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(1)_Zwart.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {34--62},
	Title = {Syntactic and Phonological Verb Movement},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Simpson:2002b,
	Author = {Simpson, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(2)_Simpson.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {148--166},
	Title = {Review of ``Phrasal Movement and its Kin''},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Picallo:2006,
	Author = {Picallo, M. Carme},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(2)_Picallo.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {116--147},
	Title = {Abstract Agreement and Clausal Arguments},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {CP arguments have been argued to be Caseless and u-featureless. Empirical
evidence mainly drawn from Spanish suggests that this claim should be reconsidered.
In this paper, I claim that clausal arguments and nominalized clauses have a u content
and Case specification. These types of arguments are therefore able to relate by
agreement with a functional category. The facts examined support minimalist
guidelines by claiming that the concrete realization of the u and Case content of a
syntactic object is irrelevant for computational mechanisms to take place.}}

@article{Goria:2002,
	Author = {Goria, Cecilia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(2)_Goria.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {89--115},
	Title = {The Complexity of the Left Periphery: Evidence from {P}iedmontese},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {Central to this paper is the relation, in Piedmontese, between verbinterrogative
clitic inversion and main wh-questions introduced by the
complementizer che (wh+che). Parry (1998a) takes these structures to be in
complementary distribution, claiming that che preempts V-to-C movement in
interrogative inversion and destroys the licensing environment for interrogative
clitics. In this paper, I argue for the revision of this claim. Building on Chomsky's
(1995) checking theory, I propose an analysis of Piedmontese interrogatives in the
spirit of Roberts and Roussou's (1999) dissociation of features [wh] and [Q]. I
maintain that interrogative V-to-C movement and matrix wh+che questions target
different CPs, hence the verb in C and che do not compete for the same position.
Factors other than syntactic ones are responsible for the rare use of interrogative clitics
in wh+che structures. The analysis presented in this paper supports the complexity of
the Left Periphery proposed by Rizzi (1997).}}

@article{Potts:2006,
	Author = {Potts, Christopher},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(1)_Potts.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {55--88},
	Title = {The Lexical Semantics of Parenthetical-\emph{as} and Appositive-\emph{which}},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Hornstein:2002a,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(1)_Hornstein_Nunes.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {26--54},
	Title = {On Asymmetries Between Parasitic Gap and Across-the-Board Constructions},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Anton-Mendez:2002,
	Author = {Ant{\'o}n-M{\'e}ndez, In{\'e}s and Nicol, Janet L. and Garrett, Merrill F.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(1)_AntonMendez_etal.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--25},
	Title = {The Relation Between Gender and Number Agreement Processing},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Rezac:2006,
	Author = {Rezac, Milan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4rezac.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {685--697},
	Title = {The Interaction of Th/Ex and Locative Inversion},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Nakajima:2006,
	Author = {Nakajima, Heizo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4nakajima.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {674--684},
	Title = {Adverbial Cognate Objects},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Dye:2006,
	Author = {Dye, Cristina},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4dye.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {665--674},
	Title = {A- and A$'$-Movement in {R}omanian Supine Constructions},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Craenenbroeck:2006,
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Dikken, Marcel den},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 13:34:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {653--664},
	Title = {Ellipsis and {EPP} Repair},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Williams:2006,
	Author = {Williams, Edwin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4williams.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {648--651},
	Title = {The Subject-Predicate Theory of \emph{There}},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The ``associate'' NP in the English existential there-construction is a
predicative NP, and there is its subject.}}

@article{Nakatani:2006,
	Author = {Nakatani, Kentaro},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4nakatani.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {625--647},
	Title = {Processing Complexity of Complex Predicates: A Case Study in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Complex predicates, by definition, behave like representationally ``reduced''
predicates, as extensively discussed in the syntax literature.
This article reports the results from an experimental study using a type
of complex predicate in Japanese (the V-te V predicate), testing how
people process this type of complex ``restructured'' predicate in real
time. Because of the properties of the V-te V predicate, it was possible
to compare restructured predicates with nonrestructured ones, keeping
such factors as event composition, Case licensing, and lexical choice
constant. The results of the experiment suggest that the tested restructured
predicates involve a single array of predicate-argument association
rather than two separate arrays, even though they contain two
verbs. The results also revealed that syntactically complex ditransitive
predicates are processed with the same ease as lexical ditransitives.}}

@article{Miyagawa:2006,
	Author = {Miyagawa, Shigeru},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4miyagawa.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {607--624},
	Title = {On the ``Undoing'' Property of Scrambling: A Response to {B}o\v{s}kovi\'c},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Boskovic(2004) argues that what defines scrambling in languages such
as Japanese is its ``undoing'' property (Saito 1989). Boskovic (2004)
and Boskovic and Takahashi (1998) argue that this ``undoing'' property
shows the way for scrambling to count as a last-resort operation, instead
of being purely optional as is widely believed. In this article, I
give empirical evidence that ``undoing'' does not occur and that the
reconstruction effect simply reflects a normal property of A'-movements
like wh-movement in English. I further show that the condition
that governs optional scrambling is Fox's (2000) Scope Economy.}}

@article{Boeckx:2006c,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4boeckx.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {591--606},
	Title = {Control in {I}celandic and Theories of Control},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This article examines a pervasive argument against a movement approach
to control based on Icelandic concord facts. We show that the
argument does not undermine the movement approach when the facts
are considered in their entirety. The facts divide into two basic groups:
instances of quirky Case assignment and instances of structural Case
sharing. The former require some theoretical adjustments regarding
multiply Case-marked NPs in order to be incorporated into a movement
approach. We show that the adjustments needed may be independently
required, and may be even more problematic for alternative views on
control.}}

@article{Chierchia:2006,
	Author = {Chierchia, Gennaro},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.4chierchia.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {535--590},
	Title = {Broaden your Views: Implicatures of Domain Widening and the ``Logicality'' of Language},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This article presents a unified theory of polarity-sensitive items (PSIs)
based on the notion of domain widening. PSIs include negative polarity
items (like Italian mai `ever'), universal free choice items (like Italian
qualunque `any/whatever'), and existential free choice items (like Italian
uno qualunque `a whatever'). The proposal is based on a ``recursive,''
grammatically driven approach to scalar implicatures that
breaks with the traditional view that scalar implicatures arise via postgrammatical
pragmatic processes. The main claim is that scalar items
optionally activate scalar alternatives that, when activated, are then
recursively factored into meaning via an alternative sensitive operator
similar to only. PSIs obligatorily activate domain alternatives that are
factored into meaning in much the same wa}}

@article{Frank:2001,
	Author = {Frank, Robert and Vijay-Shanker, K.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(3)_Frank.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {164--204},
	Title = {Primitive C-Command},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {Work in syntactic theory almost universally assumes that hierarchy in syntactic structure is characterized in terms of an abstract primitive relation of dominance. In this paper, we suggest that hierarchy chould instead be determined via a primitive c-command relation. This perspective turns out to restrict the range of possible syntactic structires in a lingusitically natural way, deriving restrictions on possible configurations that must otherwise be stipulated. Furthermore, we show that a primitive c-command view of syntactic structure provides the basis for a radically simplified conception of adjunction structure, one that not only allows us to understand why the adjuncitons operation exists alongside subsitition, but also explain why these operations have their distinctive structural and derivational properties.}}

@article{Schutze:2001,
	Author = {Sch{\"u}tze, Carson T.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax4(3)_Schutze.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--238},
	Title = {On the Nature of Default Case},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {This paper presents arguments that UG incudes a notion of ``default case'' different from that which has generally been assumed in the literature. It comprises the case forms used to spell out nominals that do not receive a case specification by assignment or other syntactic means. As such, it does not interact with the Case Filter, which is argued to be a purely syntactic constraint as opposed to a morphophonological one. It is shown that diverse phenomena in the distribution of pronouns in English can be parsimoniously treated using default case, and further that English can thereby be assimilated to ``richer'' case languages such as German, rather than being analyzed with arbitrary language-particular rules. A sampling of phenomena from other languages demonstrates that evidence for default case is widespread, and moreover, that crosslinguistic differences in case patterns can often be reduced to the choice of a default case.}}

@article{Progovac:2006,
	Author = {Progovac, Ljiljana},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(3)_Progovac.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {277--283},
	Title = {Correlative Conjunctions and Events: A Reply to a Reply},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Tsohatzidis (2001) attempts to "dispute the central thesis" of Progovac 1999 that correlative "both" induces a multiple-event interpretation whereas noncorrelative counterparts are ambiguous or vague between single-event and multiple-event readings. As far as I can see, there can be three types of counterexamples to Progovac: (i) noncorrelative constructions necessarily involving multiple-event interpretations (with no independent factor excluding single-event interpretations); (11) correlative coordination involving single-event interpretations; and (iii) pairs in which noncorrelative coordination permits multiple-event interpretation but the correlative couterparts only have single-event interpretation. The alleged counterexamples offered in Tsohatzidis are only of types (i) and (ii). On closer inspection, it turns out that the alleged type (i) counterexamples are not true counterexamples because they involve an independent factor, and that the alleged type (ii) counterexamples can be analyzed as involving multiple events. Tsohatzidis's attempt to dispute the claim in Progovac thus fails.}}

@article{Matushansky:2002,
	Author = {Matushansky, Ora},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(3)_Matushansky.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {219--276},
	Title = {Tipping the Scales: The Syntax of Scalarity in the Complement of \emph{seem}},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This paper argues for a syntactic and semantic distinction between the verb "seem" that takes propositional complements (i.e., CP and IP) and the verb "seem" that takes nonpropositional complements. The latter takes a smaller sized complement (in terms of the presence of functional structure), has a perceptual rather than epistemic interpretation, and imposes a scalarity-related restriction on it complement, which will be formalized as a selectional requirement of a DegP complement. The notion of scalarity, heretofore applicable only to adjectives, is extended to PPs, such as "out of her mind," and nouns, such as "fool." DegP is projected either if a predicate is scalar (has a degree argument slot) or to function as a landing site for QR of degree, which will be shown to function as the licensing mechanism for complements of "seem."}}

@article{Boskovic:2002c,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax5(3)_Boskovic.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {167--218},
	Title = {A-Movement and the {EPP}},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The article argues that the EPP should be eliminated. It is shown that in a
number of constructions the EPP does not hold at all. Where it does appear to hold, its
effects follow from independent mechanisms of the grammar. EPP effects concerning
the final landing site of A-movement follow from Case theory. Intermediate
[Spec,IP]s are filled as a result of the requirement of successive cyclicity (i.e.,
locality); otherwise they remain empty, which is unexpected if the EPP were to hold.
In particular, intermediate [Spec,IP]s remain empty in constructions involving
expletive subjects, which I argue do not move at all. It is also argued that the
requirement of successive cyclicity should not be tied to a property of intermediate
heads, as in the feature-checking/filled-specifier requirement approach to successive
cyclicity, but to a property of the movement itself.}}

@article{Runner:2006,
	Author = {Runner, Jeffrey T.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)_Runner.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {193--213},
	Title = {Lingering Challenges to the Raising-to-Object and Object Control Constructions},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This article provides an overview of the three main approaches to raisingto-
object sentences like Cindy believes Marcia to be a genius. The article describes
the strengths and challenges faced by these accounts, reaching a number of
conclusions. First, the covert   LF   raising account, though successful at accounting
for certain interpretational facts about the construction, does not provide an analysis
of the word-order facts. Second, the overt raising account, which can account
for the word order facts, still faces two main challenges; there remain important
open questions about verb placement, and though none of the current approaches
to extraction can easily explain it, extraction and raising-to-object interact in
complex ways that are still not well understood. Third, the movement theory of
control, which treats object control in a way parallel to overt raising-to-object,
faces not only the challenges to the overt raising account, but several others
particular to object control. Finally, the article describes the HPSG analysis of
raising-to-object, which can account straightforwardly for the word order facts, and
with the appropriate constraints can be extended to account for the extraction facts
discussed.}}

@article{Polinsky:2006,
	Author = {Polinsky, Maria and Potsdam, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)_Polinsky_Potsdam.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {171--192},
	Title = {Expanding the Scope of Control and Raising},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper presents unusual patterns in raising and control and offers a
syntactic account which would validate such patterns. On the empirical side, we present
evidence for backward control (data from several languages), backward raising (in
Adyghe), copy control (Zapotec, Assamese, Tongan) and copy raising (data from a
number of languages). All the unusual cases of raising and control seem to involve an
A-movement chain in which the lower, not the higher copy is pronounced, or both
copies are spelled out. We also review some constructions which, while superficially
resembling backward or copy structure, do not provide any evidence for a movement
chain. On the theoretical side, assuming that the more unusual patterns are an empirical
reality, linguistic theory should be capable of analyzing them. We present mechanisms
from the current Minimalist Program which we believe allow the attested variation.}}

@article{Landau:2006a,
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-22 17:44:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)_Landau.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {153--170},
	Title = {Severing the Distribution of {PRO} from Case},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Deriving the distribution of PRO in a principled manner is a central task
for the theory of control. Traditionally, Case has been identified as the key to this
problem: PRO was argued to bear no Case at all, or some special (  null  ) Case. I argue
that PRO bears standard case like normal lexical DPs; clear evidence comes from
languages with case-concord (Russian, Hungarian, Icelandic). Moreover, PRO (and
obligatory control) may occur in finite clauses (Hebrew, Balkan languages).
Conclusion: PRO's distribution must be completely divorced from Case, possibly
because abstract Case does not exist. The alternative is to tie the distribution of PRO
to the specific values of [T] and [Agr] on the I0 and C0 heads of the embedded
clause (Landau 2004). A feature-based algorithm predicts the distribution of PRO in a
variety of clausal complements. It is shown that the system naturally explains some
intriguing correlations between obligatory control and agreement in Basque and Welsh
complementation structures.}}

@article{Culicover:2006,
	Author = {Culicover, Peter W. and Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)_Culicover_Jackendoff.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {131--152},
	Title = {Turn Over Control to the Semantics!},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Historically, control in generative grammar has fallen within the province of
syntactic theory. One primary reason for this is that Mainstream Generative Grammar
(MGG) has imposed a strong uniformity criterion on analyses as a measure of their
explanatory adequacy. One aspect of this uniformity criterion, which we call Interface
Uniformity, holds that the syntax-semantics interface is maximally simple, in that meaning
maps transparently into syntactic structure, and that it is maximally uniform, so that the
same meaning always maps into the same syntactic structure. It follows from Interface
Uniformity that a nonfinite VP has a syntactic subject that is assigned its external h-role.
We argue that this view is most sustainable if one does not take into account the full richness
and complexity of control phenomena, but treats control strictly in terms of complementation.
When a fuller range of phenomena is taken into account, it appears that it is preferable to
``turn over control'' to the semantics, which is better equipped to capture the facts.We outline
how to formulate the syntax-semantics interface so as to get the semantic facts to line up
properly with the syntactic facts. This analysis of the interface extends naturally to raising.}}

@article{Boeckx:2006b,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)_Boeckx_Hornstein.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {118--130},
	Title = {The Virtues of Control as Movement},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Control has played an important role in theoretical debates within the
Minimalist Program. This is so because control implicates notions such as module,
h-role, the Last Resort nature of syntactic operations, movement, binding, chains, Case,
complementation, and more. Hornstein (1999) has controversially claimed that control
is a subspecies of movement. That is, control is just like familiar instances of raising,
except that it involves movement into an additional h-position. If correct, the
movement analysis has important conceptual and empirical repercussions, some of
which are examined here.}}

@article{Davies:2006,
	Author = {Davies, William D. and Dubinsky, Stanley},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax9(2)Davies_Dubinsky.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--117},
	Title = {The Place, Range, and Taxonomy of Control and Raising},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Gennari:2006,
	Author = {Gennari, Silvia P. and MacDonald, Maryellen C.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {125--168},
	Title = {Acquisition of Negation and Quantification: Insights from Adult Production and Comprehension},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Inspired by adult models of langauge production and comprehension, we investigate whether children's nonadult interpretation of ambiguous negative quantified sentences reflects their sensitivity to distributional patterns of language use. Studies 1 and 2 show that ambiguous negative quantified sentences of the sort typically used in acquisition studies are strongly avoided in adult production and are judged as poor alternatives by adults. Corpus studies 3 and 4 show that children and adults overwhelmingly use quantifiers and negation in ways that promote one interpretation of these ambiguous quantified sentences over others. We argue that these patterns guide children's ambiguity reolution processes and explain children's interpretations of ambiguous quantified sentences. The origin of distributional patterns in adult production processes is discussed.}}

@article{Hoop:2006,
	Author = {de Hoop, Helen and Kr{\"a}mer, Irene},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {103--123},
	Title = {Children's Optimal Interpretations of Indefinite Subjects and Objects},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {We find a general, language-independent pattern in child language acquisition in which there is a clear difference between subject and object noun phrases. On one hand, indefinite objects tend to be interpreted nonreferentially, independently of word order and across experiments and languages. On the other hand, indefinite subjects tend to be interpreted referentially in most contexts, even in contexts where adults would favor a nonreferential reading. In this article we offer an explanation for this pattern within the framework of bidrectional Optimality Theory. This explanation focuses on clarifyng in what sense children's interpretations deviate from the adult interpretations and clarifying the nature of the linguistic knowledge that the 4-year-old child will need to acquire to become a competent, adultlike speaker and hearer of her language.}}

@article{Lidz:2006a,
	Author = {Lidz, Jeffrey and Musolino, Julien},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {73--102},
	Title = {On the Quantificational Status of Indefinites: The View From Child Language},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Theories of indefinites vary with respect to whether these noun phrases can be treated as quantificational. Although everyone seems to be in agreement that indefinites do not always introduce their own quantificational force, there is widespread disagreement as to whether they ever do. In this article, we present experimental evidence from children learning English and Kannada demonstrating that children's indefinites show scopal restrictions parallel to the restrictions they show with other unambiguously quantificational expressions. Children, unlike adults, show a strong preference to assign quantificational expressions surface scope. This is true for both strong and weak quantifiers, which would be surprising on a theory of indefinites that treated these expressions as uniformly nonquantificational. Consequently, we argue that in adult grammars indefinites must have a quantificational representation at least some of the time.}}

@article{Hudson:2006,
	Author = {Hudson, Richard},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.3hudson.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {604--627},
	Title = {\emph{Wanna} Revisited},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This article addresses general questions about the organization of grammar via a detailed discussion
of a small, but well-explored, area of English: the contraction of want to to wanna. It
distinguishes three general approaches to the analysis of wanna: a phonological rule, lexicalization,
or a derivational rule. Each approach has a different set of strengths, but they all have weaknesses
as well. The article then offers a new analysis in terms of REALIZATION, which combines the
strengths of all the previous analyses. This analysis, which is based on the theory of word grammar,
accounts not only for all the well-known syntactic and morphological constraints on this contraction,
but also for a fact that has not been noted before: that, for some speakers, the last vowel
alternates in just the same idiosyncratic way as that of to, which suggests strongly that in some
sense wanna contains to as well as want. For these (but not all) speakers, the proposed analysis
recognizes two words (sublexemes of WANT and TOinf) at the level of syntax and a single form
( wanna , containing variants of  want  and  to ) at the level of form; the relations between these
words and forms, and between the forms and their phonological realizations, are defined by a
declarative network.}}

@article{Giannakidou:2006,
	Author = {Giannakidou, Anastasia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.3giannakidou.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {575--603},
	Title = {\emph{Only}, Emotive Factive Verbs, and the Dual Nature of Polarity Dependency},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The main focus of this article is the occurrence of some polarity items (PIs) in the complements
of emotive factive verbs and only. This fact has been taken as a challenge to the semantic approach
to PIs (Linebarger 1980), because only and factive verbs are not downward entailing (DE). A
modification of the classical DE account is proposed by introducing the notion of nonveridicality
(Zwarts 1995, Giannakidou 1998, 1999, 2001) as the one crucial for PI sanctioning. To motivate
this move, it is first shown that two solutions in the direction of weakening classical monotonicity
do not work: Strawson DE (von Fintel 1999) and weak DE (Hoeksema 1986). Weakening DE
systematically either overgenerates or undergenerates, in either case failing to characterize the
correct set of licensers. Nonveridicality is introduced as a conservative extension of DE and is
shown to account for PIs also in contexts that are not DE (i.e. questions, modal verbs, imperatives,
directive propositional attitudes). This theory, augmented with the premise that certain PIs (i.e.
the liberal class represented by any) are subject to a weaker polarity dependency identified not
as LICENSING but as RESCUING by nonveridicality, explains the occurrence of this particular class
with only and emotive factive verbs. Crosslinguistic comparisons illustrate that the occurrence
of PIs with only and emotive factives is not a general phenomenon, and further support the dual
nature of polarity dependency and the semantic characterization of the elements that license or
rescue PIs.}}

@article{Kawahara:2006,
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.3kawahara.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {536--574},
	Title = {A Faithfulness Ranking Projected from a Perceptibility Scale: The Case of [+Voice] in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {Within the framework of optimality theory (Prince & Smolensky 2004), Steriade (2001a,b)
proposes the P-map hypothesis, whose fundamental tenet is that the rankings of faithfulness
constraints are grounded in perceptual-similarity rankings. This article provides empirical support
for this hypothesis. In Japanese loanword phonology, a voiced geminate, but not a singleton,
devoices to dissimilate from another voiced obstruent within a single stem. Based on this observation,
I argue that the [ voice] feature is protected by two different faithfulness constraints,
IDENT( voi)Sing and IDENT( voi)Gem, and they are ranked as IDENT( voi)Sing >> IDENT( voi)Gem
in Japanese. I further argue that this ranking is grounded in the relative perceptibility of [ voice]
in singletons and geminates, and this claim is experimentally supported. The general theoretical
implication is that phonetic perceptibility can directly influence patterns in a phonological
grammar.}}

@article{Ruiter:2006,
	Author = {Ruiter, J. P. de and Mitterer, Holger and Enfield, N. J.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.3de_ruiter.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {515--535},
	Title = {Projecting the End of a Speaker's turn: A Cognitive Cornerstone of Conversation},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {A key mechanism in the organization of turns at talk in conversation is the ability to anticipate
or PROJECT the moment of completion of a current speaker's turn. Some authors suggest that this
is achieved via lexicosyntactic cues, while others argue that projection is based on intonational
contours. We tested these hypotheses in an on-line experiment, manipulating the presence of
symbolic (lexicosyntactic) content and intonational contour of utterances recorded in natural conversations.
When hearing the original recordings, subjects can anticipate turn endings with the
same degree of accuracy attested in real conversation. With intonational contour entirely removed
(leaving intact words and syntax, with a completely flat pitch), there is no change in subjects'
accuracy of end-of-turn projection. But in the opposite case (with original intonational contour
intact, but with no recognizable words), subjects' performance deteriorates significantly. These
results establish that the symbolic (i.e. lexicosyntactic) content of an utterance is necessary (and
possibly sufficient) for projecting the moment of its completion, and thus for regulating conversational
turn-taking. By contrast, and perhaps surprisingly, intonational contour is neither necessary
nor sufficient for end-of-turn projection.}}

@article{LeSourd:2006,
	Author = {LeSourd, Philip S.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/82.3lesourd.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {486--514},
	Title = {Problems for the Pronominal Argument Hypothesis in {M}aliseet-{P}assamaquoddy},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {According to the PRONOMINAL ARGUMENT HYPOTHESIS, the characteristic features of many socalled
nonconfigurational languages may be accounted for on the assumption that affixes of verbs
or auxiliaries in such languages either function as syntactic arguments or identify null pronouns
that fill this role. Overt NPs then stand as adjuncts to clauses that are formally complete without
them. Several studies have proposed analyses of Algonquian languages that incorporate versions
of this hypothesis. This article explores data from several areas of the morphology and syntax
of the Eastern Algonquian language Maliseet-Passamaquoddy that suggest that it is not such a
pronominal argument language.}}

@article{Lee-Schoenfeld:2004,
	Author = {Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JGermanicLing/Lee-Schoenfeld_JGL16(2).pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--171},
	Title = {Binding by phase: (Non-)complementarity in {G}erman},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Boskovic:2006,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3boskovic.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {522--533},
	Title = {Case Checking versus Case Assignment and the Case of Adverbial {NP}s},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Borroff:2006,
	Author = {Borroff, Marianne L.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3borroff.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {514--521},
	Title = {Degree Phrase Inversion in the Scope of Negation},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Beavers:2006,
	Author = {Beavers, John and Koontz-Garboden, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3beavers.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {503--513},
	Title = {A Universal Pronoun in {E}nglish?},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Haegeman:2006a,
	Author = {Haegeman, Liliane},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3haegeman.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {484--501},
	Title = {Clitic Climbing and the Dual Status of \emph{Sembrare}},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {For some speakers of Italian (reported in Cinque 2004), Italian sembrare
`seem' has dual status. On the one hand, it is a lexical verb,
with an experiencer argument; on the other hand, it behaves like a
``restructuring verb.'' In the latter case, sembrare is incompatible with
an experiencer argument and it allows clitic climbing. This article
identifies several contexts in which clitic climbing is not possible with
sembrare and offers an account in terms of Cinque's proposals about
the functional hierarchy of the clause. The article also examines sembler,
the French cognate of sembrare, and argues, contra Cinque 2002,
that it behaves like a lexical verb. Finally, it shows that the two instantiations
of Italian sembrare correspond to two verbs in Dutch: schijnen
and lijken.}}

@article{Grosu:2006,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander and Horvath, Julia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3grosu.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {457--483},
	Title = {Reply to {B}hatt and {P}ancheva's ``Late Merger of Degree Clauses'': The Irrelevance of (Non)conservativity},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {According to Bhatt and Pancheva (2004), two effects they attribute to
degree constructions (obligatory extraposition effects and scope rigidity
effects determined by the superficial position of degree phrases/
clauses) can be given a unified analysis in terms of an extension of
Fox and Nissenbaum's (1999) analysis of extraposition in conjunction
with the nonconservativity of (certain) degree words. We show that,
under full preservation of Bhatt and Pancheva's theoretical assumptions,
their account faces at least three problems: (a) one of the phenomena
they propose to unify, the one involving scope effects, does not
exist; (b) (non)conservativity is irrelevant to obligatory extraposition
effects; and (c) contrary to their tacit assumption, Trace Conversion
is at most an optional procedure for DegP chains.
We propose an alternative, nonsemantic treatment of obligatory
extraposition effects, which subsumes them under an independently
needed adjacency constraint on prehead modifiers. Furthermore, we
note that the facts brought up here and in Bhatt and Pancheva 2004
call into question the quantificational approach to degree constructions.}}

@article{Becker:2006,
	Author = {Becker, Misha},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3becker.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {441--456},
	Title = {There Began to be a Learnability Puzzle},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {One of the fundamental puzzles language learners must solve is the
mapping of a string of words onto a particular (correct) syntactic structure.
In this article, I examine the problem of how learners should
resolve the ambiguity presented by a string that could have either a
raising or a control structure. I provide both logical and empirical
arguments against the view that children should be biased to assume
that such a string has a control structure. Instead, I propose two families
of cues, based on a psycholinguistic experiment with adults, which
can be used in a probabilistic manner to parse an ambiguous string
and to categorize raising and control verbs.}}

@article{Rosenthall:2006,
	Author = {Rosenthall, Sam},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3rosenthal.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {405--440},
	Title = {Glide Distribution in {C}lassical {A}rabic Verb Stems},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The seemingly idiosyncratic distribution of glides in the weak verb
stems of Classical Arabic is given a coherent analysis as the consequence
of constraint interaction, as defined by Optimality Theory. At
the core of the analysis are two constraint rankings that determine the
vowels of the verb stem. One ranking, which ensures harmonic parsing
of a low vowel over high vowels, is based on input/output faithfulness;
the other ranking, which ensures harmonic parsing of high vowels
over a low vowel, is based on intercandidate faithfulness, as defined
by Sympathy Theory. These constraint rankings interact with generally
defined markedness constraints to account for glide distribution in
all measure I verb forms without specific reference to morphological
contexts. As a result, the complex distribution of glides in Arabic is
not typologically anomalous.}}

@article{Halle:2006,
	Author = {Halle, Morris and Matushansky, Ora},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/37.3halle.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {351--404},
	Title = {The Morphophonology of {R}ussian Adjectival Inflection},
	Volume = {37},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {In this article, we present the morphosyntactic structure underlying
the Russian adjectival declension and the phonological rules that apply
to it to derive the surface representations. We describe the two declension
classes of Russian adjectives and argue that adjectives and nouns
employ the same theme suffixes (-oj- and -o-) and, importantly, that
choice of theme suffixalso determines choice of Case exponents. On
this view, there is no special adjectival declension class; instead, Case
exponents are shared between adjectives and nouns, and the choice of
a ``paradigm'' is determined by the choice of the theme suffix. The
article covers all adjectival inflections, including those of the possessives,
demonstratives, interrogatives, and paucal numerals.}}

@article{Lehmann:1973,
	Author = {Lehmann, Winfred P.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Pages = {42--66},
	Title = {A structural principle of language and its implications},
	Volume = {49},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Vennemann:1977,
	Author = {Vennemann, Theo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
	Pages = {227--254},
	Title = {Categorial grammar and consistent basic {VX} serialization},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1977}}

@incollection{Vennemann:1973,
	Author = {Vennemann, Theo},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 2},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kimball, John},
	Pages = {1--50},
	Publisher = {Seminar Press},
	Title = {Explanation in Linguistics},
	Year = {1973}}

@inproceedings{Wilder:1995a,
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Booktitle = {FAS Papers in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Pages = {132--165},
	Title = {Antecedent containment and ellipsis},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1995}}

@book{Stockwell:1968,
	Address = {Los Angeles},
	Author = {Stockwell, Robert P. and Schachter, Paul and Partee, Barbara Hall},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Publisher = {UCLA},
	Title = {Integration of Transformational Theories of {E}nglish Syntax},
	Year = {1968}}

@phdthesis{Pollard:1984,
	Author = {Pollard, Carl},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	School = {Stanford University},
	Title = {Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar},
	Year = {1984}}

@incollection{Partee:1983,
	Author = {Partee, Barbara Hall and Rooth, Mats},
	Booktitle = {Meaning, Use and Interpretation of Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {B{\"a}uerle, R. and Schwarze, C. and von Stechow, Arnim},
	Pages = {362--383},
	Publisher = {de Gruyter},
	Title = {Generalized Conjunction and Type Ambiguity},
	Year = {1983}}

@incollection{Partee:1976a,
	Author = {Partee, Barbara Hall},
	Booktitle = {Montague Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Partee, Barbara Hall},
	Pages = {51--76},
	Publisher = {Academic Press, Inc.},
	Title = {Some Transformational Extensions of {M}ontague Grammar},
	Year = {1976}}

@article{Partee:1975,
	Author = {Partee, Barbara Hall},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {203--300},
	Title = {Montague Grammar and Transformational Grammar},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1975}}

@incollection{Montague:1974,
	Address = {New Haven},
	Author = {Montague, Richard},
	Booktitle = {Formal Philosophy: Selected Papers of {R}ichard {M}ontague},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Thomason, Richmond H.},
	Pages = {247--270},
	Publisher = {Yale University Press},
	Title = {The Proper Treatment of Quantification in Ordinary {E}nglish},
	Year = {1974}}

@incollection{McCawley:1970,
	Address = {Waltham, Massachusetts},
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Booktitle = {Readings in {E}nglish transformational grammar},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobs, R. A. and Rosenbaum, Peter S.},
	Pages = {166--183},
	Publisher = {Ginn and Company},
	Title = {Where do Noun Phrases Come From?},
	Year = {1970}}

@incollection{Lakoff:1971,
	Address = {Cambridge},
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Booktitle = {Semantics},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Steinberg, D. and Jakobovits, L.},
	Pages = {232--296},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {On Generative Semantics},
	Year = {1971}}

@incollection{Jacobson:2003,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Binding and Resource Sensitivity},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Kruiff, G.-J. and Oehrle, Richard},
	Pages = {57--96},
	Publisher = {Kluwer Academic Publishers},
	Title = {Binding without pronouns (and pronouns without binding)},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Jacobson:2002,
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {5-6},
	Pages = {601--626},
	Title = {The (Dis)organization of the Grammar: 25 Years},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Jacobson:1992c,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Formal Grammar: Theory and Implementation},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Levine, Robert D.},
	Pages = {129--167},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Flexible Categorial Grammars: questions and prospects},
	Year = {1992}}

@incollection{Jacobson:1987,
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 20: Discontinuous Constituency},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Huck, Geoffrey and Ojeda, Almerindo E.},
	Pages = {27--69},
	Publisher = {Academic Press, Inc.},
	Title = {Phrase Structure, Grammatical Relations, and Discontinuous Constituents},
	Year = {1987}}

@book{Jacobson:1982,
	Address = {Bloomington, Indiana},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Indiana University Linguistics Club},
	Title = {On the Syntax and Semantics of Multiple Relatives in {E}nglish},
	Year = {1982}}

@incollection{Hankamer:1977,
	Address = {Washington, D.C.},
	Author = {Hankamer, Jorge and Sag, Ivan},
	Booktitle = {Studies in Language Variation},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Fasold, R. and Shuy, R.},
	Pages = {121--135},
	Publisher = {Georgetown University Press},
	Title = {Syntactically vs. Pragmatically Controlled Anaphora},
	Year = {1977}}

@incollection{Groenendijk:1983,
	Address = {Tilburg},
	Author = {Groenendijk, J. and Stokhof, M.},
	Booktitle = {Connectedness in Sentence, Discourse and Text},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Ehlich, Konrad and van Riemsdijk, Henk},
	Pages = {71--110},
	Publisher = {Tilburg University},
	Series = {Tilburg Studies in Language and Literature 4},
	Title = {Interrogative Quantifiers and Skolem functions},
	Year = {1983}}

@incollection{Geach:1972,
	Author = {Geach, P.},
	Booktitle = {Semantics of Natural Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Davidson, Donald and Harman, Gilbert H.},
	Pages = {483--497},
	Publisher = {Reidel Publishing Company},
	Title = {A Program for Syntax},
	Year = {1972}}

@inproceedings{Fox:1999b,
	Address = {Cornell University, Ithaca, NY},
	Author = {Fox, Danny},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Ninth Conference on Semantics and Linguistic Theory},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Matthews, T. and Strolovitch, Devon},
	Pages = {70--90},
	Publisher = {CLC Publications},
	Title = {Focus, Parallelism, and Accommodation},
	Year = {1999}}

@incollection{Dowty:1982,
	Author = {Dowty, David},
	Booktitle = {The Nature of Syntactic Representation},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobson, Pauline and Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Pages = {79--130},
	Publisher = {D. Reidel Publishing Company},
	Title = {Grammatical Relations and {M}ontague Grammar},
	Year = {1982}}

@book{Buring:2005a,
	Author = {B{\"u}ring, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {The Syntax and Semantics of Binding Theory},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Bach:1978,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon and Cooper, Robin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {145--149},
	Title = {The {NP-S} Analysis of Relative Clauses and Compositional Semantics},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Bach:1980a,
	Author = {Bach, Emmon},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {297--341},
	Title = {In Defense of Passive},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1980}}

@article{Williams:1990,
	Author = {Williams, Edwin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {The Linguistic Review},
	Pages = {265--279},
	Title = {The {ATB}-Theory of Parasitic Gaps},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Wilder:1997a,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Wilder, Chris},
	Booktitle = {Studies on Universal Grammar and Typological Variation},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-18 10:30:59 -0500},
	Editor = {Alexiadou, Artemis and Hall, T.},
	Pages = {59--107},
	Publisher = {Benjamins},
	Title = {Some Properties of Ellipsis in Coordination},
	Year = {1997}}

@unpublished{Wiese:1993,
	Author = {Wiese, R.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Note = {paper presented at 15th annual meeting of the Deutsche Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Sprachwissenschaft},
	Title = {Tilgung prosodischer Konstituenten},
	Year = {1993}}

@book{Wesche:1995,
	Address = {T{\"u}bingen},
	Author = {Wesche, B.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Niemeyer},
	Title = {Symmetric Coordination},
	Year = {1995}}

@article{Pullum:1986,
	Author = {Pullum, Geoffrey and Zwicky, Arnold},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Pages = {751--773},
	Title = {Phonological resolution of syntactic feature conflict},
	Volume = {62},
	Year = {1986}}

@phdthesis{Nunes:1995,
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	School = {University of Maryland},
	Title = {The Copy Theory of Movement and Linearization of Chains in the {M}inimalist {P}rogram},
	Year = {1995}}

@incollection{Hohle:1990,
	Author = {H{\"o}hle, Tilman N.},
	Booktitle = {Grammar in Progress: {GLOW} essays for {H}enk van {R}iemsdijk},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {Mascar{\'o}, Joan and Nespor, Marina},
	Pages = {221--235},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {Assumptions about asymmetric coordination in {G}erman},
	Year = {1990}}

@phdthesis{Gartner:1997,
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	School = {University of Franfurt/Main},
	Title = {Generalized Transformations and Beyond},
	Year = {1997}}

@unpublished{Epstein:1995,
	Author = {Epstein, Samuel},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, Harvard University},
	Title = {A derivational approach to syntactic relations},
	Year = {1995}}

@phdthesis{Camacho:1996a,
	Author = {Camacho, Jos{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	School = {University of Southern California},
	Title = {The Structure of {NP} Coordination},
	Year = {1996}}

@incollection{Booij:1985,
	Author = {Booij, Geert},
	Booktitle = {Advances in Nonlinear Phonology},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Editor = {van der Hulst, Harry and Smith, N.},
	Pages = {143--160},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {Coordination reduction in complex words: a case for prosodic phonology},
	Year = {1985}}

@book{Underhill:1976,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Underhill, R.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Turkish Grammar},
	Year = {1976}}

@book{Postal:1979,
	Address = {New York},
	Author = {Postal, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Garland Publishing, Inc.},
	Title = {Some syntactic rules of {M}ohawk},
	Year = {1979}}

@phdthesis{Bruening:2001c,
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Syntax at the Edge: Cross-Clausal Phenomena and the Syntax of {P}assamaquoddy},
	Year = {2001}}

@book{Wolfart:1973,
	Address = {Philadelphia, Pennsylvania},
	Author = {Wolfart, H. Christoph},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {American Philosophical Society Transactions},
	Title = {Plains {C}ree: a grammatical study},
	Year = {1973}}

@book{Bloomfield:1934,
	Address = {New York},
	Author = {Bloomfield, Leonard},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {American Ethnological Sciety Publications},
	Title = {Plains {C}ree texts},
	Year = {1934}}

@book{Dahlstrom:1991,
	Author = {Dahlstrom, Amy},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Garland Publishing, Inc.},
	Title = {Plains {C}ree Morphosyntax},
	Year = {1991}}

@book{Reinhart:2006,
	Author = {Reinhart, Tanya},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Interface Strategies},
	Year = {2006}}

@book{Dikken:2006a,
	Author = {den Dikken, Marcel},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Relators and Linkers},
	Year = {2006}}

@book{Elbourne:2005a,
	Author = {Elbourne, Paul D.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Situations and Individuals},
	Year = {2005}}

@book{Postal:2004,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Skeptical Linguistic Essays},
	Year = {2004}}

@book{Poletto:2000,
	Author = {Poletto, Cecilia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The Higher Funcitonal Field: Evidence from {N}orthern {I}talian Dialects},
	Year = {2000}}

@book{Ogawa:2001,
	Author = {Ogawa, Yoshiki},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections},
	Year = {2001}}

@article{Evans:2002,
	Author = {Evans, Nicholas and Brown, Dunstan and Corbett, Greville G.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.1evans.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {111--155},
	Title = {The Semantics of Gernder in {M}ayali: Partially Parallel Systems and Formal Implementation},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {Mayali has four genders and five morphological classes, with formal identity between the
gender prefixes and four of the morphological class prefixes. Gender and morphological class
are assigned according to different but largely overlapping semantic principles. We analyze these
partially overlapping systems within the NETWORK MORPHOLOGY framework; an implemented
model demonstrates that the analysis gives the correct forms for the majority of nouns in a basic
lexicon, and further extends to understanding assignment in the avoidance register. Our account
depends on recognizing two different types of default: NORMAL CASE DEFAULT, the expected outcome
in a given domain, and EXCEPTIONAL CASE DEFAULT, the last resort short of full lexical
specification.}}

@article{Padgett:2002,
	Author = {Padgett, Jaye},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.1padgett.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {81--110},
	Title = {Feature Classes in Phonology},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article argues for a particular understanding of feature class behavior---the recurrent patterning
together of certain phonological features, such as place of articulation and laryngeal
features. The proposals build on the well-known work of feature geometry in assuming the importance
of feature classes in phonology, but differ in that features of a class are targeted directly
and individually by constraints (or rules), even when a feature class such as Place is mentioned.
Further, constraints mentioning feature classes are gradiently violable. Evidence for this view of
feature classes comes from two sources. First, assimilation involving feature classes is sometimes
only partially successful; an adequate understanding of such cases requires the proposed view of
feature classes. Second, there are broad categories of feature class generalization that require it,
including dissimilatory effects usually handled by the obligatory contour principle. Overall, the
proposals broaden the explanatory potential of the feature class idea due to feature geometry. At
a more general level, the results here suggest that linguistic representations sometimes need to
be reconsidered in the context of optimality theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993), since they can
effectively function as inviolable constraints and so hinder our understanding of the more subtle
kind of phenomena revealed by analyses employing gradiently violable constraints.}}

@article{Gordon:2002,
	Author = {Gordon, Matthew},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.1gordon.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {51--80},
	Title = {A Phonetically Driven Account of Syllable Weight},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The author proposes that syllable weight is driven by considerations of phonetic effectiveness
and phonological simplicity, and that the phonetically best distinctions are those which divide
syllables into groups that are phonetically most distinct from each other. Phonologically complex
distinctions are those which exceed an upper threshold in the number of phonological predicates
to which they refer. It is claimed that languages adopt weight distinctions that are phoneticallymost
effective without being overly complex phonologically. Syllableweight thus reflects a compromise
between phonetic and phonologicalfactors. The proposed modelof weight further suggests that
phonological weight distinctions are ultimately predictable from other basic phonological properties,
such as syllable structure.}}

@article{Carstens:2002,
	Author = {Carstens, Vicki},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.1carstens.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--50},
	Title = {Antisymmetry and Word Order in Serial Constructions},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {Strict head-final surface order derives from underlying left-headedness in Ijo  , a Niger-Congo
language of Nigeria. A word order anomaly in Ijo  SERIAL VERB CONSTRUCTIONS (SVCs) strongly
suggests this, and left-to-right asymmetric c-command among internal arguments of SVCs confirms
it. The anomaly is universal among surface right-headed languages with SVCs, indicating
that deep left-headedness is universal, as antisymmetry theory predicts (Kayne 1994). Assuming
complements are in Specs, and that a light verb v selects every VP (Chomsky 1999), I derive
VOVO from OVOV by two instances of V-to-v movement. I argue for a nonuniform approach
to SVCs, involving relations of both raising (Campbell 1989) and control (Collins 1997). Other
aspects of SVC word order are predictable from a universal thematic hierarchy nontheme  
theme, and short scrambling (Takano 1998).}}

@article{Simpson:2002a,
	Author = {Simpson, Andrew and Wu, Zoe},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.2wu.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {287--313},
	Title = {Agreement, Shells, and Focus},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article reconsiders the development and licensing of agreement as a syntactic projection
and argues for a productive developmental relation between agreement and the category of focus.
The authors suggest that focus projections are initially selectedby a variety of functional heads
with real semantic content. Over time however such selectedfocus frequently decays into a simple
concordshell, and when this occurs, the lower half of the shell becomes a simple agreement
projection parasitically licensed by the higher functional head, which does have a genuine semantic
value.}}

@article{Klamer:2002,
	Author = {Klamer, Marian},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.2klamer.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {258--286},
	Title = {Semantically Motivated Lexical Patterns: A Study of {D}utch and {K}ambera Expressives},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article investigates an external variable critical to the understanding of sociolinguistic
variation in a rural, tri-ethnic community in the Southern United States. Cultural identity, the
orientation of the speaker to the community, was first observed in variationist work by Labov
(1963) but has not been regularly analyzed as have sex, age, and ethnicity. Cultural identity is
postulated as a speaker's orientation to the local and larger regional cultures, and in Warren
County, North Carolina, this orientation correlates strongly with vernacular variants of present
and past tense be. For copula absence (e.g. They   real nice people), was regularization (e.g. We
was going), and past tense wont (e.g. We wont gonna go), the cultural identity of the speaker
had statistically significant effects on language variation. To understand language variation in this
community, the interactions of cultural identity and other external variables must be considered.}}

@article{Hazen:2002,
	Author = {Hazen, Kirk},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.2hazen.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {240--257},
	Title = {Identity and Language Variation in a Rural Community},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article investigates an external variable critical to the understanding of sociolinguistic
variation in a rural, tri-ethnic community in the Southern United States. Cultural identity, the
orientation of the speaker to the community, was first observed in variationist work by Labov
(1963) but has not been regularly analyzed as have sex, age, and ethnicity. Cultural identity is
postulated as a speaker's orientation to the local and larger regional cultures, and in Warren
County, North Carolina, this orientation correlates strongly with vernacular variants of present
and past tense be. For copula absence (e.g. They   real nice people), was regularization (e.g. We
was going), and past tense wont (e.g. We wont gonna go), the cultural identity of the speaker
had statistically significant effects on language variation. To understand language variation in this
community, the interactions of cultural identity and other external variables must be considered.}}

@article{Tiersma:2002,
	Author = {Tiersma, Peter and Solan, Lawrence M.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.2solan.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {221--239},
	Title = {The Linguist on the Witness Stand: Forensic Linguistics in {A}merican Courts},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {It is becoming increasingly common for linguists to testify as expert witnesses in both civil
and criminal trials. Often linguistic expertise is clearly helpful to the judge or jury. Based on
published judicial opinions, from which we draw our data, it appears that courts have allowed
linguists to testify on such issues as the probable origin of a speaker, the comprehensibility of a
text, whether a particular defendant understood the Miranda warning, and the phonetic similarity
of two competing trademarks. In other areas the admissibility of linguistic testimony has been
more controversial, including author and speaker identification, discourse analysis, the meaning
of legal texts, and the comprehensibility of jury instructions. Reasons for judicial reluctance to
admit linguistic expertise include concerns that it is not sufficiently reliable, the belief that issues
like the meaning of a text can just as well be decided by a jury, and sometimes even institutional
and political considerations. Despite such reservations, courts generally recognize that there is a
place for linguistic expertise in appropriate cases.}}

@article{Hay:2002,
	Author = {Hay, Jennifer},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.3hay.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {527--555},
	Title = {From Speech Perception to Morphology: Affix Ordering Revisited},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article presents corpus and experimental evidence in support of a parsability-based account
of affix ordering in English: an affix that tends to be easily parsed out during speech perception
should not occur inside an affix that does not. This generalization holds both at the affix level
and the word level. At the affix level, this maxim, when combined with an understanding of the
role of frequency and phonotactics in morphological processing, can account for the patterns
generally attributed to level ordering. At the word level, it can explain the so-called dual-level
behavior of some affixes---anaffix may resist attaching to a complex word that is highly decomposable
but be acceptable whenit attaches to a comparable complex word that favors the direct
access route in speech perception. Only a parsing account can afford this set of phenomena a
unified explanation.}}

@article{Harley:2002,
	Author = {Harley, Heidi and Ritter, Elizabeth},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.3harley.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {482--526},
	Title = {Person and Number in Pronouns: A Feature-Geometric Analysis},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The set of person and number features necessary to characterize the pronominal paradigms of
the world's languages is highly constrained, and their interaction is demonstrably systematic.
We develop a geometric representation of morphosyntactic features which provides a principled
explanation for the observed restrictions on these paradigms. The organization of this geometry
represents the grammaticalization of fundamental cognitive categories, such as reference, plurality,
and taxonomy. We motivate the geometry through the analysis of pronoun paradigms in a broad
range of genetically distinct languages.}}

@article{Kay:2002,
	Author = {Kay, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.3kay.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {453--481},
	Title = {English Subjectless Tagged Sentences},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {A colloquial English sentence like Fooled us, didn't they?contains a finite main verb but no
expressed subject. The identity of the missing subject of fooled is recovered from the tag subject
they: compare Fooled us, didn't she?, Fooled us, didn't you?This article argues (1) that such
subjectless tagged sentences (STSs) pose a problem for grammatical approaches based on movement
and empty categories and (2) that STSs receive a revealing analysis as part of a finely
articulated family of tagged sentence constructions when viewed within a nonderivational, constructional,
multiple-inheritance-based approach.}}

@article{Abeille:2002,
	Author = {Abeill{\`e}, Anne and Godard, Dani{\`e}le},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.3abeille.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {404--452},
	Title = {The Syntactic Structure of {F}rench Auxiliaries},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {While a consensus has been reached about the monoclausality of the Romance construction
with an auxiliary verb and its verbal complement, questions remain about its syntactic structure.
We focus here on French auxiliaries---the past tense auxiliaries (avoir and e?tre), and the passive
auxiliary (e?tre)---which are unique in French in contributing only tense and aspect and triggering
obligatory clitic climbing. Three syntactic structures have been proposed for such auxiliaries: a
VP complement analysis, a verbal complex analysis, and a `flat' VP analysis. We show here,
working within a HEAD-DRIVEN PHRASE STRUCTURE GRAMMAR framework and basing our arguments
on classical constituency tests, bounded dependencies, and lesser-known properties of a subset
of manner adverbs, that the flat-structure analysis is to be preferred for tense auxiliaries, which
take as their complements the bare participle as well as the complements subcategorized by this
participle and `inherited' from it. In contrast, the passive auxiliary, which we identify with the
copula, has a predicative complement with different realizations: either an ordinary phrase, `saturated'
for its complements, or a `partial' complement, where the predicative head lets some or
all of its complements be inherited by the auxiliary. Our analysis allows for a solution to the
well-known problem of auxiliary selection, which, we argue, should not be taken as an indicator
of syntactic structure but is best handled via lexical constraints.}}

@article{Gensler:2002,
	Author = {Gensler, Orin D.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.4gensler.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {710--764},
	Title = {Why Should a Demonstrative Turn into a Preposition? {T}he Evolution of {W}elsh Predicative \emph{yn}},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article is devoted to the anatomy of an unnatural syntactic change. It presents the life
history of the Welsh predicative particle yn---its diachronic genesis in Indo-European, its synchronic
status, and(much more centrally) what happenedalong the way, andwhy what happened
happenedspecifically in Welsh. Synchronically, I give syntactic, semantic, typological, andtextual
arguments---some rather new---that both predicative yn andverb-periphrastic yn are adverbializers
andcount as grammatically polysemous subsenses of the preposition `in'. Diachronically, I argue
that the pan-Celtic adverbializing particles yn/ent/int/ind (thence ultimately Welsh predicative yn)
all derive from an article-like demonstrative *sindo-/sinto- (andnot from a preposition *endo/
ento). Radical categorial changes must therefore have occurred. I trace these changes and motivate
a multistage metanalysis (not involving grammaticalization) whereby the original quasi-article
first became an adverbializer andthen was attractedinto the orbit of the preposition `in'. Though
each microstage in the process makes goodstructural sense vis-a`-vis the evolving syste`me of the
language, the achievedmacrochange is highly unnatural.}}

@article{Albright:2002,
	Author = {Albright, Adam},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.4albright.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {684--709},
	Title = {Islands of Reliability for Regular Morphology: Evidence from {I}talian},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {The representation ofregular morphological processes has been the subject of much controversy,
particularly in the debate between single and dual route models ofmorphology. I present a model
ofmorphological learning that posits rules and seeks to infer their productivity by comparing
their reliability in different phonological environments. The result of this procedure is a grammar
in which general rules exist alongside more specific, but more reliable, generalizations describing
subregularities for the same process. I present results from a nonce-probe (WUG) experiment in
Italian, in which speakers rated the acceptability ofnovel infinitives in various conjugation classes.
These results indicate that such subregularities are in fact internalized by speakers, even for a
regular morphological process.}}

@article{Bat-El:2002,
	Author = {Bat-El, Outi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.4bat_el.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {651--683},
	Title = {True Truncation in Colloquial {H}ebrew Imperatives},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, FAKE
TRUNCATION (templatic) and TRUE TRUNCATION (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an
analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation
cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others
only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The framework of optimality
theory adopted here allows a unified account of the data in terms of constraint interaction. It is
argued that an antifaithfulness truncation constraint, which must be morphological, interacts with
both faithfulness and markedness constraints. Truncation is minimized to one segment by a general
antideletion faithfulness constraint, but markedness constraints may impose truncation of more
than one segment. There are cases where truncation is blocked, which suggests that the truncation
constraint is violable. The discussion includes regular and irregular verbs and instances of free
variation.}}

@article{Perlmutter:2002,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M. and Moore, John},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/78.4perlmutter.pdf},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {619--650},
	Title = {Language-Internal Explanation: The Distribution of {R}ussian Impersonals},
	Volume = {78},
	Year = {2002},
	Abstract = {This article exemplifies LANGUAGE-INTERNAL EXPLANATION. It seeks to document and to explain
the inability of Russian impersonal clauses to be infinitival. We argue that this gap is the consequence
of two independent facts of Russian grammar: a case restriction on a silent expletive
pronoun and the requirement that subjects of infinitival clauses be dative. These clash in infinitival
contexts, which explains the gap. The explanation is language-internal in that it relies on no
putatively universal principles. At the same time, each type of device posited is needed independently
in the grammars of other languages. Our result bears on the issue of what languageparticular
properties expletives may have, on the issue of whether silent expletives exist, and on
the more general theoretical issue of whether clauses are required to have subjects universally.}}

@article{Gutierrez-Rexach:2001,
	Author = {Guti{\`e}rrez-Rexach, Javier},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Probus/Probus13(1)Gutierrez-Rexach.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {113--154},
	Title = {The semantics of {S}panish plural existential determiners and the dynamics of judgment types},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {In this paper, a semantic analysis of several contrasting properties between the
Spanish plural existential determiners unos `a-pl.' and algunos `some-pl.' is presented
within the framework of Discourse Representation Theory (DRT). Some of
these properties can be directly related to the distinction between the thetic and
the categorical judgment, as understood by Kuroda and Ladusaw. Others, related
to plurality and the interaction of quantifiers, provide evidence for an extension of
the scope of the distinction and its implementation as a procedural semantic difference.
It will be argued that the determiner unos contributes a group discourse
referent to a Discourse Representation Structure (DRS). This discourse referent is
subject to a no linking constraint, and does not trigger box-splitting of the DRS.
This forms the basis for the claim that this plural determiner participates only in
thetic judgments. On the other hand, the determiner algunos is not subject to a no
linking constraint and may contribute a duplex condition to the DRS. Thus, it can
participate in categorical judgments. This type of judgment corresponds to a set of
construction rules which yields an updated DRS in which a new discourse referent
has been introduced and, in contrast to the thetic judgment, a linking condition
and a duplex condition are introduced. The analysis is extended to account for
the effects of contrastive focus and scopal interactions with other operators in the
semantics of Spanish existential determiners.}}

@article{Quer:2001,
	Author = {Quer, Josep},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Probus/Probus13(1)Quer.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {81--111},
	Title = {Interpreting mood},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {An analysis of the interpretation of indicative/subjunctive contrasts in embedded
clauses is pursued here that, rather than attaching rigid meanings to each mood,
views mood shifts as the overt marking of a change in the model for the evaluation
of the proposition or property expressed by the embedded clause. From this perspective,
mood morphology conveys information about model flow in discourse,
which can be determined by a variety of factors ranging from lexical meaning of
embedding predicates to different aspects of discourse interpretation and context
change. The proposal identifies and analyzes the parameters that induce model
shift in subordinated domains. This allows us to distinguish core cases of subjunctive
selection from more peripheral ones, both within a language and crosslinguistically,
and it also provides us with an explanation for several empirical problems
that a rigid interpetation of mood leaves unresolved. The analysis offered concentrates
on mood distribution in Catalan and Spanish.}}

@article{Llinas-Grau:2001,
	Author = {Llin{\`a}s-Grau, Mireia and Coll-Alfonso, Merc{\`e}},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Probus/Probus13(1)Llinas-Grau.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--79},
	Title = {Telic verbs in early {C}atalan},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {This article focuses on child speech sequences which diverge from their corresponding
adult counterparts in terms of the order of their constituents. Adult
Catalan does not allow neutral preverbal objects whereas early Catalan seems
to allow objects preceding verbs in the very early stages. We analyse the OV sequences
found in our data and show how these only show up co-occuring with a
certain type of verbs, namely, `telic' verbs. In line with this observation we propose
that aspect is a crucial feature of these sequences projecting whenever one of
these verbs is selected and providing a landing site for object movement. Another
part of the analysis of the OV constructions implies noticing that the morphological
make-up of the verbal elements is not always non-finite. The alternation that
we observe between VO-OV constructions seems to be determined by the verb type
but it is only fully accounted for if we allow for a framework in which the AGR
parameter is not yet set. This possibility follows from the bilingualism proposal
in Roeper (1999) where child language permits different grammars to co-exist in
a particular stage. In the case under consideration the AGR feature would be
allowed to have two values and thus the verb would not raise obligatorily.}}

@article{Giorgi:2001a,
	Author = {Giorgi, Alessandra and Pianesi, Fabio},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Probus/Probus13(1)Giorgi_Pianesi.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {31--68},
	Title = {Imperfect dreams: The temporal dependencies of fictional predicates},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {In this paper we discuss the properties of the fictional context created by the verb
dream, focusing on Italian data. The relevance of these contexts is twofold: on
the one hand, they exhibit very consistent behaviour across Romance languages
with respect to mood selection, in that they always select the indicative in their
complement clause, rejecting the subjunctive. On the other hand, their interpretive
properties change according to the tense used: when containing a subordinate
imperfect indicative tense, dream reports have the property that the dreamed
eventuality need not be temporally anchored; at the same time, they do not seem
to ascribe any specific attitude to the subject (the dreamer). When containing a
non-imperfect indicative tense, temporal anchoring is available, and a particular
evidential meaning can be detected, revealing the presence of a speaker-oriented
attitude towards the content of the dream. The connection between temporal anchoring
and the presence/absence of a propositional attitude will be investigated:
semantically, within an extensional, truth-theoretical framework by arguing in
favour of a reflexive/tensed-thoughts approach to propositional attitudes; and in
its morphosyntactic aspects, by motivating a conception according to which the
interaction between the temporal features of T and the features of C provide the
interface conditions for the interpretive facts to arise.}}

@article{Bernstein:2001,
	Author = {Bernstein, Judy B.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Probus},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Probus/Probus13(1)Bernstein.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--29},
	Title = {Focusing the ``right'' way in {R}omance determiner phrases},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2001},
	Abstract = {This article examines constructions involving DP-final demonstratives, possessive
adjectives, indefinite quantifiers, and demonstrative reinforcers in several Romance
languages. Across these languages the DP-final position of these elements
yields a focus interpretation, whereas the prenominal position yields a neutral interpretation.
Other approaches to these sorts of facts have (tacitly) treated the
two available word orders as equivalent constructions. They have not considered,
and so cannot easily account for, the distinct interpretation that each of the word
orders yields. Under the assumption that the prenominal position of these elements
is basic, the current approach develops the idea that the DP-final element is
``stranded'' DP finally as a result of the leftward movement of a syntactic phrase
consisting of an extended NP. The facts examined here recall those characterizing
the expression of focus in the Romance clause, recently analyzed as a case
of scrambling (Ord{\'o}{\~n}ez 1997, Zubizarreta 1998). If on the right track, the current
analysis therefore provides further evidence for the parallelism between noun
phrases and clauses. In certain Romance languages, an intermediate (postnominal)
position is also available for these DP elements , although the interpretation
associated with this position does not exactly match that of either the prenominal
or DP-final position. It is proposed that the intermediate position is derived
by crossing the noun over the demonstrative (reinforcer), possessive, or indefinite
quantifier, whose base positions within DP are relatively high. The prediction then
is that only those languages with robust noun movement (that is, movement to a
relatively high functional head) will exhibit this word order.}}

@article{Sigurd:2004,
	Author = {Sigurd, Bengt and Eeg-Olofsson, Mats and Weijer, Joost van de},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(1)_Sigurd_etal.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--52},
	Title = {Word Length, Sentence Length and Frequency --- {Z}ipf Revisited},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Boeckx:2004c,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(1)_Boeckx.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {23--36},
	Title = {Long-Distance Agreement in {H}indi: Some Theoretical Implications},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {In this paper I offer an analysis ofLong-Distance (Object) Agreement
in Hindi that crucially relies on the operation Agree introduced in Chomsky
(2000). I show that an Agree-based account captures the core facts pertaining to
Long-Distance Agreement, and is superior to feature movement or Spec-Head
agreement alternatives. I also argue that Long-Distance Agreement is a
phenomenon akin to clitic climbing, and extend Wurmbrand's (2001) analysis
ofrestructuring in terms ofbare VP complement selection to Hindi. Such an
extension allows me to view Case and agreement as two sides ofthe same coin.}}

@article{Bodomo:2004,
	Author = {Bodomo, Adams},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(1)_Bodomo.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--22},
	Title = {The Syntax of Nominalized Complex Verbal Predicates in {D}agaare},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {Nominalization and verb serialization are widely attested phenomena
in the generative linguistic literature, but an in-depth study of their interaction
remains to be undertaken. Based on data from Dagaare, a Gur language of West
Africa, this paper analyzes a type of complex predicate construction, nominalized
serial verbs, in which only one of the verbs carries a nominalization affix. With
this, a number of issues about the nature of complex predicatehood, syntactic
alternations, and lexical categorial differences involving nouns and verbs across
languages are addressed. The paper proposes that, basically, serial verb
nominalizations are VPs headed by a NomP functional projection.}}

@article{Minkoff:2004a,
	Author = {Minkoff, Seth A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(2)_Minkoff.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {135--174},
	Title = {The Cyclic Generation of Interpretational Semantic Roles},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {This work develops Minkoff (1994) s proposal that so-called  logophoric 
semantic roles license certain semantic dependencies, and are constrained in their
occurrence by an optional semantic interpretation of syntax subject to an abstract
structural condition, the  Logophoric Role Constraint  (LRC). I argue that the
logophoric roles belong to a broader inventory of interpretational semantic roles;
that these roles form two classes, which license distinct sets of semantic
dependencies and interact in distinct ways with the lexical semantics of verbs;
and that these roles  distribution is restricted in ways that argue for replacing the
LRC with the more natural conclusion that semantic interpretation applies
cyclically and generates just one semantic role per cyclic domain.}}

@article{Hrafnbjargarson:2004,
	Author = {Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(2)_Hrafnbjargarson.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {88--134},
	Title = {Stylistic Fronting},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {If stylistic fronting is analyzed as feature-driven movement into an
articulated CP-domain, in particular FocusP in the sense of Rizzi (1997), it is
possible to account for two facts about stylistic fronting that so far have received
little attention, namely that stylistic fronting has semantic effects and that there
are differences in stylistic fronting in subordinate clauses with no overt subject
and subordinate clauses with a weak subject pronoun. In this article, I will
propose that there are two types of stylistic fronting, stylistic fronting of XPs into
FocusP-Spec and stylistic fronting of heads into Focus . Stylistic fronting of XPs
can only be found in clauses with no overt subject, whereas stylistic fronting of
heads can be found both in clauses with no overt subject and in clauses with a
weak subject pronoun.}}

@article{Gergel:2004,
	Author = {Gergel, Remus},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(2)_Gergel.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {53--87},
	Title = {Short-Distance Reanalysis of {M}iddle {E}nglish Modals: Evidence from Ellipsis},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {This paper argues that the Middle English modals have a shorter
distance to diachronically reanalyze to T than traditionally assumed. The claim
essentially draws on the analysis of two elliptical constructions in whose licensing
the premodals are unexpectedly involved if one assumes the standard account of
their full lexical status. Specifically, VP-ellipsis and directional PPs are investigated.
The two phenomena have previously led to contradictory results regarding
the status of the premodals. In the present account, an economy driven
explanation is proposed, based on an intermediate projection which unifies the
two phenomena and gives an account of the patterns of modal complementation.}}

@article{Anderson:2004a,
	Author = {Anderson, John},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(3)_Anderson.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {269--287},
	Title = {Contrast in Phonology, Structural Analogy, and the Interfaces},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {This paper is concerned with (some of) the evidence for analogies in
structure between phonology and syntax, and with (some of) the evidence for the
basis for limitations on analogy. The first half of the paper ({\S}{\S}1--3) looks at
syllable structure with a view to determining what aspects of syllable structure are
contrastive, so basic. It is concluded that, particularly given the need to satisfy
sonority, linearity within the syllable is minimally- or non-contrastive, but that
the head-based structural relations of complementation and adjunction may be
contrastive. {\S}4 argues indeed that phonological (and specifically syllabic) structure
displays the same distinctions among complement, adjunct and specifier that is
evident in the syntax, and indicates that this analogy is not an isolated case by
pointing to a further one involving harmony, a familiar notion from the
phonology that can be applied to syntactic phenomena such as  sequence of
tenses . The paper concludes ({\S}5) with a brief survey of factors limiting structural
analogy. These all have to do with the demands of the interfaces of the linguistic
with the extra-linguistic: on the one hand, the need for the syntax to represent
complex cognitively-based scenes; on the other, the restrictions imposed by the
phoneticity of phonology, particularly the requirements of sonority discussed
initially.}}

@article{Neef:2004,
	Author = {Neef, Martin},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(3)_Neef.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {252--268},
	Title = {Segments with Inherently Falling Sonority},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {This paper deals with an inconsistency in the application of the
concept of sonority in such non-linear approaches to phonology that make use of
both the segmental tier and the skeletal tier. I will argue that these approaches
are forced to take the skeletal tier as the relevant level for the application of
sonority. However, since long vowels occupy two positions on this tier, they form
a sonority plateau, a configuration that is generally forbidden by basic sonority
constraints. To solve this inconsistency, I will propose the concept of segments
with inherently falling sonority. In addition, I will consider other candidates for
elements with inherently uneven sonority. The intricacies of sonority will be
discussed considering German as an example, following the assumption that
phonological concepts, despite having a universal core, are characterised by
language-specific adjustments.}}

@article{Manninen:2004,
	Author = {Manninen, Satu and Nelson, Diane},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(3)_Manninen_Nelson.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {212--251},
	Title = {What is a Passive? The Case of {F}innish},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {Several previous authors have argued that Finnish lacks a true passive
construction, and relabel the form   indefinite,     impersonal   or   suppressive .  In
this paper, we first devise a set of criteria for passives cross-linguistically; we then
present syntactic and morphological evidence to show that the Finnish construction
displays all the key features we would expect from a passive.}}

@article{Agbayani:2004,
	Author = {Agbayani, Brian and Zoerner, Ed},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/58(3)_Agbayani_Zoerner.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {185--211},
	Title = {Gapping, Pseudogapping and Sideward Movement},
	Volume = {58},
	Year = {2004},
	Abstract = {English Pseudogapping constructions share some surface similarities
with both Gapping and Verb Phrase Ellipsis (VPE). Levin (1978, 1979 [main text])
concludes, however, that Pseudogapping is transformationally unrelated to both
Gapping and VPE. We argue that this conclusion is only partially correct.
Gapping and Pseudogapping are transformationally related in that they both
involve the application of verb movement, in particular sideward movement of
the main verb. We take Johnson's (1994) ATB Movement analysis of Gapping as
an important precedent in this regard, and we draw from proposals of Nunes
(2001) and Nunes and Uriagereka (2000) for the possibility of sideward
movement out of coordinate structures and adjunct clauses. After pursuing the
sideward movement approach to Pseudogapping (and ultimately Gapping as
well), we outline some important empirical differences between Pseudogapping
and VPE that we think raise substantial problems for any analysis that treats
Pseudogapping and VPE on a par (e.g., Jayaseelan 1990, Lasnik 1995, 1999a,
1999b). We present evidence for a fundamental syntactic difference between
Pseudogapping and VPE, and conclude that the VPE analysis of Pseudogapping
cannot be maintained.}}

@article{Tavangar:2006,
	Author = {Tavangar, Manoochehr and Amouzadeh, Mohammad},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(1)Tavangar_Amouzadeh.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {97--120},
	Title = {Deictic Projection: An Inquiry into the Future-Oriented Past Tense in {P}ersian},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The aim of this paper is to investigate the ways in which the Persian past
tense form is projected into the future to designate events, states, and processes.
While it must be admitted that the phenomenon under consideration is by no
means confined to Persian, its examination in this language will reveal certain
characteristics which are likely to contribute to a better understanding of how
temporal deixis, together with aspectual and modal meanings, interact with
contextual factors to yield socio-culturally relevant utterances. Of special
theoretical interest in this respect are the semantic-pragmatic constraints levied,
in varying degrees, on the projected tense in terms of negation, pronominal
choice, speech act assignment, aspectual character, modal status, and pitch
contour.
Fundamental to the present study are three assumptions. First, the deictic
projection at issue has pragmatic motivations, and, in addition, stems largely
from the ontological asymmetry between pastness and futurity. Second, it has an
indisputable edge over the other future-indicating devices available to Persian
speakers in that it denotes factivity with respect to the occurrence of a situation.
And third, it is stylistically marked as it digresses from the normal function of the
past tense.}}

@article{Osborne:2006,
	Author = {Osborne, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(1)_Osborne.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {64--96},
	Title = {Parallel Conjuncts},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The paper presents a constraint based in Dependency Grammar (DG),
called the Parallelism Requirement (PR). The PR predicts the extent to which the
conjuncts of coordinate structures must be parallel. It states that the conjuncts
must be parallel with respect to the number and syntactic function of the roots
appearing in them. The term root is defined in terms of dependency structures.
After the validity of the PR in English and German is established, the discussion
examines the extent to which constituency grammar can explain the parallelism
effect. The argument is made that constituency grammar is indeed in a position to
express the PR, although doing so requires that certain non-standard assumptions
about constituency structures are adopted. Moreover, it is emphasized that the
dependency-based approach is preferable due to its paucity of structure.}}

@article{Kiguchi:2006,
	Author = {Kiguchi, Hirohisa},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(1)_Kiguchi.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {34--63},
	Title = {Phases and Locality Constraints on {A}-Movement in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper explores locality conditions on A-movement in Japanese and
their interaction with Chomsky's phases, based on McGinnis  (2001, 2004)
proposal. Assuming morphologically derived causative constructions share the
same structural status with McGinnis  (2001, 2004) applicative constructions in
the spirit of Marantz (1993), this paper provides evidence that locality constraints
on A-movement exist in Japanese and that they should interact with phrasal and
 phasal  structures. Furthermore, this analysis can provide a unified explanation
to the (un)availability of long passives both in causative and applicative
constructions in various languages.}}

@article{Hall:2006,
	Author = {Hall, T. A.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(1)_Hall.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--33},
	Title = {English Syllabification as the Interaction of Markedness Constraints},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {The present study offers an Optimality-Theoretic analysis of the
syllabification of intervocalic consonants and glides in Modern English. It will be
argued that the proposed syllabifications fall out from universal markedness
constraints -- all of which derive motivation from other languages -- and a languagespecific
ranking. The analysis offered below is therefore an alternative to the
traditional rule-based analyses of English syllabification, e.g. Kahn (1976),
Borowsky (1986), Giegerich (1992, 1999) and to the Optimality-Theoretic
treatment proposed by Hammond (1999), whose analysis requires several
language-specific constraints which apparently have no cross-linguistic motivation.}}

@article{Zeller:2006,
	Author = {Zeller, Jochen},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(2)Zeller.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {220--249},
	Title = {On the Relation Between Noun Prefixes and Grammaticalisation in {N}guni Relative Clauses},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper discusses morphological and syntactic aspects of relative
clauses in two related Southern Bantu language groups. In Sotho-Tswana, object
relative clauses are formed by means of clause-initial relative complementisers
which agree with the head noun. In contrast, object relatives in the Nguni
languages are formed by means of relative concords which are attached to the
relative clause predicate and express agreement with the subject. I suggest that the
Nguni relative concords are the result of a grammaticalisation process in which
early Nguni relative complementisers first turned into clitics and then into relative
concords. On the basis of a detailed analysis of this process I further argue that
the syntactic difference between Sotho-Tswana and Nguni relative clauses is
correlated with a morphological difference between nouns in these languages.}}

@article{Toivonen:2006,
	Author = {Toivonen, Ida},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(2)_Toivonen.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {181--219},
	Title = {On Continuative \emph{On}},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper examines the verbal particle on in its use as a marker of
continuation. Continuative on is only compatible with verbs of the situation type
activity, and on also places restrictions on the overt realizations of verbal
arguments. These characteristics follow from an analysis of on as a secondary
predicate whose aspect features must unify with the aspect features of the verb.}}

@article{Hill:2006,
	Author = {Hill, Virginia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Studia Linguistica},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Studia%20Linguistica/60(2)_Hill.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {156--180},
	Title = {Stylistic Inversion in {R}omanian},
	Volume = {60},
	Year = {2006},
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the Romanian subject pronoun inversion
construction (SPIC), which resembles French subject clitic inversion. It is shown
that Romanian inverts subject pronouns, not subject clitics, in speaker oriented
direct speech. Tests on the distribution and the interpretation of subjects show
that the verb-pronoun inversion and adjacency follow from syntactic versus
morpho-phonologic constraints. The analysis relates the syntax of the pronoun to
the exclusive speaker oriented environment, and treats this construction as a
manifestation of the pragmatic input in syntactic computation.}}

@article{Folli:2006,
	Author = {Folli, Raffael