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@article{Walker:2010,
	Author = {Walker, Rachel},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:58:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:59:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--179},
	Title = {Nonmyopic Harmony and the Nature of Derivations},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Niinuma:2010,
	Author = {Niinuma, Fumikazu},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:57:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:58:42 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {163--169},
	Title = {Across-the-Board Parasitic Gap Constructions in {R}omanian},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Jurgec:2010,
	Author = {Jurgec, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:54:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:56:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {149--161},
	Title = {Disjunctive Lexical Stratification},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Sobin:2010,
	Abstract = {English echo questions present numerous challenges to the analysis of interrogatives, including (a) simple wh-in-situ (You saw who?); (b) apparent Superiority violations (What did who see?); (c) apparent verb movement without wh-movement (Has Mary seen what?); and (d) requisite wide scope only for echo-question-introduced wh-phrases (underlined in these examples---only who in What did who see? is being asked about). Such apparently contrary features may be explained in terms of independently necessary scope assignment mechanisms and a complementizer that subordinates the utterance being echoed and ``freezes'' its CP structure. No norms of question formation are violated.},
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:53:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:54:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {131--148},
	Title = {Echo Questions in the {M}inimalist {P}rogram},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Boeckx:2010,
	Abstract = {This article discusses the challenges that Bobaljik and Landau (2009) pose to Boeckx and Hornstein's (2006) movement-based analysis of control in Icelandic. We show in detail that contrary to what Bobaljik and Landau claim, the movement theory of control (with a modification to accommodate quirky Case, a specialty of Icelandic) makes the right empirical cuts regarding the issues they raise, namely, (a) the differences in Case agreement between control and raising construc- tions, (b) the different patterns of Case transmission (un)available, and (c) the fact that allegedly Case-marked PROs are phonetically null. We argue that rather than being problematic, the data bearing on these issues actually provide independent support to the movement theory of control.},
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Hornstein, Norbert and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:50:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:51:29 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {111-130},
	Title = {Icelandic {C}ontrol Really Is {A}-Movement: Reply to {B}obaljik and {L}andau},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Takano:2010,
	Abstract = {This article argues for two points: that scrambling out of a control clause patterns with scrambling out of a finite clause and that obligatory control is derived by movement of the controller. The argument is based on hitherto unnoticed facts about binding effects with scram- bling out of a control clause in Japanese. It is proposed that those facts can only be accounted for by looking at an interaction of long-distance scrambling and movement of the controller. It is also shown that the proposal has important consequences for the nature of scrambling, pronominal variable binding, and subject control.},
	Author = {Takano, Yuji},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:48:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:49:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {83--110},
	Title = {Scrambling and {C}ontrol},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Muller:2010,
	Abstract = {This article shows that a version of the Condition on Extraction Do- main (Huang 1982) can be derived from the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC; Chomsky 2001, 2008) if the following assumptions are made: (a) All syntactic operations are driven by features of lexical items. (b) These features are ordered on lexical items. (c) All phrases are phases. (d) Edge features that trigger intermediate movement steps can only be added before the phase head becomes inert. Given (a--d), it follows from the PIC that extraction from XP is blocked if the operation that has merged XP is the final operation taking place in a phase: a last-merged specifier is a barrier because no edge feature can be inserted that might extract some item out of it; this induces a PIC violation on the following cycle. The analysis can be extended to cover freezing effects. Furthermore, it predicts the existence of the melting effect, illustrated in German and Czech: local scrambling in front of what would otherwise qualify as a last-merged specifier renders the specifier transparent for extraction. The most important assumption made here is that the timing of edge feature insertion is crucial (before vs. after in (d)). Accordingly, the analysis can be viewed as an argument supporting a strictly derivational organization of grammar.},
	Author = {M{\"u}ller, Gereon},
	Date-Added = {2010-02-07 10:46:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-02-07 10:47:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--82},
	Title = {On Deriving {CED} Effects from the {PIC}},
	Volume = {41},
	Year = {2010}}

@article{Kroeger:2009,
	Abstract = {This commentary primarily addresses G{\"a}rtner's critique of the ``pseudo- cleft'' analysis for Malagasy. First, it is shown that this analysis is almost certainly correct for focus constructions in three other Western Malayo-Polynesian languages. Next, it is shown that certain unexpected semantic patterns observed in Malagasy (including the potential for strong quantifiers to occur within the focused predicate phrase, and the non-entailment of exhaustivity) hold in these other languages as well. Thus, the semantic arguments against the pseudo-cleft analysis for Malagasy are not conclusive. Finally, on the basis of comparative evidence from Tagalog, it is suggested that the structure of adjunct-focus in Malagasy may actually be quite different from that of subject-focus, even though both constructions must satisfy the same morphological constraints.},
	Author = {Kroeger, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:46:45 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:48:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {817--838},
	Title = {Malagasy clefts from a {W}estern {M}alayo-{P}olynesian perspective: Commentary on the paper by {H}ans-{M}artin {G}{\"a}rtner},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gartner:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper explores the pros and cons of assimilating Malagasy ``Focusing'' No-Constructions (FNCs) to Temporal No-Constructions (TNCs), which arise from the combination of two full-fledged clauses. The particle no functions as a clause-linker introducing an adverbial clause. It is shown that a neo-Davidsonian semantics assimilating FNCs to TNCs can be developed. Among the attractive consequences of this is the possibility of giving pre-no quantifiers a standard (non predicative) semantics. The clause combining approach also squares well with the finding that the ``focusing'' nature of FNCs is less regular than often assumed. In particular, non-backgrounded (non-``presupposed'') no-clauses can be found. Among the drawbacks of a clause combining approach is its apparent inability to properly constrain ``binding'' relations between the two clauses. In particular, locality restrictions typical for movement relations are unpredicted. The paper discusses these features in some detail against the backdrop of rivaling movement and pseudocleft approaches. My hope is that it helps in clarifying their strengths and weaknesses. Also, I show that formal semantics is a useful, hitherto often neglected, tool with some potential of furthering our understanding the nature of Malagasy FNCs.},
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:43:56 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:45:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {789--816},
	Title = {On the prospects of a clause combining approach to ``focusing'' \emph{no}-constructions in {M}alagasy},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hermon:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper is a critical review and discussion of a novel approach to de- riving typological universals directly from UG based principles and parameters. (See Potsdam 2009), this issue.) It points out the pluses and minuses of such a research program and provides additional examples from Western Malayo-Polynesian languages (Indonesian and Batak), which illustrate the issues involved in extending the approach to a larger number of languages.},
	Author = {Hermon, Gabriella},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:42:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:43:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {773--787},
	Title = {Langauge typology and universal grammar: a commentary on the paper by {E}ric {P}otsdam},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Potsdam:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a research agenda for investigating possible implicational universals connecting the syntactic strategy that a verb-initial language uses to derive verb-initial word order (verb raising, VP raising, verb lowering, right hand subjects, etc.) and its strategy for forming wh-questions (wh-in-situ, clefting, wh-fronting, etc.). The Austronesian language family, with its over 1000 members, is taken as a starting point for the investigation because of its abundance of verb-initial languages. The existing analyses of Austronesian languages support one potential universal in this domain: Languages that derive verb-initial word order by VP raising do not have wh-movement. Possible theoretical explanations for this pattern are evaluated. The paper then considers Fijian, a potential counterexample. Further analysis suggests that Fijian is unlikely to be a problem, however, it highlights a main claim of the paper: Careful, in-depth analyses are required to yield robust results in such a typological study.},
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:41:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:41:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {737--771},
	Title = {Austronesian verb-initial languages and \emph{wh}-question strategies},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Keenan:2009,
	Abstract = {In his article in this volume, Joseph Sabbagh treats existential there sentences (henceforth, ET sentences) as a type of structure whose expression in different languages may vary. Taking the first step in constructing a typology of ET sentences, he claims that ET sentences in the Western Austronesian language Tagalog are built from an unaccusative predicate, whereas ET sentences in English, according to the proposals he cites, are constructed from small clauses. Both analyses have also been proposed for ET sentences in other Western Austronesian languages. For instance, in Malagasy, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Madagascar, Pearson (1996) and Paul (2000) defend a small clause analysis of ET sentences, whereas Polinsky (2008) argues persuasively for an analysis involving an unaccusative predicate. At various points in this commentary, I try to push the typology of ET further by suggesting possible typological correlates of their form.},
	Author = {Keenan, Edward L.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:39:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:40:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {721--735},
	Title = {Existential sentences in {T}agalog: commentary on the paper by {J}oseph {S}abbagh},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Sabbagh:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the syntax of existential sentences in Tagalog.Itargues that existential sentences in Tagalog are formed on the basis of an unaccusative predicate that selects a noun phrase as its sole internal argument. The positive arguments for this analysis also argue against a small clause analysis of existential sentences in Tagalog (as proposed, for other languages, in work by Stowell 1978, 1981; Chomsky 1981, 1986; Safir 1985; Hoekstra and Mulder 1990; Lasnik 1992; Moro 1997; among others). Additionally, this paper argues for an analysis of the definiteness effect in which the restriction follows from the requirement that the noun phrase that occurs in existential sentences (i.e., the ``pivo'') be a property denoting object. This proposal not only accounts for the class of noun phrases that are acceptable in Tagalog existential sentences, but also helps to shed light on various morphosyntactic aspects of existential sentences in the language, relating --- in particular --- to their impersonal clause structure, morphological case, as well as other properties.},
	Author = {Sabbagh, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-24 09:36:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-24 09:38:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {675--719},
	Title = {Existential sentences in {T}agalog},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@phdthesis{Albizu:1977,
	Address = {Los Angeles},
	Author = {Albizu, P.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 07:16:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 07:17:02 -0500},
	School = {University of Southern California},
	Title = {The syntax of Person Agreement},
	Year = {1977}}

@phdthesis{Bonet:1991,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Bonet, Eulalia},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 07:15:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 07:16:01 -0500},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Morphology after syntax: Pronominal clitics in {R}omance},
	Year = {1991}}

@phdthesis{Noyer:1992,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Noyer, Rolf},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-19 06:21:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 06:22:30 -0500},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {Features, positions and affixes in autonomous morphological structure},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Chemla:2009,
	Abstract = {Some theories assume that sentences like (i) with a presupposition trigger in the scope of a quantifier carry an existential presupposition, as in (ii); others assume that they carry a universal presupposition, as in (iii).
(i) No student knows that he is lucky. 
(ii) Existential presupposition: At least one student is lucky. 
(iii) Universal presupposition: Every student is lucky.
This work is an experimental investigation of this issue in French. Native speakers were recruited to evaluate the robustness of the inference from (i) to (iii). The main result is that presuppositions triggered from the scope of the quantifier aucun`no' are in fact universal. But the present results also suggest that the presuppositions triggered from the scope of other quantifiers depend on the quantifier. This calls for important changes in the main theories of presupposition projection.},
	Author = {Chemla, Emmanuel},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:22:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:23:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {299--340},
	Title = {Presuppositions of quantified sentences: experimental data},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Aihara:2009,
	Abstract = {It has long been observed that the superlative construction, exemplified by John climbed the highest mountain, has two readings. On the absolute reading, the heights of the relevant mountains in a relevant context are compared; on the com- parative reading, relevant climbers' achievements of mountain climbing are compared (Szabolcsi, Comparative superlatives, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 1986). Two theories have been proposed regarding this ambiguity. One theory holds that it results from movement of the superlative morpheme -est (movement theory) (Heim, Association with focus, Doctoral Dissertation, 1985, Notes on superlatives, 1999; Szabolcsi 1986). The other theory holds that the ambiguity is derived by assignment of different values to the context variable C, keeping a single LF structure where -est stays in situ (in-situ theory) (Farkas and Kiss, Nat Lang Linguist Theory 18:417--455, 2000; Sharvit and Stateva, Linguist Philos 25:453--504, 2002). As is pointed out by Heim (1999), a choice between these theories is hard to make based solely on English. Through an investigation of Japanese superlative constructions, this paper argues that, in Japanese at least, a movement theory is required.},
	Author = {Aihara, Masahiko},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:21:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:21:39 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {341--367},
	Title = {The scope of \emph{-est}: evidence from {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Saebo:2009,
	Abstract = {The meaning of have is notoriously difficult to define; sometimes it seems to denote possession, but often, it seems to denote nothing, only to com- plicate composition. This paper focuses on the cases where have embeds a small clause, proposing that all it accomplishes is abstraction, turning the small clause into a predicate. This analysis is extended to the cases where have appears to embed DPs: These objects are interpreted as small clauses as well, with implicit predicates denoting possession or---with relational nouns---nothing.},
	Author = {S{\ae}b{\o}, Kjell Johan},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:19:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:20:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {369--397},
	Title = {Possession and pertinence: the meaning of \emph{have}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Wulf:2009,
	Abstract = {The progressive in English appears to be inherently modal, due to what Dowty (Word meaning and Montague grammar: The semantics of verbs and times in generative semantics and in Montague's PTQ, 1979) terms the imperfective paradox. In truth-conditional accounts, the literal truth of a clause with the modal progressive hinges on the possibility of the described outcome. The clause's truth under such accounts has also been tacitly assumed to describe its felicitous use. Two challenges for this strategy are discussed. First, a progressive clause exhibiting the imperfective paradox can occur felicitously even when the described outcome is not possible. Second, a progressive clause exhibiting the paradox can occur felicitously with an accompanying unless-clause, yet the analysis of unless-clauses directly contradicts the modal analysis of the truth-conditional behavior of the progressive clause in such cases. If the analysis of unless is not flawed, then the modal pro- gressive will require reanalysis.},
	Author = {Wulf, Douglas J.},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:18:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:18:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--218},
	Title = {Two new challenges for the modal account of the progressive},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Reich:2009,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue on empirical grounds that (VL-initial) Asymmetric Coordination in German cannot be reduced to a syntactic structure of the form [if S1, then S2], but rather needs to be analyzed as some kind of adjunction to the if-clause, i.e., along the lines of [[if S1] and S2]. This conclusion gives rise to an apparent mismatch between syntactic structure (narrow scope of if) and semantic interpretation (wide scope of if). To resolve this paradoxical situation, I propose a compositional semantics for conditionals that is based on the idea that (indexed) if is to be construed as some kind of anaphor (variable) that ranges over objects of type modal base picking up a modal background in the actual context. Even though this analysis assigns a non-vacuous semantics to the complementizer if, it is still com- patible with the syntax of Asymmetric Coordination in German, and, in contrast to alternative accounts, avoids the generation of non-existent distributive readings.},
	Author = {Reich, Ingo},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:16:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:16:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {219--244},
	Title = {What Asymmetric Coordination in {G}erman tells us about the syntax and semantics of conditionals},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Magri:2009,
	Abstract = {Predicates such as tall or to know Latin, which intuitively denote permanent properties, are called individual-level predicates. Many peculiar prop- erties of this class of predicates have been noted in the literature. One such property is that we cannot say #John is sometimes tall. Here is a way to account for this property: this sentence sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that the alternative John is always tall is false, which cannot be, given that, if John is sometimes tall, then he always is. This intuition faces two challenges. First: this scalar implicature has a weird nature, since it must be surprisingly robust (other- wise, it could be cancelled and the sentence rescued) and furthermore blind to the common knowledge that tallness is a permanent property (since this piece of common knowledge makes the two alternatives equivalent). Second: it is not clear how this intuition could be extended to other, more complicated properties of individual-level predicates. The goal of this paper is to defend the idea of an implicature-based theory of individual-level predicates by facing these two chal- lenges. In the first part of the paper, I try to make sense of the weird nature of these special mismatching implicatures within the recent grammatical framework for scalar implicatures of Chierchia (Structures and beyond, 2004) and Fox (2007). In the second part of the paper, I show how this implicature-based line of reasoning can be extended to more complicated properties of individual-level predicates, such as restrictions on the interpretation of their bare plural subjects, noted in Carlson (Reference to kinds in English. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 1977), Milsark (Linguistic Analysis 3.1: 1--29, 1977), and Fox (Natural Language Semantics 3: 283--341, 1995); restrictions on German word order, noted in Diesing (Indefinites, 1992); and restrictions on Q-adverbs, noted in Kratzer (The Generic Book, ed. Carlson and Pelletier, 125--175, 1995).},
	Author = {Magri, Giorgio},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:14:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:15:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {245--297},
	Title = {A theory of individual-level predicates based on blind mandatory scalar implicatures},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Zucchi:2009,
	Abstract = {In Italian Sign Language (LIS), when past or future time adverbs are present, the signs for verbs exhibit the same manual configurations whether the sentence reports a past event or a future event. Facts of this kind, also observed for American Sign Language (ASL) and other sign languages, have led some authors (Friedman, among others) to conclude that these languages, on a par with spoken languages like Chinese, lack grammatical tense. Neidle et al. and Jacobowitz and Stokoe have challenged this view for ASL and have argued that ASL sentences contain tense markers. I present some data showing that LIS verbs inflect for tense. I argue, moreover, that the apparent lack of tense inflection when LIS past and future time adverbs are present is due to the fact that these adverbs shift the s-point and that LIS past and future tenses are absolute tenses. I provide a formal account of the LIS tense system based on these assumptions. The account is implemented in Heim's analysis of tense.},
	Author = {Zucchi, Sandro},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:13:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:13:27 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--139},
	Title = {Along the time line},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Yatsushiro:2009,
	Abstract = {The existential and universal quantifiers in Japanese both consist of two morphemes: an indeterminate pronoun and a quantificational suffix. This paper examines the distributional characteristics of these suffixes (ka for the existential quantifier and mo for the universal quantifier). It is shown that ka can appear in a wider range of structural positions than mo can. This difference receives explana- tion on semantic grounds. I propose that mo is a generalized quantifier. More specifically, I assume that the phrase headed by mo is of type hha; ti; ti. Because of its type, mo cannot appear in certain structural positions without causing type mismatch. Ka, on the other hand, is a choice function variable of type ha=t; ai, and due to its type, its distribution is not as restricted. One of the consequences of this analysis is that there are no quantifier raising or type shifting operations in Japanese that would adequately obviate type mismatch.},
	Author = {Yatsushiro, Kazuko},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:11:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:12:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--173},
	Title = {The distribution of quantificational suffixes in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Morzycki:2009,
	Abstract = {Degree readings of size adjectives, as in big stamp-collector, cannot be explained away as merely the consequence of some extragrammatical phenomenon. Rather, this paper proposes that they actually reflect the grammatical architecture of nominal gradability. Such readings are available only for size adjectives in attrib- utive positions, and systematically only for adjectives that predicate bigness. These restrictions can be understood as part of a broader picture of gradable NPs in which adnominal degree morphemes---often overt---play a key role, analogous to their role in the extended AP. Size adjectives acquire degree readings through a degree morpheme similar to the one that licenses AP-modifying measure phrases. Its syntax gives rise to positional restrictions on the availability of these readings, and the semantics of degree measurement interacts with the scale structure of size adjectives to give rise to restrictions on the adjective itself.},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:09:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:10:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {175--203},
	Title = {Degree modification of gradable nouns: size adjectives and adnominal degree morphemes},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Lin:2009a,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that superiority comparatives in Mandarin Chinese are all phrasal comparatives that can be directly interpreted, and makes a new suggestion of taking the ba-phrase (`compare-phrase') to be an adjunct and one constituent, but with ba-shells. This syntactic analysis allows one to combine into one phrase various compared constituents that would otherwise not be analyzed as forming a phrase by themselves. Semantically, in extension of work by Heim as well as Bhatt and Takahashi, ba is taken to compare two sequences of arguments of a gradable predicate along the dimension given by that predicate. It is also suggested that comparatives across languages may be subject to three parameters: (i) argument-dependent comparison vs. non-argument dependent comparison, (ii) phrasal comparison vs. clausal comparison, and (iii) monoadic comparison vs. dyadic comparison.},
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:08:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:08:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--27},
	Title = {Chinese comparatives and their implicational parameters},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hallman:2009,
	Abstract = {Proportional quantification and progressive aspect interact in English in revealing ways. This paper investigates these interactions and draws conclusions about the semantics of the progressive and telicity. In the scope of the progressive, the proportion named by a proportionality quantifier (e.g. most in The software was detecting most errors) must hold in every subevent of the event so described, indicating that a predicate in the scope of the progressive is interpreted as an internally homogeneous activity. Such an activity interpretation is argued to be available for telic predicates (e.g. cross the street) because these receive a partitive interpretation except in combination with a completive operator, which asserts that the event so described has culminated. The obligatoriness of the completive operator in the preterit is shown to parametrically distinguish those languages that show completion entailments in the preterit, e.g. English, from those that do not, e.g. Malagasy, Hindi, and Japanese.},
	Author = {Hallman, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:06:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:07:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {29--61},
	Title = {Proportions in time: interactions of quantification and aspect},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hackl:2009,
	Abstract = {Proportional quantifiers have played a central role in the development of formal semantics because they set a benchmark for the expressive power needed to describe quantification in natural language (Barwise and Cooper Linguist Philos 4:159--219, 1981). The proportional quantifier most, in particular, supplied the initial motivation for adopting Generalized Quantifier Theory (GQT) because its meaning is definable as a relation between sets of individuals, which are taken to be semantic primitives in GQT. This paper proposes an alternative analysis of most that does not treat it as a lexical item whose meaning is accessible without the help of compositional processes. Instead, proportional most is analyzed as the superlative of many (cf. Bresnan Linguist Inq 4(3):274--344, 1973). Two types of empirical evidence are presented in support of this view, both exploiting the fact that only a decompositional analysis of proportional quantifiers provides the means to generate different logical forms for seemingly equivalent statements of the form most A B and more than half of the A B.},
	Author = {Hackl, Martin},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:05:06 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:06:10 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {63--98},
	Title = {On the grammar and processing of proportional quantifiers: \emph{most} versus \emph{more than half}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Nouwen:2008,
	Abstract = {The paper concerns the expression of non-strict comparison, focusing in particular on constructions of the form [no(t) . . .-er than] in modified numerals. The main empirical finding is the observation that negated comparatives contrast with regular comparatives in that the former but not the latter can give rise to (scalar) implicatures. It is shown that such a contrast falls out of theories of exhaustive interpretation that claim alternatives to form dense scales. An important result is that the paper sharpens the desiderata for theories of exhaustification.},
	Author = {Nouwen, Rick},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:03:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:04:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {271--295},
	Title = {Upper-bound \emph{no more}: the exhaustive interpretation of non-strict comparison},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Van-Rooij:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper, Universal any and Negative Polarity Item any are uniformly analyzed as `counterfactual' donkey sentences (in disguise). Their difference in meaning is reduced here to the distinction between strong and weak readings of donkey sentences. It is shown that this explains the universal and existential character of Universal- and NPI-any, respectively, and the positive and negative contexts in which they are licensed. Our uniform analysis extends to the use of any in command and permission sentences. It predicts that whereas the use of any in permission sentences is licensed and gives rise to a universal reading, it is not licensed in command sentences.},
	Author = {Van Rooij, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 12:02:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:02:40 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--315},
	Title = {Towards a uniform analysis of \emph{any}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Rullmann:2008,
	Abstract = {Modals in Statimcets (Lillooet Salish) show two differences from their counterparts in English. First, they have variable quantificational force, systematically allowing both possibility and necessity interpretations; and second, they lexically restrict the conversational background, distinguishing for example between deontic and (several kinds of) epistemic modality. We provide an analysis of the Statimcets modals according to which they are akin to specific indefinites in the nominal domain. They introduce choice function variables which select a subset of the accessible worlds. Following Klinedinst, we assume distributivity over the resulting set of worlds. Statimcets modals thus receive a uniform interpretation as (distributive) pluralities. The appearance of variability in modal force arises because the choice function can select a larger or smaller subset of accessible worlds. Finally, we discuss the implications of our analysis for the investigation of modal systems in other languages.},
	Author = {Rullmann, Hotze and Matthewson, Lisa and Davis, Henry},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:59:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 12:01:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {317--357},
	Title = {Modals as distributive indefinites},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kroll:2008,
	Abstract = {The problem of indistinguishable participants is a well-known problem for D-type theories of donkey pronouns. Recently, Paul Elbourne has offered a D-type theory that purports to dissolve the problem of indistinguishable participants. I argue against Elbourne's solution.},
	Author = {Kroll, Nicky},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:58:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:59:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {359--372},
	Title = {On bishops and donkeys},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gualmini:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on children's interpretation of sentences containing negation and a quantifier (e.g., The detective didn't find some guys). Recent studies suggest that, although children are capable of accessing inverse scope interpretations of such sentences, they resort to surface scope to a larger extent than adults. To account for children's behavioral pattern, we propose a new factor at play in Truth Value Judgment tasks: the Question--Answer Requirement (QAR). According to the QAR, children (and adults) must interpret the target sentence that they evaluate as an answer to a question that is made salient by the discourse.},
	Author = {Gualmini, Andrea and Hulsey, Sarah and Hacquard, Valentine and Fox, Danny},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:56:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:57:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {205--237},
	Title = {The Question-Answer Requirement for scope assignment},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Moltmann:2008,
	Abstract = {The complement of transitive intensional verbs, like any nonreferential complement, can be replaced by a `special quantifier' or `special pronoun' such as something, the same thing, or what. In previous work on predicative complements and that-clauses I argued that special quantifiers and pronouns introduce entities that would not have occurred in the semantic structure of the sentence without the special quantifier, entities that one would refer to with the corresponding nominalization. Thus something in John thinks something or the same thing in John thinks the same thing as Mary ranges not over propositions, but rather over entities of the sort `John's thought that S' or `the thought that S', without those entities acting as arguments of the think-relation. Despite initial apparent lack of evidence for this view for transitive verbs like need, a closer inspection of a greater range of data gives in fact further support for the `Nominalization Theory' of special quantifiers, once `nominalization' is viewed in a suitably extended and flexible way.},
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:55:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:55:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {239--270},
	Title = {Intensional verbs and their intentional objects},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Beck:2008,
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid and Crnic, Luka and G{\"o}tz, Thilo},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:53:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:54:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {111--114},
	Title = {Ruin and restitution},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Alonso-Ovalle:2008,
	Abstract = {The exclusive component of unembedded disjunctions is standardly derived as a conversational implicature by assuming that or forms a lexical scale with and. It is well known, however, that this assumption does not suffice to determine the required scalar competitors of disjunctions with more than two atomic disjuncts (McCawley, Everything that linguists have always wanted to know about logic* (But were ashamed to ask). Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1993, p. 324; Simons, ``Or'': Issues in the semantics and pragmatics of disjunction. Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, 1998). To solve this, Sauerland (Linguist Philos 27(3): 367--391, 2004) assumes that or forms a lexical scale with two otherwise unattested silent connectives (L and R) that retrieve the left and right terms of a disjunction. A number of recent works have pro- posed an Alternative Semantics for indefinites and disjunction to account for their interaction with modals and other propositional operators (Kratzer and Shimoyama, In: Otsu Y (ed) The Proceedings of the Third Tokyo Confer- ence on Psycholinguistics. Hituzi Syobo, Tokyo, pp. 1--25, 2002; Aloni, In: Weisgerber M (ed) Proceedings of the Conference ``SuB7---Sinn und Bedeutung''. Arbeitspapier Nr. 114. Konstanz, pp. 28--37, 2003; Simons, Nat Lang Seman- tics 13: 271--316, 2005; Alonso-Ovalle, Disjunction in alternative semantics. Ph.D. thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, 2006). We note that the McCawley--Simons problem does not arise in an Alternative Semantics, if we assume that the set of pragmatic competitors to a disjunction is the closure under intersection of the set of propositions that it denotes. An adaptation of the strengthening mechanism presented in Fox (In: Sauerland U, Stateva P (eds) Presupposition and implicature in compositional semantics. MacMillan, Palgrave, pp. 71--120, 2007) allows for the derivation of the exclusive compo- nent of disjunctions with more than two atomic disjuncts without having to rely on the L and R operators. The proposal extends to the case of disjunctions with logically dependent disjuncts.},
	Author = {Alonso-Ovalle, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:51:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:52:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {115--128},
	Title = {Innocent exclusion in an {A}lternative {S}emantics},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kissine:2008,
	Abstract = {In opposition to a common assumption, this paper defends the idea that the auxiliary verb will has no other semantic contribution in contemporary English than a temporal shift towards the future with respect to the utterance time. Strong reasons for rejecting the idea that will quantifies over possible worlds are presented. Given the adoption of Lewis's and Kratzer's views on modality, the alleged `modal' uses of will are accounted for by a pragmatic mechanism which restricts the domain of the covert epistemic necessity operator scoping over the sentence.},
	Author = {Kissine, Mikhail},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:50:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:50:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--155},
	Title = {Why \emph{will} is not a modal},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Prete:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue that the temporal connective prima (`before') is a comparative adverb. The argument is based on a number of grammatical facts from Italian, showing that there is an asymmetry between prima and dopo (`after'). On the ground of their divergent behaviour, I suggest that dopo has a different grammatical status from prima. I propose a semantic treatment for prima that is based on an independently motivated analysis of comparatives which can be traced back to Seuren (in: Kiefer and Ruwet (eds.) Generative grammar in Europe, 1973). Dopo is analyzed instead as an atomic two-place predicate which contributes a binary relation over events to the sentence meaning. The different semantic treatments of the two connectives provide an explanation for the grammatical asymmetries considered at the outset; interestingly, they also shed some light on other asymmetries between prima and dopo, which are known to hold for the English temporal connectives before and after as well: these asymmetries are related to the veridicality properties, the distribution of NPIs, and the logical properties of these connectives first de- scribed in Anscombe (Philos Rev 73:3--24, 1964).},
	Author = {Prete, Fabio Del},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:48:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:49:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {157--203},
	Title = {A non-uniform semantic analysis of the {I}talian temporal connectives \emph{prima} and \emph{dopo}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Marti:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper I provide a decompositional analysis of three kinds of plural indefinites in two related languages, European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese. The three indefinites studied are bare plurals, the unos (Spanish)/ uns (Portuguese) type, and the algunos (Spanish)/alguns (Portuguese) type. The paper concentrates on four properties: semantic plurality, positive polarity, partitivity, and event distribution. The logic underlying the analysis is that of compositionality, applied at the subword level: as items become bigger in form (with the addition of morphemes), they also acquire more semantic properties. The paper proposes the ``indefinite hierarchy'', which establishes a set of components for languages to build their indefinites with, in a particular order.},
	Author = {Mart{\'\i}, Luisa},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:46:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:47:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--37},
	Title = {The semantics of plural indefinite noun phrases in {S}panish and {P}ortuguese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Wilhelm:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper documents the number-related properties of Dene Suine (Athapaskan). Dene Suline has neither number	inflection nor numeral classifiers. Nouns are bare, occur as such in argument positions, and combine	directly	with	numerals.	With	these traits, Dene Suline represents a type of language that is little considered in formal typologies of number and countability. The paper critiques one influential proposal, that of Chierchia (in: Rothstein (ed.) Events and grammar, 1998a; Natural Language Semantics 6: 339--405, 1998b), and presents an alternative number typology, which introduces variation in the semantics of numerals. It will be shown that bare nouns in Dene Suline can be mass or count. Hence, the difference between count and mass cannot be expressed in terms of number, as in Chierchia. Instead, I express it in terms of atomicity. Mass nouns have nonatomic denotations, bare count nouns have atomic denotations that comprise singularities and pluralities. I also propose that numerals contain a function that accesses the singularities in a noun's denotation. Hence they are compatible with bare count nouns, but not with mass nouns. In classifier languages, numerals denote a cardinality only; singularity-accessing functions are expressed in separate elements: the classifiers. Thus, languages like Chinese require classifiers because the numerals are semantically deficient, and not, as is assumed by Chierchia and others, the bare nouns.},
	Author = {Wilhelm, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:31:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:46:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {39--68},
	Title = {Bare nouns and number in D{\"e}ne S\c{u}{\l}in\'e},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gajewski:2008a,
	Abstract = {This paper addresses two puzzles in the semantics of connected exceptive phrases (EP): (i) the compatibility of EPs modifying noun phrases headed by the negative polarity item (NPI) determiner any and (ii) the ability of a negative universal quantifier modified by an EP to license strong NPIs. Previous analyses of EPs are shown to fail to solve these puzzles. A new unified solution to the two puzzles is proposed. The crucial insight of the analysis is to allow von Fintel's (Natural Language Semantics 1: 123--148, 1993; Restrictions on quantifier domains, PhD dissertation, 1994) leastness condition on EPs to be imposed at scopes non-local to the surface position of the EP. A general result is derived concerning the truth conditions of sentences in which an existential modified by an EP occurs in the scope of a downward entailing operator. The distribution of EPs is argued to depend on how the leastness condition interacts with other pragmatic strengthening conditions, such as the one imposed on any by Kadmon and Landman (Linguistics and Philosophy 16: 353--422, 1993).},
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2010-01-01 11:29:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-01 11:30:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--110},
	Title = {{NPI} \emph{any} and connected exceptive phrases},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kim:2007a,
	Abstract = {This paper aims to clarify and resolve issues surrounding the so-called formal linking problem in interpreting the Internally Headed Relative Clause construction in Korean and Japanese, a problem that has been identified in recent E-type pronominal treatments of the construction (e.g., Hoshi, K. (1995). Structural and interpretive aspects of head-internal and head-external relative clauses. PhD dissertation, University of Rochester; Shimoyama, J. (2001). Wh-constructions in Japanese. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst). In the literature, this problem refers to the difficulty of capturing the delimited semantic variability of the E-type pronoun present in the embedding clause of the construction. I show that the E-type pronoun at issue is subject to a different licensing condition from a typical E-type pronoun and therefore presents a different linking problem. More specifically, it requires that the embedded clause describe a state of its antecedent and its descriptive content be supplied by a salient property rep- resented in the logical form of the embedded clause. I propose an event-based semantic analysis that derives the effects of this novel generalization by establishing a binding relation between the event structure of the embedded clause and the denotation of the E-type pronoun.},
	Author = {Kim, Min-Joo},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:24:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:25:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {279--315},
	Title = {Formal linking in {I}nternally {H}eaded {R}elatives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{An:2007a,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I offer a novel solution to the well-known problem concerning two polarity items in Korean, amu-(N)-to and amu-(N)-rato, that show a complementary distribution within the set of typical NPI-licensing contexts. I present a uniform analysis of the distribution of these NPIs, where the complementary distribution follows from the opposite scope properties of the emphatic particles to and rato contained in the NPIs in question. As theoretical background, I adopt Karttunen and Peters's (1979, Syntax and Semantics 11: Presuppositions (pp. 1--56). New York: Academic Press) and Wilkinson's (1996, Natural Language Semantics, 4, 193--215) scope analysis of even, Lahiri's (1998, Natural Language Semantics, 6, 57--127) analysis of Hindi NPIs, and Guerzoni's (2002, Proceedings of NELS 32 (pp. 153--170); GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Mass.; 2004, Natural Language Semantics, 12, 319--343) analysis of the negative bias of yes/no-questions containing minimizers. The current analysis also lends further support to Guerzoni's approach in that it bears out the prediction that in certain environments, a yes/no-question can be positively biased, i.e., only the positive answer is allowed as a legitimate answer in the context; this prediction was left unconfirmed in Guerzoni's work.},
	Author = {An, Duk-Ho},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:23:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:24:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {317--350},
	Title = {On the distribution of {NPI}s in {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Portner:2007,
	Abstract = {Imperatives may be interpreted with many subvarieties of directive force, for example as orders, invitations, or pieces of advice. I argue that the range of meanings that imperatives can convey should be identified with the variety of interpretations that are possible for non-dynamic root modals (what I call `priority modals'), including deontic, bouletic, and teleological readings. This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between imperatives and priority modals in discourse which asserts that, just as declaratives contribute to the Common Ground and thus provide information relevant to the interpretation of epistemic modals in subsequent discourse, imperatives contribute to another component of the discourse context, the addressee's To-Do List, which serves as a contextual resource for the interpretation of priority modals. This analysis predicts that the interpretation of imperatives and modals in discourse is constrained in surprising ways; these predictions are borne out.},
	Author = {Portner, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:22:12 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:22:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {351--383},
	Title = {Imperatives and modals},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Chung:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on the Korean suffix -te, which has been variously analyzed as a marker of tense, aspect, tense--aspect, mood, mood--tense, or evidentiality. I argue against all of these approaches and propose instead that -te is a spatial deictic past tense, which triggers an evidential environment. It refers to a certain past time when the speaker either observed an event or some evidence of the event within his (her) perceptual field. Thus, the denotation of -te is `overlap', not between the speaker's perceptual field and the event itself, but between the speaker's perceptual field and the evidence of the event at the past reference time. To account for this denotation, I propose an `evidence trace' function as well as a `speaker's perceptual trace' function (cf. M. Faller, J Semantics 21:45--85, 2004). My analysis shows that suffixes like -ess (which is traditionally analyzed as a perfect) play two roles, as an indirect evidential and a perfect, depending on whether they appear with the spatial deictic tense -te or with a simple deictic tense. I argue that in Korean two distinct tense systems---the regular tense--aspect system and the spatial deictic tense--evidential system---exist in parallel. Thus the proposed analysis allows evidentials to be subsumed under the formal theory of tense, aspect, and mood.},
	Author = {Chung, Kyung-Sook},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:20:38 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:21:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {187--219},
	Title = {Spatial deictic tense and evidentials in {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Arregui:2007,
	Abstract = {Differences in the interpretation of would-conditionals with simple (perfective) and perfect antecedent clauses are marked enough to discourage a unified view. However, this paper presents a unified, Lewis--Stalnaker style semantics for the modal in such constructions. Differences in the interpretation of the conditionals are derived from the interaction between the interpretation of different types of aspect and the modal. The paper makes a distinction between perfective and perfect aspect in terms of whether they make reference to or quantify over Lewis-style events. In making reference to Lewis-events, perfective aspect is shown to be incompatible with counterfactual would- conditionals. The so-called `epistemic flavor' of perfective conditionals about the future is derived from the use of diagonalization as an interpretive strategy called upon to resolve reference.},
	Author = {Arregui, Ana},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:19:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:19:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {21--264},
	Title = {When aspect matters: the case of \emph{would}-conditionals},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Altshuler:2007,
	Abstract = {This squib presents a rebuttal to two of King's (Complex demonstratives: A quantificational account. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001) arguments that complex demonstratives are quantifier phrases like every man. The first is in response to King's argument that because complex demonstratives induce weak crossover effects, they are quantifier phrases. I argue that unlike quantifier phrases and like other definite determiner phrases, complex demonstratives in object position can corefer with singular pronouns contained in the subject DP. Although complex demonstratives could undergo LF-movement, the ruling out by weak crossover is empirically undetectable. The second rebuttal is in response to King's argument that because complex demonstratives allow antecedent-contained deletion, they are quantifier phrases. I present data showing that along with quantifier phrases, complex demonstratives pattern with proper names in allowing ACD with restrictive modification, but usually not with non-restrictive modification.},
	Author = {Altshuler, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:17:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:18:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {265--277},
	Title = {{WCO}, {ACD} and what they reveal about complex demonstratives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Kobuchi-Philip:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses Japanese numeral quantifiers that are used to count individuals, rather than quantities of a substance, and which may occur either as floated or non-floated quantifiers. It is argued that such morphologically complex numeral quantifiers (NQs) are semantically complex as well: The numeral within the NQ is the quantifier itself, the classifier its domain of quantification. The proposed analysis offers a unified semantic account of floated and non-floated NQs that adheres closely to their surface morphology and syntax. It explains why floated NQs generally force a distributive reading. It covers both classifiers construed with objects and classifiers construed with events. In addition, it captures the fact that the classifier must agree with the NP it is construed with.},
	Author = {Kobuchi-Philip, Mana},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:09:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:10:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {95--130},
	Title = {Individual-denoting classifiers},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Russell:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper provides evidence for an ambiguity of bare VPs in the English conditional conjunction construction. This ambiguity, undetected by previous researchers, provides a key to the development of a compositional semantic analysis of conditional conjunction with imperative first conjuncts. The analysis combines existing semantic theories of imperatives, the future tense, modal subordination, and speech act conjunction to yield the correct semantics without further stipulation.},
	Author = {Russell, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:08:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:09:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {131--166},
	Title = {Imperatives in conditional conjunction},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Muhlbauer:2007,
	Abstract = {I argue for three basic classes of nominals, based on the (non)- relation they encode; (i) alienable nouns, which have no inherent relation, but gain an underspecified `R' relation when possessed (Higginbotham, Linguistic Inquiry, 14, 305--420, 1983); (ii) relational nouns, which have an inherent relation, defined as an `R' relation restricted by the lexical meaning of the head noun (Barker, Possessive descriptions. CSLI, Stanford, Ca., 1995; Burton, Six issues to consider when choosing a husband. PhD Dissertation, Rutgers University, 1995); and (iii) inalienable nouns, which also have an inherent relation, defined as a material part- whole relation (Link, Algebraic semantics for linguistics and philosophy. CSLI, Stanford, Ca., 1995). I then consider evidence from the Algonquian language Plains Cree, which overtly distinguishes all three subclasses of nominals.},
	Author = {M{\"u}hlbauer, Jeff},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 11:06:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 11:07:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--186},
	Title = {Evidence for three distinct nominal classes in {P}lains {C}ree},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Ippolito:2007,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue that the aspectual, marginality, and conces- sive uses of the grading particles still and already can be reduced to the following three classes of focus-sensitive grading particles: additive particles like too, scalar particles like even, and exclusive particles like only. The meaning differences among the occurrences of still (and already) are mostly reduced to the differences among these three classes of grading particles. In turn, these differences are shown to correlate with what type of object is denoted by the phrase in the scope of the particle. The proposal has repercussions also for the focus-sensitive particle again. I investigate the latter too, and I propose a parallel between the temporal and nominal domains where the contrast between still and again is analyzed along the lines of the contrast between definite and indefinite noun phrases.},
	Author = {Ippolito, Michela},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:58:26 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:59:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Title = {On the meaning of some focus-sensitive particles},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{McCready:2007,
	Abstract = {Japanese has a large number of evidential and modal expressions. Many of the inferential evidentials -- mitai, yoo, rashii -- also have an adjectival use. On this use, they make a claim about the prototypicality of some object or individual with respect to another class of object, in the case of rashii, or about the similarity of these two objects, for yoo and mitai. This paper provides a compositional semantics for these adjectives, claiming that they are evaluated in terms of the degree to which they instantiate a set of properties (conventionally) associated with a class of object.},
	Author = {McCready, Eric and Ogata, Norry},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:57:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:57:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--63},
	Title = {Adjectives, stereotypicality, and comparison},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Aloni:2007,
	Abstract = {The article proposes an analysis of imperatives and possibility and necessity statements that (i) explains their differences with respect to the licensing of free choice any and (ii) accounts for the related phenomena of free choice disjunction in imperatives, permissions, and other possibility statements. Any and or are analyzed as operators introducing sets of alternative propositions. Free choice licensing operators are treated as quantifiers over these sets. In this way their interpretation can be sensitive to the alter- natives any and or introduce in their scope.},
	Author = {Aloni, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:55:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:56:26 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {65--94},
	Title = {Free choice, modals, and imperatives},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zweig:2006,
	Abstract = {This paper revisits the question of whether propositions in situation semantics must be persistent [Kratzer (1989). Linguistics and Philosophy, 12, 607--653]. It shows that ignoring persistence causes empirical problems for theories which use quantification over minimal situations as a solution for donkey anaphora [Elbourne (2005). Situations and individuals. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press]. At the same time, modifying these theories to incorporate persistence makes them incompatible with the use of situations for contextual restriction [Kratzer (2004). Ms., University of Massachusetts].},
	Author = {Zweig, Eytan},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:46:11 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:46:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {283--296},
	Title = {When the donkey lost its fleas: persistence, minimal situations, and embedded quantifiers},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Wagner:2006,
	Abstract = {`Only' associates with focus and licenses NPIs. This paper looks at the distributional pattern of NPIs under `only' and presents evidence for the movement theory of focus association and against an in situ approach. NPIs are licensed in the `scope' (or the second argument) of `only', but not in the complement (or its first argument), which I will call the `syntactic restrictor'. While earlier approaches argued that `only' licenses NPIs in the unfocused part of the sentence it occurs in except in its focus, evidence from DP-`only' shows that NPIs are also not licensed in the unfocused part of the syntactic restrictor. The distribution of NPIs provides a test for the size of the syntactic restrictor, and this test is applied to the case of VP-`only'. The evidence shows that (i) the restrictor can be smaller than the entire VP and is not necessarily identical to the surface complement of `only'; (ii) in the case of association with a head the restrictor comprises an XP containing the head; and (iii) in cases of association into an island, the restrictor comprises the entire island. Generalizations (i)--(iii) can be captured straightforwardly by a movement approach but are incompatible with an in situ analysis. Contextual domain restriction of the kind used in in situ approaches accounts for the appropriate semantics in cases where the semantic focus is properly contained in the syntactic restrictor of `only'.},
	Author = {Wagner, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:44:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:45:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--324},
	Title = {Association by movement: evidence from {NPI}-licensing},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Chung:2006,
	Abstract = {In earlier work, we developed an approach to clause-internal composition in which predicates can be composed with arguments by operations other than Function Application, and it makes a difference which composition operation is employed. Here we take our approach further by examining two nonsaturating operations that combine property contents: Restrict, which composes a predicate with the property content of an indefinite; and Modify, which is involved in predicate modification. Nonsaturating operations that combine property contents are often formalized in terms of predicate intersection, which is commutative. Using evidence from the Austronesian language Chamorro, we argue that Restrict and Modify are not `commutative', but instead incorporate an asymmetry: they take one content to supply a domain that is narrowed further by combination with the other content. Syntactically, it is transparent which category's content supplies the domain. But semantically, this information can be recovered only from the way in which the composition operation affects the contents that it composes, since---as we show---the same contents can be composed with distinct results.},
	Author = {Chung, Sandra and Ladusaw, William A.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:40:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:41:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {325--357},
	Title = {Chamorro evidence for compositional asymmetry},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Guerzoni:2006,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I explore the possibility of understanding locality restrictions on the distribution of Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) as a consequence of covert movement. The present proposal restates Linebarger's Immediate Scope Constraint in terms of morphology-driven checking requirements. These requirements cannot be met if a blocking element intervenes between the NPI feature and its morphosemantic licenser at Logical Form (LF). The empirical generalization is that the class of NPI `blocking expressions' (a.k.a. `interveners') overlaps to a large extent with interveners identified in wh-questions. Therefore, the same grammatical checking mechanisms operating in that domain, rather than the presence of an implicature, are here shown to be responsible both for apparent violations to Linebarger's constraint (contra Linebarger) and for intervention effects (contra Krifka, 1995, and Chierchia, 2004). This approach is argued to be superior on empirical grounds as it predicts facts that are left unaccounted for in a theory like Linebarger's, where pragmatics rescues otherwise ill-formed structures. In addition, the proposal allows us to view the locality constraints operating in the domain of NPI-licensing as an instance of more general (though yet to be fully understood) principles of the grammar whose effects are attested in other domains, such as wh-questions in German, Discourse- linked (D-linked) wh-questions in English, and Negative Concord (NC) configurations (e.g. in Italian and French).},
	Author = {Guerzoni, Elena},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:38:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:39:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {359--398},
	Title = {Intervention effects on {NPI}s and feature movement: towards a unified account of intervention},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Werner:2006,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue for two principles to determine the temporal interpretation of modal sentences in English, given a theory in which modals are interpreted against double conversational backgrounds and an ontology in which possible worlds branch towards the future. The Disparity Principle requires that a modal sentence makes distinctions between worlds in the modal base. The Non- Disparity Principle requires that a modal sentence does not make distinctions on the basis of facts settled at speech time. Selection of the modal base will set these principles against each other, or allow for their cooperative interaction. For a root modal base, there is a conflict and disparity wins. The resulting interpretation is future. For a non-root modal base, the principles cooperate. Non-disparity determines a non-future interpretation and disparity requires the sentence to go beyond what is known by the speaker.},
	Author = {Werner, Tom},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:35:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:36:50 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {235--255},
	Title = {Future and non-future modal sentences},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Moltmann:2006,
	Abstract = {The generic pronoun one (or its empty counterpart, arbitrary PRO) exhibits a range of properties that show a special connection to the first person, or rather the relevant intentional agent (speaker, addressee, or described agent). Generic one typically leads to generic sentences whose generalization is obtained from a first-person experience or action or else is meant to be immediately applicable to the relevant agent himself (in particular the addressee). I will argue that generic one involves generic quantification in which the predicate is applied to a given entity `as if' to the relevant agent himself. This is best understood in terms of simulation, a central notion in some recent developments in the philosophy of mind and cognitive science (Simulation Theory): Generic one involves `generic simulation', roughly `putting oneself into the shoes of anyone meeting relevant conditions'. Formally, this means that generic one introduces a complex variable, consisting of an ordinary variable and a `mode of presentation' of the relevant intentional agent, namely the property of being identical to that agent. Generic one, like other pronouns acting as bound variables, may also introduce just an ordinary variable. In both cases, the ordinary variable needs to be bound by a sentential generic operator.},
	Author = {Moltmann, Friederike},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:33:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:37:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {257--281},
	Title = {Generic \emph{one}, arbitrary {PRO} and the first person},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Silverman:1996,
	Author = {Silverman, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:23:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:24:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {301--322},
	Title = {Phonology at the Interface of Phonetics and Morphology: Root-Final Laryngeals in {C}hong, {K}orean, and {S}anskrit},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Martin:1996,
	Author = {Martin, Samuel E.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:21:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:22:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {295--299},
	Title = {On the Finite Forms of {O}ld {J}apanese Verbs},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Ito:1996,
	Author = {Ito, Junko and Kitagawa, Yoshihisa and Mester, Armin},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:20:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:21:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {217--294},
	Title = {Prosodic Faithfulness and Correspondence: Evidence from a {J}apanese Argot},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Kim:1996a,
	Author = {Kim, Deok-Bong and Choi, Key-Sun and Lee, Kang-Hyuk},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:18:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:19:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {183--215},
	Title = {A Computational Model of {K}orean Morphological Analysis: A Prediction-Based Approach},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Yeh:1996,
	Author = {Yeh, Meng},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:15:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:17:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {151--182},
	Title = {An Analysis of the Experiential \emph{Guo}$_{EXP}$ in {M}andarin: A Temporal Quantifier},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Matsumoto:1996a,
	Author = {Matsumoto, Yo},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:14:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:15:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {107--149},
	Title = {A Syntactic Account of Light Verb Phenomena in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Lapointe:1996,
	Author = {Lapointe, Stephen G.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 10:12:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:13:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {73--100},
	Title = {Comments on {C}ho and {S}ells, ``A Lexical Account of Inflectional Suffixes in {K}orean''},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Sproat:1996,
	Author = {Sproat, Richard and Chilin, Shih},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-31 09:50:09 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:12:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {49--71},
	Title = {Corpus-Based Analysis of {M}andarin Nominal Root Compound},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Takahashi:1994b,
	Author = {Takahashi, Daiko},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:17:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:18:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {265--300},
	Title = {Sluicing in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Ernst:1994a,
	Author = {Ernst, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:16:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:17:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {241--264},
	Title = {Conditions on {C}hinese {A}-{Not}-{A} Questions},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Saito:1994,
	Author = {Saito, Mamoru},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:09:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:15:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {195--240},
	Title = {Additional-WH Effects and the Adjunction Site Theory},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Beom-Mo:1994,
	Author = {Beom-Mo, Kang},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:08:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:09:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--24},
	Title = {Plurality and Other Semantic Aspects of Common Nouns in {K}orean},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Koizumi:1994,
	Author = {Koizumi, Masatoshi},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:06:56 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:07:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {25--79},
	Title = {Secondary Predicates},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Shi:1994a,
	Author = {Shi, Dingxu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:05:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:06:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {81--100},
	Title = {The Nature of {C}hinese Emphatic Sentences},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {1994}}

@article{Fukushima:1993,
	Author = {Fukushima, Kazuhiko},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:03:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:05:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {213--228},
	Title = {Model Theoretic Semantics for {J}apanese Floating Quantifiers and Their Scope Properties},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Chien:1993,
	Author = {Chien, Yu-Chin and Wexler, Kenneth and Chang, Hsing-Wu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:01:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:02:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {229--259},
	Title = {Children's Development of Long-Distance Binding in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Yip:1993,
	Author = {Yip, Moira},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 11:00:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 11:01:03 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {261--291},
	Title = {Cantonese Loanword Phonology and {O}ptimality {T}heory},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Vovin:1993,
	Author = {Vovin, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:58:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:59:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {125--134},
	Title = {Long Vowels in {P}roto-{J}apanese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Li:1993a,
	Author = {Li, Yafei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:57:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:58:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {135--166},
	Title = {What Makes Long Distance Reflexives Possible?},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Heycock:1993a,
	Author = {Heycock, Caroline},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:56:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:57:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--211},
	Title = {Syntactic Predication in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Duanmu:1993,
	Author = {Duanmu, San},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:54:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:55:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--44},
	Title = {Rime Length, Stress, and Association Domains},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Washio:1993,
	Author = {Washio, Ryuichi},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:53:12 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:53:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {45--90},
	Title = {When Causatives Mean Passive: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Cole:1993,
	Author = {Cole, Peter and Hermon, Gabriella and Sung, Li-May},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-30 10:50:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-30 10:52:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {91--118},
	Title = {Feature Percolation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1993}}

@article{Lin:1992a,
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:45:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:46:49 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {293--331},
	Title = {The Syntax of Zenmeyan `How' and Weshenme `Why' in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Lust:1996,
	Author = {Lust, Barbara and Chien, Yu-Chin and Chiang, Chi-Pang and Eisele, Julie},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:43:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-31 10:10:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--47},
	Title = {Chinese Pronominals in {U}niversal {G}rammar: A Study of Linear Precedence and Command in {C}hinese and {E}nglish Children's First Language Acquisition},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Lin:1992,
	Author = {Lin, Yen-Hwei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:41:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:43:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {219--253},
	Title = {Vocalic Underspecification in Two {M}andarin Dialects: A Case against Radical Underspecification},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Han:1992,
	Author = {Han, Hak-Sung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:38:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:39:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {215--218},
	Title = {Notes on Reflexive Movement},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Chen:1992,
	Author = {Chen, Matthew Y.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:36:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:38:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {197--213},
	Title = {The Chameleon [-r] in {Y}anggu: Morphological Infixation or Phonological Epenthesis?},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Nishigauchi:1992,
	Author = {Nishigauchi, Taisuke},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:35:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:36:09 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {157--196},
	Title = {Syntax of Reciprocals in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Li:1992,
	Author = {Li, Audrey Yen-Hui},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:34:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:35:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {12--155},
	Title = {Indefinite \emph{Wh} in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Saito:1992a,
	Author = {Saito, Mamoru},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:32:03 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:32:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--118},
	Title = {Long Distance Scrambling in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Maling:1992,
	Author = {Maling, Joan and Kim, Soowon},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:30:03 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:30:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--68},
	Title = {Case Assignment in the Inalienable Possession Construction in {K}orean},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Yip:1992,
	Author = {Yip, Moira},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:28:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:29:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--35},
	Title = {Prosodic Morphology in Four Chinese Dialects},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Tomioka:2009,
	Abstract = {Intervention effects, triggered by the presence of an intervener c-commanding a Wh-phrase, are known to be weaker in WHY questions in Japanese and Korean. The existing analyses of this surprising phenomenon focus on the comparison between WHY questions and other Wh-questions but have not paid attention to the fact that the sentence is still judged more acceptable when an intervener does not c-command WHY. This paper presents a novel account that appeals to a peculiar presuppositional property of WHY questions and their impact on the information structure of Wh-questions. Unlike the previous analyses, the proposal can correctly derive graded acceptability of WHY questions in intervention contexts. It is also shown that the re-emergence of intervention effects with embedded WHY questions also has its root in the presupposition.},
	Author = {Tomioka, S.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:10:36 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:11:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {253--271},
	Title = {\emph{Why} questions, presuppositions, and intervention effects},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Liu:2009,
	Abstract = {In English demonstratives cannot co-occur with articles, so it is assumed that demonstratives should be treated as determiners (D). In some other languages, such as Spanish, postnominal demonstratives show no complementary distribution with articles; therefore, demonstratives are argued to be lexical heads projecting to lexical phrases (XP). In Jingpo, a Tibeto-Burman language, demonstratives which are inflected for number show relative freedom in syntactic distribution. Singular demonstratives can occur either prenominally, postnominally or appear twice to sandwich the head noun. Plural demonstratives can only occur postnominally. The relative freedom shown in the syntactic distribution of Jingpo demonstratives is accounted for in the present paper with the proposal that demonstratives in the right peripheral of the nominal phrase are D-type demonstratives and demonstratives adjacent to the head noun are A(djective)-type demonstratives. The analysis thus calls for a non-unitary treatment of demonstratives.},
	Author = {Liu, H. and Gu, Y.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:08:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:09:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {273--295},
	Title = {Free and not-so-free demonstratives in {J}ingpo},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Cheung:2009a,
	Abstract = {Widely attested cross-linguistically, the Negative WH (NWH)-construction involves the special use of wh-words (e.g., `where', `what', and `how') to convey negation in certain specific contexts. The first half of this paper identifies the negative assertion as the primary meaning of the NWH construction, in addition to two conventional implicatures. In the second half, I argue that the grammatical features in NWHCs in Chinese, Korean, and Japanese strongly suggest that NWHCs should be analyzed as interrogative wh-questions. The quantification domain of NWH-words is the sets of propositions that pick out the conversational backgrounds of the sentence (Kratzer 1977; Portner 2009). The NWHC can be paraphrased as ``What is the proposition q such that in view of q, p is true?'' However,the interrogative question can only receive a negative rhetorical interpretation (i.e., a question without a true answer) because the conventional implicatures make it impossible for p to be true against any of the conversational backgrounds.},
	Author = {Cheung, Lawrence Yam-Leung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:07:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:08:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {297--321},
	Title = {Negative \emph{wh}-construction and its semantic properties},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hsu:2009a,
	Abstract = {This study examines young children's production of head-final relative clauses (RCs) in Chinese. Three different hypotheses (the Canonical Word Order Hypothesis, the Filler-gap Linear Distance Hypothesis, and the Structural Distance Hypothesis) have been proposed to account for the subject--object asymmetry found in children's performance with head-initial RCs in English. The structure of Chinese head-final RCs is minimally different from that of English head-initial RCs and thus provides an ideal case to examine the effect of different factors that are confounded in English. Our findings fail to support the Canonical Word Order Hypothesis and the Filler-gap Linear Distance Hypothesis. Instead, we suggest that it is the gap position in the hierarchical structure that affects children's production performance with subject-gapped and object-gapped RCs. Our findings also suggest that Mandarin Chinese does not belong to the group of East Asian languages which has been argued to have an acquisition pattern for RCs that is different from the one found in European languages. In addition, the cross-linguistic comparison of production errors suggests that the occurrence of the head noun in the sequential order of the production string affects the type of errors children make during the sentence production process.},
	Author = {Hsu, Chun-Chieh Natalie and Hermon, Gabriella and Zukowski, Andrea},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:05:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:06:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {323--360},
	Title = {Young children's production of head-final relative clauses: Elicited production data from {C}hinese children},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hsu:2009,
	Abstract = {How to represent a syllable is by no means a settled question in generative grammar. This paper employs the diagnostic tool Replace (X) to examine the sub- syllabic constituency in Old Chinese (OC) by virtue of two types of directional reduplication data: progressive and retrogressive reduplication. This paper finds that the OC syllable is comprised of onset, nucleus, and rhyme, which have different representations in the syllable structure. This paper also argues that the OC tone should be represented in terms of another independent plane, i.e., adjoining to the whole syllable rather than the rhyme sub-syllabic constituent, on the basis of the rhyming in Shijing `Book of Odes'. The OC medial glides -j- and -w- show an asymmetric status in syllable structure. The former tends to be aligned with the rhyme, while the latter tends to be aligned with onset. Comparing with other OC syllable structures, it is found that theoretical analyses reveal certain aspects of sub-syllabic processes, such as the placements of medial glides, and help us to examine syllabic representations such as tone representation, all of which may not be detected by direct observation of a maximal syllable in OC. Furthermore, a comparison of syllable structures in OC and Middle Chinese suggests that syllable structure, as well as other phonological phenomena, underwent great changes from OC to Middle Chinese or Guangyun phonology.},
	Author = {Hsu, Dong-Bo},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:03:24 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:04:49 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {361--395},
	Title = {The syllable in {O}ld {C}hinese: sub-syllabic processes, syllable structure, and the status of medial glides},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Irwin:2009,
	Abstract = {Research has shown there to be a strong relationship between the mora and prosody in Modern Japanese. Recently proposed, although not as yet independently evaluated, has been a prosodic size rule governing the well-known allomorphic phenomenon of rendaku, by which the initial consonants of non-initial elements in compounds may be voiced under certain conditions. It is claimed that this prosodic size rule flags a native Japanese noun as being rendaku immune, a condition for which no empirical verification has hitherto existed. In this paper the author will demonstrate that, although slight modifications are necessary, a prosodic size rule for flagging rendaku immunity is indeed a reality.},
	Author = {Irwin, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:01:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:02:31 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {179--196},
	Title = {Prosodic size and rendaku immunity},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Cheung:2009,
	Abstract = {The use of the Dislocation Focus Construction (DFC) (also known as ``Right Dislocation'') in colloquial Chinese (including Cantonese and Mandarin) gives rise to various non-canonical word orders. In DFCs, the sentence particle (SP) occurs in a sentence-medial position. The pre- and post-SP materials are demonstrated to be syntactically connected, based on four diagnostic tests, namely (i) the zinghai `only' test, (ii) the doudai (``wh-the-hell'') test, (iii) polarity item licensing, and (iv) Principle C violations. The findings offer new insights into the syntax of the Chinese left periphery and constraints on focus movement. First, the observations entail that Chinese CPs are head-initial, and an XP is obligatorily moved around the SP to a position higher than the CP. Second, the XP-raising in the DFC is argued to be driven by focus because of the focus interpretation induced. It is discovered that the focus movement is subject to the Spine Constraint, which turns out to be remarkably similar to the properties of the Nuclear Stress Rule (e.g., selection of focus set and metrical invisibility). It is argued that the DFC is the syntactic realization of the rule.},
	Author = {Cheung, Lawrence Yam-Leung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 13:00:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:01:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {197--232},
	Title = {Dislocation focus construction in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Miyamoto:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper examines one type of distributive interpretation in Japanese available only in sentences containing a numeral quantifier (NQ) with the distributive affix zutsu in a pre-nominal position. I propose that what appears to be the simple complex of an NQ with the distributive affix actually turns out to be a relative clause, which must appear within the NP. I further show that simple NQs can also be located inside the NP. The fundamental premise of my proposal is the predicative nature of NQs in Japanese (Miyagawa in structure and case marking in Japanese, 1989; Ueda in Oriental linguistics, 1986). The property of NQs in point allows us to account for the availability of the interpretation in question in Japanese.},
	Author = {Miyamoto, Yoichi},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:58:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:59:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {233--251},
	Title = {On the nominal-internal distributive interpretation in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hayashishita:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of the Japanese com- parative construction that utilizes yori `than', which functionally corresponds to the English more-comparative. While endorsing Beck et al.'s (J East Asian Linguist 13: 289--344, 2004) general claim that yori-comparatives cannot be analyzed on a par with the English comparative, the paper points out the problems associated with their analysis. Among the points the paper maintains in contrast with Beck et al. (J East Asian Linguist 13: 289--344, 2004) are (i) the denotation of the complement of yori is a degree, an individual, or a proposition, and (ii) yori-phrases take a gradable predicate as their argument; thus yori-phrases participate in the semantic composition of the matrix clause. In describing the difference between English and Japanese regarding the phenomena involving gradable predicates, the paper advocates Snyder et al.'s (Proceedings of the Thirteenth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 1994) hypothesis that AdjPs in Japanese lack the specifier position that hosts a degree variable or constant (cf. Fukui, A theory of category projection and its applications. Doctoral dissertation, 1986), dispensing with Beck et al.'s Degree Abstraction Parameter.},
	Author = {Hayashishita, J.-R.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:57:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:58:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {65--100},
	Title = {\emph{Yori}-comparatives: A reply to {B}eck et al. (2004)},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Yanagida:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that Old Japanese (eighth century) had split alignment, with nominative-accusative alignment in main clauses and active alignment in nominalized clauses. The main arguments for active alignment in nominalized clause come from ga-marking of active subjects and the distribution of two verbal prefixes: i-for active predicates and sa- for inactive predicates (cf. Yanagida, In: Hasegawa (ed.) Nihongo no shubun gensho [Main clause phenomena in Japanese], 2007b). We review the treatment of non-accusative alignment and argue that active alignment should be analyzed as as a distinct type. We propose a formal analysis of active alignment in nominalized clauses in Old Japanese. The external argument is assigned inherent case, spelled out as ga, in situ in Spec, v. Object arguments are licensed by several distinct mechanisms, including incorporation (Yanagida, In: Miyamoto (ed.) MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 2007a) and case assignment by a functional head above vP. The latter accounts for the distinctive O wo S ga V word order of OJ nominalized clauses noted by Yanagida (J. of East Asian Linguistics, 2006). Inability to assign object case is a property of [nominal] v, as proposed by Miyagawa (Structure and case marking in Japanese. Syntax and Semantics, vol. 22, 1989). We discuss the diachronic origins of the OJ active alignment system and point out that it exemplifies a cross-linguistically attested pattern of non-accusative alignment in clauses that originate from nominalizations.},
	Author = {Yanagida, Yuko and Whitman, John},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:55:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:56:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {101--144},
	Title = {Alignment and word order in {O}ld {J}apanese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Wu:2009a,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I argue that tense is a discourse feature in Mandarin if tense is extended to mean temporal location in general instead of grammaticalized location in time, as defined in Comrie (Tense, 1985). The evidence comes from the observation that tense does not affect temporal relations in Mandarin. The final endpoint imposed on an activity by past tense is not accessible to the other sentences in the same discourse while the final endpoint imposed by rhetorical relations, such as Narration, is. I argue that this difference results from the fact that in Mandarin tense does not impose a final endpoint until a coherent discourse is formed. I also discuss the implications of this paper for the determination of temporal locations in Mandarin, the status of Tense Phrase (TP) in Mandarin, the semantics of the perfective le, and modeling Mandarin discourse.},
	Author = {Wu, Jiun-Shiung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:54:03 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:54:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {145--165},
	Title = {Tense as a discourse feature: rethinking temporal location in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Lin:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates ``gapless'' bei passives in Mandarin Chinese and the way they are licensed. It is discovered that if the embedded predicate of a bei passive contains a weak NP, then the bei passive can be gapless. The proposal of this paper is that the weak NP introduces a variable, which can be bound by the operator Op at the embedded IP. Op need not move from an argument position in the embedded predicate of the bei passive; it can be merged directly to the embedded IP and bind the variable introduced by the weak NP.},
	Author = {Lin, Tzong-Hong Jonah},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:52:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:53:22 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {167--177},
	Title = {Licensing ``gapless'' \emph{bei} passives},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kuo:2009,
	Abstract = {Chinese is a language that classifies nouns into groups on the basis of shape, material, and size. We asked whether the classification of nouns by shape affects the degree to which Chinese speakers rely on shape when classifying objects. Three experiments examined the degree to which Chinese- and English- speaking adults rely on shape versus taxonomic or functional similarity in a classification task. Across all three experiments, Chinese speakers made significantly more shape choices than English speakers though they both mostly classified objects on the basis of taxonomic or functional similarity. Reliance on shape by speakers of Chinese was correlated with amount of exposure to Chinese. The results offer evidence in support of the idea that language influences categorization, or a weak form of the Whorf Hypothesis. The results also call into question the widely-held belief that speakers of all classifier languages pay less attention to shape in classification.},
	Author = {Kuo, Jenny Yi-chun and Sera, Maria D.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:50:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:51:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Title = {Classifier effects on human categorization: the role of shape classifiers in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Noh:2009,
	Abstract = {The Korean conditional markers myen and tamyen have been distin- guished in terms of the speaker's epistemic stance: while myen can be used with any speaker attitude, tamyen is only used with a hypothetical or irrealis attitude. However, tamyen-antecedents do not always express such an irrealis speaker atti- tude. This paper analyses the difference between myen and tamyen in terms of the modes of language use, i.e., descriptive and metarepresentational uses. It introduces the concept of interpretive use as defined and used in relevance theory and suggests that the ta in tamyen functions as an interpretive use marker. The presence of this interpretive use marker is responsible for the different felicities between myen- and tamyen-conditionals. Since a tamyen-antecedent is a metarepresentation of another representation, it is not used to describe a state of affairs in the content domain. This explains why deictic, generic, and temporal conditionals are more often used with myen, and given conditionals (i.e., conditionals whose antecedents are contextually given) with tamyen.},
	Author = {Noh, Eun-Ju},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:49:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:50:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {21--39},
	Title = {The {K}orean conditional markers \emph{myen} and \emph{tamyen}: epistemicity vs. modes of language use},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Takita:2009,
	Abstract = {One of the important topics in current syntactic theory is whether there is a directionality parameter in Universal Grammar. Based on the observation that the presence of Chinese sentence-final aspectual particles blocks movement out of their complement, Lin (Complement-to-Specifier movement in Mandarin Chinese. MS., National Tsing Hua University, 2006) argues that each of these particles is the head of an underlyingly head-initial phrase and that the surface head-final order is derived by movement of its complement. Thus, movement out of it violates the Condition on Extraction Domain [CED: Huang (Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar. PhD dissertation, MIT, 1982)]. Taking this analysis as a diagnostic that distinguishes a derived head-final structure from a genuine one, this paper illustrates that it is not the case that Japanese head-final structures are derived from head-initial ones. Our result implies that Universal Grammar is equipped with a directionality parameter, admitting not only head-initial structures but also head- final structures.},
	Author = {Takita, Kensuke},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:47:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:49:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {41--61},
	Title = {If {C}hinese is head-initial, {J}apanese cannot be},
	Volume = {18},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hsieh:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper we present the results of a study of the tonal adaptation of a corpus of c. 300 Mandarin and 40 English loanwords in Lhasa Tibetan drawn from Yu et al.'s (Colloquial Lhasa Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary, 1980). Our principal finding is that no equivalence is made between the Mandarin tones/English stress contours and Lhasa Tibetan tones. Instead, tones are assigned by a combination of default rules of Tibetan grammar and UG enhancement processes familiar from the tonogenesis literature.},
	Author = {Hsieh, Feng-fan and Kenstowicz, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:45:31 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:46:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {279--297},
	Title = {Phonetic knowledge in tonal adaptation: {M}andarin and {E}nglish loanwords in {L}hasa {T}ibetan},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kang:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper we present the results of a study of Japanese-influenced English loanwords in Korean. We identify some 10 phonological indexes that identify the loan's Japanese provenance and examine their relative rate of retention in 287 loan forms that show a mixture of Japanese-style and direct-English-style phonological characteristics. Our chief finding is that certain traits of Japanese-style loanwords are more resistant to change to the direct English style of adaptation that is applied to contemporary loans. We consider two possible explanations for such a hierarchy. First, the resistance hierarchy reflects the relative perceptual saliency of the relevant features (cf. Steriade, 2001). Second, the resistance hierarchy reflects the degree of confidence Korean speakers have about the ``correct'' direct-English borrowing pattern.},
	Author = {Kang, Yoonjung and Kenstowicz, Michael and Ito, Chiyuki},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:43:39 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:44:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {299--316},
	Title = {Hybrid loans: a study of {E}nglish loanwords transmitted to {K}orean via {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kawahara:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that phonetic naturalness and unnaturalness can interact within a single grammatical system. In Japanese loanword phonology, only voiced geminates, but not voiced singletons, devoice to dissimilate from another voiced obstruent. The neutralizability difference follows from a ranking which Japanese speakers created on perceptual grounds: IDENT(voi)Sing >> IDENT(voi)Gem. On the other hand, the trigger of devoicing---OCP(voi)---has no phonetic underpin- ning because voicing does not have phonetic characteristics that would naturally lead to confusion-based dissimilation (Ohala, Proceedings of Chicago Linguistic Society: Papers from the parasession on language and behaviour, 1981, in: Jones (ed.) Historical linguistics: Problems and perspectives, 1993). OCP(voi) in Modern Japanese originated as a phonetically natural OCP(prenasal) in Old Japanese because the spread out heavy nasalization would lead to perceptual confusion, but it divorced from its phonetic origin when prenasalization became voicing. The interaction of the three constraints in Modern Japanese suggests that phonetic naturalness (the ranking IDENT(voi)Sing >> IDENT(voi)Gem) and unnaturalness (OCP(voi)) co-reside within a single module.},
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:41:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:42:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {317--330},
	Title = {Phonetic naturalness and unnaturalness in {J}apanese loanword phonology},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kim:2008a,
	Abstract = {The purpose of the present study is two-fold. First is to propose that an L1 (host language) speakers' perception of L2 (donor language) sounds is conditioned by the acoustic cues to the laryngeal features of the L1 grammar in the loanword adaptation of Korean voiceless stops into Japanese and of the Japanese voicing contrast and voiceless geminates into Korean. Second is to suggest the enhancing role of some L2 or L1 phonetic properties in perceiving L2 variant(s) as distinctive according to the system of L1 features in loanword adaptation.},
	Author = {Kim, Hyunsoon},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:40:13 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:41:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {331--346},
	Title = {Loanword adaptation between {J}apanese and {K}orean: evidence for {L1} feature-driven perception},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Luke:2008,
	Abstract = {In spite of a powerful preference for bisyllabicity identified in previous research on loanword truncation in Cantonese, more new forms are increasingly found which have been truncated down to a monosyllable. An examination of a 1,400-word corpus of Cantonese loanwords collected over a span of 50 years reveals a significant increase in the number of loan verbs and adjectives in more recent times, as opposed to the almost exclusive adoption of nouns previously. Verbs, as opposed to nouns, are found to be much more prone to undergoing ``monosyllabic truncation.'' This is found to stem from an asymmetry between nouns and verbs in the native language. A preference for monosyllabicity, particularly in the case of verbs and adjectives, is confirmed via a study of a Cantonese translation of the Swadesh word list. A further investigation of a corpus of everyday conversations uncovers lexical statistics that may have been mirrored in the truncation process. Finally, the greater readiness for the importation of verbs in more recent times is explained in terms of Haugen's ``stages of bilingualism.''},
	Author = {Luke, Kang-kwong and Lau, Chaak-ming},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:38:38 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:40:00 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {347--362},
	Title = {On loanword truncation in {C}antonese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Lin:2008a,
	Abstract = {This study examines which English vowel is matched with which vowel in Standard Mandarin in loanword adaptation, investigates the general patterns for and restrictions on vowel adaptation in Standard Mandarin loanwords, and determines which aspects of vowel quality is more carefully replicated than others. The results show that despite the seemingly high degree of variation, there are systematic patterns: (i) the front-back dimension is more faithfully replicated than height and rounding, (ii) deviation along the height dimension is tolerated but minimal, (iii) a rounding mismatch occurs mostly in adapting mid central/back vowels, and (iv) central vowels behave as if they are unspecified for or ambiguous between front and back. This study demonstrates how the grammar prioritizes which aspects to replicate in the loanword adaptation process and has implications for theories of loanword phonology in particular and feature theory in general.},
	Author = {Lin, Yen-Hwei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:37:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:38:00 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {363--380},
	Title = {Variable vowel adaptation in {S}tandard {M}andarin loanwords},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Matsuura:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates tonal phenomena in Nagasaki Japanese (NJ), especially in loanwords, and argues that the pitch accent system of NJ is sensitive to the position of pitch fall rather than the presence vs. absence of pitch fall. There are two types of tonal patterns that may occur in an NJ word: Type A tone (a fall pitch pattern) and Type B tone (a non-fall pitch pattern). Previous studies on ongoing tonal changes in Kagoshima Japanese (KJ), which has a tonal system similar to that of NJ, revealed that accented words in Tokyo Japanese (TJ) are realized as Type A tones and unaccented words in TJ are realized as Type B tones in KJ. In contrast, a loanword in NJ is realized as a Type A tone if the loanword is accented on either of the first two morae in TJ; otherwise the loanword is realized as a Type B tone in NJ. This paper proposes that both NJ and KJ speakers have TJ forms as input, but only NJ speakers delete an accent on the third or later mora during the adaptation process. The proposal accounts for the tonal neutralization of compounds in NJ, which occurs when the first member contains three or more morae.},
	Author = {Matsuura, Toshio},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:35:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:36:29 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {381--397},
	Title = {Position sensitivity in {N}agasaki {J}apanese prosody},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Lin:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper investigates tone sandhi phenomena in the Chinese dialect of Tianjin, which are noteworthy for the rule application direc- tionalities observed in tri-tonal strings. The rule application directionalities appear to be ungoverned, as none of the principles proposed to date that may contribute to determining directionalities can account for them. Based on the constraint-based theory of OT, this paper shows that the rule operation directionalities in Tianjin are by no means ungoverned. Normally tone sandhi applies from left to right for identity reasons. This is captured by the OO-faithfulness constraint IDENT-BOT, which requires identity between prosodically related outputs. The left-to-right directionality is sacrificed only when it would result in output forms that involve marked sequences or toneme deletion at the prominent edge of a tone, which are for- bidden by the markedness constraint OCP-T and the positional IO-faithfulness constraint MAX-IO-t-R, respectively. Thus the rule application directionalities in Tianjin are naturally predicted by the interaction of IDENT-BOT, OCP-T, and MAX-IO-t-R, where IDENT-BOT must be dominated by the latter two con- straints.},
	Author = {Lin, Hui-shan},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:34:04 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:34:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {181--226},
	Title = {Variable directional applications in {T}ianjin tone sandhi},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Xiang:2008,
	Abstract = {The Mandarin functional morpheme dou appears to have been interpreted, among other things, as a distributor, focus marker even, or already. This paper aims at providing a unified semantic account for these different uses. I argue that the semantic core of these different usages is the same: dou is simply a maximality operator. It gives rise to different meanings by applying maximality to a contextually determined plural set. This could be a set of covers, a set of focus-induced alternatives, or a set of degrees ordered on a scale. This analysis also connects dou in these contexts with dou in environments that license polarity items, as discussed in Giannakidou and Cheng (J Semant 23: 135--183, 2006).},
	Author = {Xiang, Ming},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:31:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:31:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {227--245},
	Title = {Plurality, maximality and scalar inferences: A case study of {M}andarin \emph{Dou}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Saito:2008,
	Abstract = {It has been widely assumed since Kitagawa and Ross (Linguist Anal 9: 19--53, 1982) that noun phrases in Chinese and Japanese are quite similar in structure. They are N-final in surface word order, they employ ``modifying markers'' (de in Chinese and no in Japanese) extensively, and they require classifiers for numeral expressions. In this paper, we argue that, contrary to appearance, they have quite distinct structures. We examine N'-ellipsis in the two languages and present sup- porting evidence for the hypothesis argued for by Simpson (in: Tang and Liu (eds.) On the formal way to Chinese languages, 2003), among others, that Chinese noun phrases are head-initial. According to this hypothesis, de is D, and a classifier heads another projection within DP. Japanese noun phrases, on the other hand, are head- final. No is a contextual Case marker, as proposed by Kitagawa and Ross (Linguist Anal 9: 19--53, 1982), and classifier phrases are adjuncts modifying nominal projections. Our discussion shows that Kayne's (The antisymmetry of syntax, 1994) analysis of N-final relatives applies elegantly to Chinese but not to Japanese. It thus suggests that Japanese relative clauses are head-final throughout the derivation.},
	Author = {Saito, Mamoru and Lin, Jonah T.-H. and Murasugi, Keiko},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:28:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:30:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {247--271},
	Title = {N$'$-ellipsis and the structure of noun phrases in {C}hinese and {J}apanese},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Tsai:2008,
	Abstract = {This article concerns the ``topography'' of the Left Periphery, in particular, the syntactic distribution of how-questions across languages and their corresponding semantic interpretations. Causal wh and reason wh are analyzed as sentential operators in the left periphery, which scope over the entire IP and take the corresponding event/state as their complements. By contrast, manner and instrumental wh's are both analyzed as vP-modifiers, which translate into restrictive predicates of the underlying event argument associated with the peripheral area of vP. These wh-expressions differ dramatically with respect to their behavior towards locality principles. On the one hand, only instrumental wh, but not manner wh, may escape from strong island effects and weak intervention effects. On the other, they both observe strong intervention effects, triggered by negation and A-not-A questions. It is suggested that this apparent paradox can be solved by a generalized version of Relativized Minimality proposed in Rizzi (Structures and beyond. The cartography of syntactic structures. Oxford University Press, New York, 2004).},
	Author = {Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:25:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:28:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {83--115},
	Title = {Left periphery and \emph{how-why} alternations},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Lee:2008a,
	Abstract = {This paper uncovers a systematic correlation between semantics of aspect and syntactic argument structure as manifested in the difference between two imperfective aspect markers -ko iss and -a iss in Korean. Unlike the common assumption that the -ko iss form is a progressive marker, while the -a iss form is a resultative marker, this paper argues that the difference between the two derives from their different argument structure: -ko iss selects transitive and unergative verbs, which have an external argument, while -a iss selects unaccusative and passive verbs, which only have an internal theme argument. It is argued that the difference in argument structure is determined by semantic event structure depending on agentivity in Korean. The results of the paper have broader implications for the issues of syntax and semantics interface and unaccusativity.},
	Author = {Lee, EunHee},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:23:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:24:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {117--139},
	Title = {Argument structure and event structure: the case of {K}orean imperfective constructions},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kishimoto:2008,
	Abstract = {One controversial issue in the literature on Japanese concerns the question of whether the surface accusative-dative order of ditransitive constructions is base-generated or derived by syntactic movement. In the light of nominalized clauses in which dative-V and accusative-V idioms are embedded, this article shows that ditransitive verbs project an argument structure whereby dative arguments could be base-generated to either the left or the right of accusative arguments, as countenanced by the base-generation hypothesis for the argument order of ditransitive verbs. Nevertheless, dative arguments are not freely ordered relative to accusative arguments. We argue that with ordinary ditransitive verbs, only the dative-accusative order is available by base-generation, the reverse order being derived via syntactic movement, as conceived by the movement hypothesis. We suggest that the dative position below an accusative argument does not reside in a h-marking domain, and thus it can be filled only by idiomatic dative arguments that are interpreted without h-role assignment. The data show that both base-generation and movement analyses are necessary for characterizing the word order variation of Japanese ditransitive verbs.},
	Author = {Kishimoto, Hideki},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:22:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:23:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--179},
	Title = {Ditransitive idioms and argument structure},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Wu:2008,
	Abstract = {This study provides supporting evidence for the claim in Sohn (Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 12:307--324, 2006) that the nature of the geminate output in Korean sonorant assimilation is crucially dependent on the stem-final sonorant. Given the generally accepted claim of positional faithfulness to the onset (Lombardi, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13:39--74, 1995; Beckman, Positional faithfulness, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1998; Casali, Resolving hiatus, University of California, Los Angeles, 1998), however, the coda saliency effect observed in Korean sonorant assimilation is intriguing. Drawing on a theory of Licensing by Cue and the P-map hypothesis (Steriade, Phonetics in phonology: The case of laryngeal neutralization, UCLA, 1997; Steriade, The phonology of perceptibility effects: The P-map and its consequences for constraint organization, UCLA, 2001), this study claims that coda saliency is a language-specific phonological reflex of the contrast asymmetry in the lexical representation and in acoustic cues. The asymmetry in functional load depending on the position is reflected in the perception of similarity, namely whether the difference between two alveolar sonorants is less distinctive or robust in word-initial vs. word-final position. Based on similarity ranking by reference to the perceptibility difference, this study argues that the marginally contrastive sonorant in the onset is more likely to be the target of neutralization than is the sonorant in the coda, whose contrastiveness is well-grounded in Korean phonology.},
	Author = {Wu, Jiun-Shiung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:21:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:21:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--32},
	Title = {Terminability, wholeness and semantics of experiential \emph{guo}},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sohn:2008,
	Abstract = {This study provides supporting evidence for the claim in Sohn (Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 12:307--324, 2006) that the nature of the geminate output in Korean sonorant assimilation is crucially dependent on the stem-final sonorant. Given the generally accepted claim of positional faithfulness to the onset (Lombardi, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13:39--74, 1995; Beckman, Positional faithfulness, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1998; Casali, Resolving hiatus, University of California, Los Angeles, 1998), however, the coda saliency effect observed in Korean sonorant assimilation is intriguing. Drawing on a theory of Licensing by Cue and the P-map hypothesis (Steriade, Phonetics in phonology: The case of laryngeal neutralization, UCLA, 1997; Steriade, The phonology of perceptibility effects: The P-map and its consequences for constraint organization, UCLA, 2001), this study claims that coda saliency is a language-specific phonological reflex of the contrast asymmetry in the lexical representation and in acoustic cues. The asymmetry in functional load depending on the position is reflected in the perception of similarity, namely whether the difference between two alveolar sonorants is less distinctive or robust in word-initial vs. word-final position. Based on similarity ranking by reference to the perceptibility difference, this study argues that the marginally contrastive sonorant in the onset is more likely to be the target of neutralization than is the sonorant in the coda, whose contrastiveness is well-grounded in Korean phonology.},
	Author = {Sohn, Hyang-Sook},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:18:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:20:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {33--59},
	Title = {Phonological contrast and coda saliency of sonorant assimilation in {K}orean},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Tham:2008,
	Abstract = {I show that in Mandarin specificational copular sentences (sentences headed by the copula shi, in which the subject NP is typically a definite or indefinite description), the subject NP should be treated as a referential, rather than a predicative expression. This conclusion bears on the recent debate on whether specificational copular sentences should be treated as equative or as (inverted) predicational sentences, coming out against the latter. Evidence is adduced from (i) the distribution of the copula in nominal and non-nominal predication sentences, which I show also suggests that the Mandarin copula has a predicate-creation function; and (ii) asymmetries in the interpretation of bare nouns and indefinite NPs in the subject and complement positions of shi.},
	Author = {Tham, Shiao Wei},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:17:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:20:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--82},
	Title = {The semantic category of the subject {NP} in {M}andarin specificational copular sentences},
	Volume = {17},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Zhang:2007a,
	Abstract = {Chinese tone sandhi systems are often classified as left-dominant or right-dominant depending on the position of the syllable retaining the citation tone. An asymmetry exists between the two types of systems: left-dominant sandhi often involves rightward extension of the initial tone to the entire sandhi domain; right-dominant sandhi, however, often involves default insertion and paradigmatic neutralization of nonfinal tones. I argue that the extension of a tone to a larger domain may serve two markedness purposes: the reduction of tonal contours on a syllable and the reduction of pitch differences across syllable boundaries, both of which have a rightward directionality preference. The former is due to the durational advantage afforded by final lengthening; the latter is due to the universal preference for progressive tonal coarticulation. I show that a theory that formally encodes these preferences via intrinsic constraint rankings can predict the directional asymmetry noted above.},
	Author = {Zhang, Jie},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:15:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:16:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {259--302},
	Title = {A directional asymmetry in {C}hinese tone sandhi systems},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Kim:2007,
	Abstract = {Honorification in Korean recognizes the elevated social status of a participant in a clause with respect to the subject and/or the hearer. Honorific marking may be manifest as a nominal suffix, a special honorific form of a noun, an honorific case particle, an honorific marker on a verb, or a special honorific form of a verb. Previous accounts have typically proposed a honorification feature specified as [HON +], with unmarked forms being [HON )]. The key idea in this paper is that these approaches are misguided and that honorification is a privative feature, syntactically and semantically. On the syntactic side, we argue that the frequently adopted position that honorific marking in Korean is a kind of subject--verb agreement is deeply misguided. Few previous accounts succeed with regard to the full range of facts, which are of three types. First, multiple expressions of honorific marking within the same clause progressively elevate the social status of the referent: the effect is cumulative, which [HON $\pm$] cannot describe. Second, under previous analyses, some nouns have to be given a spurious and ultimately inconsistent ambiguity with respect to their honorific properties. Third, the different expressions of ``honorification'' do not mean exactly the same thing, which makes an account of multiple honorification within a clause in terms of agreement implausible. On the semantic side, we, building on ideas in Potts (The logic of conventional implicatures. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005) and Potts and Kawahara (Proceedings of semantics and linguistic theory. CLC Publications, Ithaca, NY, pp. 235--254, 2004), propose that honorific forms introduce a dimension of meaning in the realm of expressive meaning. As a kind of expressive meaning, honorification is simply absent from all forms which are not positively marked for expressing it.},
	Author = {Kim, Jong-Bok and Sells, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:11:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:12:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {303--336},
	Title = {Korean honorification: a kind of expressive meaning},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Barrie:2007,
	Abstract = {The goal of this paper is twofold. First, it discusses the tonal systems of several Chinese languages within the framework of the Theory of the Contrastive Hierarchy (Dresher et al. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 13:3--27, 1994; Dresher Talk Presented at Meeting of the Canadian Linguistics Association, University of Ottawa, 1998, Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 20:47--62, 2003a, Asymmetry in grammar: Morphology, phonology, acquisition. Amsterdam, Netherlands: Benjamins, Vol. 2, pp. 239--257, 2003b). In particular, this paper demonstrates that disparities between phonetic characteristics of tones and their phonological activity can be understood as a kind of underspecification that the Contrastive Hierarchy affords. The second goal of this paper is to propose an analysis in which contour tones in Chinese languages generally are represented as unitary entities rather than as a concatenation of level tones (Tone Clusters). This contrasts with the tonal systems found in African languages, in which contour tones are demonstrably composed of level tones. Thus, this paper argues for the existence of two types of contour tones in natural language: unitary contour tones and Tone Clusters.},
	Author = {Barrie, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 12:09:29 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 12:11:28 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {337--362},
	Title = {Contour tones and contrast in {C}hinese languages},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Tamaoka:2007,
	Abstract = {The present study conducted four experiments to investigate how modality information provided through the sentence-final particles -yo and -ne were utilized in identifying an empty subject by native Japanese speakers. Experiment 1 conducted a whole-sentence anomaly decision task, finding that base sentences without -yo and -ne attached were processed more quickly than sentences with either -yo or -ne and that sentences with -yo were processed more quickly than the same sentences with -ne. A delay in processing sentences with -ne was created by the ambiguity of an empty subject identified by -ne as either `I' or `you'. In Experiment 2, the auxiliary verb -ou `let us' was added to the base sentence before -yo and -ne, providing a cue to identify the empty subject as `we'. Although the base sentences were processed more quickly than those containing the particles -yo and -ne, no other difference resulted from the attachment of these particles. To eliminate the possibility of orthographic-length effects, Experiment 3 compared base sentences with -ou, -ou-yo, and -ou-ne, finding no difference among them (i.e., no orthographic-length effects). Experiment 4 was conducted to further eliminate the possible involvement of discourse-level computation by utilizing base sentences with overt subjects, past tense verbs, and the auxiliary verb -rasii `appear to'. Once subjects of sentences were clearly shown, there was no difference among base sentences and those with either -yo or -ne attached (i.e., no discourse-level computation effects). Thus the present study proved that the modality information inherent in the particles -yo and -ne was used for identifying empty subjects.},
	Author = {Tamaoka, Katsuo and Matsumoto, Michiaki and Sakamoto, Tsutomu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:54:38 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:57:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {145--170},
	Title = {Identifying empty subjects by modality information: the case of the {J}apanese sentence-final particles \emph{-yo} and \emph{-ne}},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Ivana:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with the syntactic structure of subject-honorific and object-honorific constructions in Japanese through a detailed examination of the morphological make-up of the so-called honorific form of verbs. The main claim is that the honorific form of verbs actually consists of separate morphemes, which include honorific prefixes, verb stems, nominalisation suffixes, and light verbs. We further argue that the honorific prefix o-, which has been generally disregarded in previous literature, is a functional category which heads its own projection. The proposed analysis solves a long-standing problem in the investigation of Japanese honorific constructions, as to why honorific verbs cannot be separated from light verbs, originally pointed out by Harada (1976). Furthermore, this analysis shows how the syntactic distinction between the light verbs naru and suru leads to the meaning difference between the subject-honorific and object-honorific constructions.},
	Author = {Ivana, Adrian and Sakai, Hiromu},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:53:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:53:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {171--191},
	Title = {Honorification and light verbs in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Ljungvist:2007,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I propose a relevance-theoretic account of the particles le, guo and zhe in Mandarin Chinese. Though conventionally regarded as aspect markers, on closer inspection they seem to contribute to a range of interpretations that cannot be subsumed under a semantic category or a specific temporal representation. The explanatory model presented in this paper builds upon relevance- theoretic ideas on encoded procedural meaning and Reichenbach's (1947, Elements of symbolic logic. London: Macmillan) temporal schemas for the tenses and the aspects. I propose a procedure---a set of interpretational instructions (as described in, among others, Wilson and Sperber (1993b, Lingua, 90, 1--25), Blakemore (1987, Semantic constraints on relevance. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000, Journal of Linguistics, 36(3), 463--486) and Carston (2002, Thought and utterances: The pragmatics of explicit communication. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd.))---and a concept activated by the procedure for each of the particles. I show that these particles can contribute to a range of explicatures and implicatures and that their exact contribution to an utterance is highly context dependent.},
	Author = {Ljungvist, Marita},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:51:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:52:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {193--235},
	Title = {\emph{Le}, \emph{guo} and \emph{zhe} in {M}andarin {C}hinese: a relevance-theoretic account},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Lin:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that the most recent analyses of guo as proposed in Pan and Lee [(2004). The role of pragmatics in interpreting the Chinese perfective markers -Guo and -Le. Journal of Pragmatics, 36, 441--446] and Lin [(2006). Time in a language without tense: The case of Chinese. Journal of Semantics, 23, 1--53] still fail to explain the predicate restriction and the discontinuity property of guo in a satisfying manner. An alternative analysis, which is a more fine-grained version of Lin's (2006) proposal, is suggested. It is proposed that a sentence with the form guo(P) is true in a world w if and only if the run time of the internal stage of an event described by P is wholly before the speech time, and if the event e has a target state, then there is an inertia world w in r stretching from w such that another event e' described also by P but distinct from e true in it at an interval containing the speech time.},
	Author = {Lin, Jo-Wang},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:49:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:50:25 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {237--257},
	Title = {Predicate restriction, discontinuity property and the meaning of the perfective marker \emph{Guo} in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Heffernan:2007,
	Abstract = {When a language adapts words from another language, the adapting language (L1) naturally tries to retain the phonemic contrasts of the source language (L2). However, if the L2 has a greater degree of contrast than the L1 then either the extra degree(s) of contrast will be lost, or the L1 must introduce markedness into its phonological system. The objective of this article is twofold.
First, I argue that the introduction of markedness into the L1's phonology when adapting words from another language correlates with the social relation- ship between the languages. I demonstrate this by examining the retention of phonemic contrast in the various stages of the adaptation of Chinese words into Japanese.
Second, I argue for a phonological constraint that enforces the retention of L2's phonemic contrast, DISTINCT. An Optimality Theoretic analysis of the adaptation of Sino-Japanese produces the expected results for all of stages of adaptation except one---the stage when contact between the two languages is at its peak. For this stage, the analysis requires the addition of the DISTINCT constraint.},
	Author = {Heffernan, Kevin},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:47:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:49:02 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {61--86},
	Title = {The role of phonemic contrast in the formation of {S}ino-{J}apanese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Stanford:2007,
	Abstract = {An intricate system of adjective intensification permeates Sui, a Tai-Kadai minority language of Guizhou Province, China. Sui adjective intensifiers show evidence of partial reduplication involving a complex interplay of morpho-phonological processes: rhyme, alliteration, The Emergence of The Unmarked (TETU), and identity avoidance patterns that support Kennard's ``Copy but don't repeat'' [(2004). Phonology, 21(3), 303--323]. This Sui phenomenon has never been reported to the wider linguistic community beyond Guizhou, and it provides valu- able theoretical insight into reduplication and related morpho-phonological pro- cesses. Moreover, the interaction of these morpho-phonological processes forms a system of patterned variety that may be viewed as a poeticized lexicon or lexicalized poetry, thus illustrating the presence of extensive poetic effects embedded within the core grammar. In this way, Sui provides strong support for Yip's observation that ``humans have both an aptitude and a taste for creating repetitive sequences, and they may use this skill in a variety of ways that are more or less part of the core grammar of the language'' [(1999). Glot International, 4.8, 1--7].},
	Author = {Stanford, James N.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:45:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:46:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {87--111},
	Title = {Sui Adjective Reduplication as Poetic Morpho-Phonology},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Kawahara:2007,
	Abstract = {Using data from a large-scale corpus, this paper establishes the claim that in Japanese rap rhymes, the degree of similarity of two consonants positively correlates with their likelihood of making a rhyme pair. For example, similar consonant pairs like {m-n}, {t-s}, and {r-n} frequently rhyme whereas dissimilar consonant pairs like {m-{\`o}}, {w-k}, and {n-p} rarely do. The current study adds to a body of literature that suggests that similarity plays a fundamental role in half rhyme formation (A. Holtman, 1996, A generative theory of rhyme: An optimality approach, PhD dissertation. Utrecht Institute of Linguistics; R. Jakobson, 1960, Linguistics and poetics: Language in literature, Harvard University Press, Cambridge; D. Steriade, 2003, Knowledge of similarity and narrow lexical override, Proceedings of Berkeley Linguistics Society, 29, 583--598; A. Zwicky, 1976, This rock-and-roll has got to stop: Junior's head is hard as a rock. Proceedings of Chicago Linguistics Society, 12, 676--697). Furthermore, it is shown that Japanese speakers take acoustic details into account when they compose rap rhymes. This study thus supports the claim that speakers possess rich knowledge of psychoacoustic similarity (D. Steriade, 2001a, Directional asymmetries in place assimilation. In E. Hume, & K. Johnson (Eds.), The role of speech perception in phonology (pp. 219--250). San Diego: Academic Press.; D. Steriade, 2001b, The phonology of perceptibility effects: The P-map and its consequences for constraint organization, ms., University of California, Los Angeles; D. Steriade, 2003, Knowledge of similarity and narrow lexical override, Proceedings of Berkeley Linguistics Society, 29, 583--598).},
	Author = {Kawahara, Shigeto},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:44:21 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:45:12 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {113--144},
	Title = {Half rhymes in {J}apanese rap lyrics and knowledge of similarity},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Lee:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper compares the Korean past tense marker -ess with another past form -essess (double past), the distinction between which has been controversial among Korean linguists, and provides a discourse-based semantic analysis of them. It is argued that -ess and -essess are logically distinguished in terms of dynamic versus stative information in dynamic semantics, which is more or less in line with the distinction between the English past and the past perfect. The simple past in English and the Korean -ess at least have the potential to give dynamic information, updating the given context with a new event and shifting the current temporal perspective. The English past perfect and the Korean -essess, on the other hand, provide stative, background information, preserving the given context. However, while the English past perfect is ambiguous between preterit and aspectual interpretations, Korean -essess has only the preterit interpretation, triggering a flashback effect in narratives. Their semantic properties and differences are represented in Discourse Representation Theory.},
	Author = {Lee, Eun-Hee},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:42:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:43:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--25},
	Title = {Dynamic and Stative Information in Temporal Reasoning: Interpretation of {K}orean Past Markers in Narrative Discourse},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zhang:2007,
	Abstract = {This article uses a multilevel approach to study the Chinese numeral classifiers. It argues that although shape categories constitute a major cognitive base for numeral classification, lexical taxonomy, linguistic convention, and stylistic creativity also play a role in determining the use of Chinese classifiers. It cautions that in general the relationship between noun and classifier is explicable from the semantic/ cognitive stance, but the relationship is not always transparent and consistent. At times the choice of a classifier can be entirely arbitrary and subject to linguistic innovation.},
	Author = {Zhang, Hong},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:40:26 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:41:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--59},
	Title = {Numeral classifiers in {M}andarin {C}hinese},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Jun:2006,
	Abstract = {This study investigates the underlying tonal pattern of pitch accent, tone interaction, focus effects, and the prosodic structure of Northern Kyungsang Korean (NKK) by examining tone-syllable alignment and the realization of pitch accent in different tonal/prosodic contexts. Based on quantitative data, we propose that the underlying tone of pitch accent is H*+L and that the left edge of a prosodic word is marked by a low boundary tone (%L). Our observation, with respect to the tone interaction of different lexical classes, shows evidence in favor of the downstep/ upstep account [Kenstowicz & Sohn (1997) Focus and phrasing in Northern Kyungsang Korean. In P.-M. Bertinetto (Ed.), Certamen Phonologicum III, (pp. 137--156). Torino: Rosenberg and Sellier. (Also in MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 30, 25--47, 1997)], as opposed to the H-tone deletion account (e.g., G. Kim (1988) The Pitch-accent System of the Taegu Dialect of Korean with Emphasis on Tone Sandhi at the Phrasal Level, PhD dissertation, University of Hawaii.). The data also indicate that surface representations of NKK are sparsely specified for tone. Most importantly, we found that the prosodic cue of focus differs depending on the location of the pitch accent within a prosodic word. We conclude that the prosodic goal of focus in NKK is in the pitch range expansion of the focused phrase, which is implemented by expanding the pitch range of the most prominent word within the phrase, regardless of whether it is the focused word or not.},
	Author = {Jun, Jongho and Kim, Jungsun and Lee, Hayoung and Jun, Sun-Ah},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:37:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:38:42 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {289--317},
	Title = {The prosodic structure of pitch accent of {N}orthern {K}yungsang {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Bruening:2006a,
	Abstract = {The question of whether wh-in situ stays in situ, or undergoes some form of covert wh-movement that parallels overt wh-movement, remains controversial despite decades of research. We present data from Vietnamese which indicate that wh-in situ can be interpreted by either covert movement or unselective binding without movement. Covert movement takes place in matrix questions that lack a question particle, while unselective binding is used when there is a question particle and in embedded questions generally. The Vietnamese data also show that covert movement observes the same constraints---in particular, Subjacency---as overt movement. The correlation between unselective binding and the question particle in matrix questions appears to support recent theoretical views of question particles (e.g., Cheng, 1991), but we argue that this is only apparent. The question particle merely serves a syntactic licensing function, and this function is borne by a question- embedding verb in embedded questions, meaning that it is not inherent to question particles as such. The question particle in Vietnamese actually serves an unrelated semantic function: it indicates realis mood and induces a presupposition. The implication is that question particles are only indirectly related to wh-in situ, if they are related at all.},
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin and Tran, Thuan},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:34:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:35:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {319--341},
	Title = {Wh-Questions in {V}ietnamese},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Huang:2006,
	Abstract = {It has been observed that there is a complementary distribution between simple adjectives (SAs) and complex adjectives (CAs) in Chinese in both the adnominal and predicate positions (Huang, 1997, Some remarks on adjectives in Mandarin Chinese. Paper delivered at the International Association of Chinese Linguistics-6 (IACL-6), Leiden, June 19--21, 1997, The Netherlands; Shen, 1997, Zhongguo Yuwen, 259, 242--250; Zhu, 1956, Xiandai Hanyu Xingrongci Yanjiu [Studies of adjectives in modern Chinese]. Yuyan Yanjiu 1. Also published in Zhu Dexi (1980) Xiandai Hanyu Yufa Yanjiu [Grammatical studies of modern Chinese], pp. 3--41). This article makes two major claims: (a) there are two subgroups of CAs; while one is in total complementary distribution with SAs, the other is in partial complementary distribution with SAs; and (b) the total/partial complementary distribution noted in (a) can be explained by a property- theoretic conjunction/intersection analysis of modification structures which ensures not only type matching but also sortal matching between the modifier and modifiee. Evidence from dialectal studies (Zhu, 1993, Fangyan, 2, 81--100) is provided as strong support for this hypothesis.},
	Author = {Huang, Shi-Zhe},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:32:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:33:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {343--369},
	Title = {Property Theory, Adjectives, and Modification in {C}hinese},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Tenny:2006,
	Abstract = {This paper examines some phenomena in Japanese related to predicates of direct experience, which seem to require an integration of speech act, first and second person, evidentiality, and long distance binding. These predicates restrict their experiencer subjects to first person in the declarative and second person in the interrogative; the restriction is lifted by clausal or lexical evidential markers; and the binding domain for the long-distance anaphor jibun is the same as the evidential domains that lift the person constraint. Most of these facts are not new in the literature, but this proposal to integrate these facts under one general account at the syntax/semantics/discourse interface is new. The paper proposes an integrated account of these facts in the context of a framework for a Syntax of Sentience, which includes sentience roles, functional projections relating to sentience, and morphosyntactic features encoding sentience properties. Each of these separate parts of the proposal arises independently out of a different thread of research. The fact that the syntax of sentience outlined here integrates such a range of facts and literatures is seen as a strength of the approach.},
	Author = {Tenny, Carol L.},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:29:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:31:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {245--288},
	Title = {Evidentiality, Experiencers, and the Syntax of Sentience in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Ko:2006,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses various puzzles concerning the phonology of Korean nominal inflection. In particular, I investigate a range of vowel hiatus resolution phenomena that differ between nouns and verbs, the overapplication of consonant cluster simplification and laryngeal feature neutralization in nominal stems, and certain asymmetries between derived nouns and nonderived nouns. After presenting some problems with previous approaches, I offer an analysis of the phonology of Korean nominal inflection in terms of BASE-OUTPUT CORRESPONDENCE (BOC) THEORY, along the lines of Kager (1999). I argue that a variety of unexpected properties of noun phonology in Korean can receive a unified account under the BOC approach. I also show that noun-specific alignment and noun-specific faithfulness constraints are inadequate to capture noun phonology in Korean. My arguments support the view that the fact that nouns have a Base (isolation form) is the key factor in explaining the unique properties of noun phonology (see Kenstowicz's (1996) BASE IDENTITY, in particular). It is shown, however, that the BOC approach overcomes shortcomings with the Base Identity approach by making a necessary distinction between minor and fatal divergence from the Base.},
	Author = {Ko, Heejeong},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:28:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:29:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {195--243},
	Title = {Base-Output Correspondence in {K}orean Nominal Inflection},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2006}}

@book{Keskin:2009,
	Author = {Keskin, Cem},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:24:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:25:29 -0500},
	Publisher = {LOT},
	Title = {Subject Agreement-Dependency of {A}ccusative {C}ase in {T}urkish},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Seiler:2009,
	Author = {Seiler, Guido},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:21:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:23:03 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {229--272},
	Title = {Sound change or analogy? {M}onosyllabic lengthening in {G}erman and some of its consequences},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Bader:2009,
	Abstract = {Although verb cluster formation has long been a topic of syntactic research, many of its properties are still controversial. In this paper, we contribute to the ongoing discussion by looking at verb order variation in 3- and 4-verb clusters in German on the basis of new empirical evidence. First, we present several experiments that have used the method of speeded grammaticality judgments in order to determine the orders within a verb cluster that are accepted by native speakers. A major result of our experiments is that native speakers accept more orders than are allowed in Standard German. Second, we give a theoretical account of the data which applies and extends Williams' (2003) CAT-language. We show how the variation between Standard German and the more liberal Colloquial German that was revealed in our experiments follows from slightly different lexical entries within this system. Standard German is characterized by a complexity requirement on modal verb complements that restricts verb order variation. The more liberal Colloquial German system lacks this feature and thus allows a larger variation of verb orders.},
	Author = {Bader, Markus and Schmid, Tanja},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-29 11:19:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 11:20:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {175--228},
	Title = {Verb clusters in colloquial {G}erman},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Potts:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Potts, Christopher},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-13 11:00:53 -0700},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-13 11:01:55 -0700},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The Logic of Conventional Implicatures},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Schlenker:2004,
	Author = {Schlenker, Philippe},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-06 19:28:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-07 09:32:06 -0500},
	Editor = {Bary and Huitink and Maier},
	Pages = {385--416},
	Title = {Minimize Restrictors! (Notes on Definite Descriptions, Condition {C} and Epithets)},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Schlenker:2005,
	Author = {Schlenker, Philippe},
	Date-Added = {2009-12-06 19:27:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-07 09:32:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--92},
	Title = {Non-Redundancy: Towards A Semantic Reinterpretation of {B}inding {T}heory},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005}}

@inproceedings{Sprouse:2005,
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the thirty-sixth annual meeting of the {N}orth {E}ast {L}ingusitic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-30 11:00:24 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-30 11:15:16 -0500},
	Editor = {Davis, Christopher and Deal, Amy Rose and Zabbal, Youri},
	Pages = {546--559},
	Publisher = {{GLSA}},
	Title = {{ACD} and Movement Reconsidered: {A} and {A$'$} Copies},
	Volume = {Two},
	Year = {2005}}

@book{Kehler:2002,
	Address = {Stanford University},
	Author = {Kehler, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-30 08:28:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-30 08:28:56 -0500},
	Publisher = {{CSLI} Publications},
	Title = {Coherence, reference, and the theory of grammar},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Kehler:2000,
	Author = {Kehler, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-30 08:27:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-30 08:27:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Number = {533--575},
	Title = {Coherence and the resolution of ellipsis},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Fodor:1982,
	Author = {Fodor, Janet Dean and Sag, Ivan},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-17 12:01:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-17 12:02:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Pages = {355--398},
	Title = {Referential and Quantificational Indefinites},
	Volume = {5},
	Year = {1982}}

@article{Ochi:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that the DP object in Japanese always moves to the domain of vP in overt syntax. The main argument for this hypothesis comes from the transitivity restriction imposed on the genitive-subject construction in this language. I argue that once the object is shifted to the edge of vP, the subject in the inner specifier of vP is rendered inaccessible from the higher phase head. This hypothesis also derives the well-known ban on multiple occurrences of accusative phrases in the Japanese causative construction. The paper also makes several theoretical points. For instance, the EPP checking (in the traditional sense) is contingent on an independent Agree relation such as Case checking. Also, calculation of equidistance is confined to a very local domain of a syntactic derivation.},
	Author = {Ochi, Masao},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-11 12:34:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-11 12:34:40 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {324--362},
	Title = {Overt Object Shift in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Deal:2009,
	Abstract = {While expletive there has primarily been studied in the context of the existential construction, it has long been known that some but not all lexical verbs are compatible with there insertion. This paper argues that there insertion can be used to diagnose vPs with no external argument, ruling out transitives, unergatives, and also inchoatives, which are argued to project an event argument on the edge of vP. Based on the tight link between there insertion and low functional structure, I build a case for low there insertion, where the expletive is first merged in the specifier of a verbalizing head v. The low merge position is motivated by a stringently local relationship that holds between there and its associate DP; this relationship plays a crucial role in the interaction of there with raising verbs, where local agreement rules out cases of ``too many theres'' such as *There seemed there to be a man in the room. An account of these cases in terms of phase theory is explored, in which I ultimately suggest that there must be merged in a nonthematic phasal specifier position.},
	Author = {Deal, Amy Rose},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-11 12:31:15 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-11 12:32:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {285--323},
	Title = {The Origin and Content of Expletives: Evidence from ``Selection''},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Trapman:2009,
	Abstract = {Can second language (L2) learners acquire a grammar that allows a subset of the structures allowed by their native grammar? This question is addressed here with respect to acquisition of phonotactics. On the assumption that the L2 initial state equals the native grammar's final state, learnability theory would predict that a lack of negative evidence for phonotactic structures that are illegal in the target language precludes acquisition of the target grammar. This prediction is tested for L1-Russian (superset) and L1-Spanish (subset) L2 learners of Dutch by means of word-likeness judgments and lexical decision experiments. Participants responded to nonwords containing consonant clusters in onsets and codas that are legal (1) only in Russian, (2) only in Russian and Dutch, or (3) in all three languages. The results converge to show that advanced L1-Russian and L1-Spanish L2 learners possess native-like phonotactic knowledge. Analysis shows that this knowledge cannot be attributed to transfer of lexical statistics from the native language. The results suggest that L2 phonotactic acquisition is not affected by subset/superset relations between the native language and target language. Some possible explanations for our findings are discussed.},
	Author = {Trapman, Mirjam and Kager, Ren{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:31:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:32:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {178--221},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Subset and Superset Phonotactic Knowledge in a Second Language},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Marsden:2009,
	Abstract = {This article reports on an experimental investigation of knowledge of distributivity in nonnative (L2) Japanese learners whose first language (L1) is English or Korean. The availability of distributive scope in Japanese is modulated by word order and the semantic features of quantifiers. For English- speaking learners, these subtle interpretive phenomena are underdetermined in both the input and the L1. However, for Korean speakers, target-like knowledge could arise via L1 transfer. The results yield clear evidence of distinct developmental paths in the two L1 groups, testifying to L1 influence on the syntax-semantics interface. Nonetheless, some English-speaking learners exhibit target-like distributive readings despite the lack of direct evidence. This development of target-like knowledge in the absence of evidence is accounted for by integrating Sprouse's (2006) lexical transfer account of L2 acquisition and a Universal Grammar model (Beghelli 1995) of distributive scope.},
	Author = {Marsden, Heather},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:29:25 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:30:43 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {135--177},
	Title = {Distributive Quantifier Scope in {E}nglish-{J}apanese and {K}orean-{J}apanese Interlanguage},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Becker:2009,
	Abstract = {I describe the results of an experiment that bears on how children learn the lexical and syntactic properties of abstract verbs (seem, try) in order to distinguish the subclasses of raising (seem) and control verbs (try). Previous research suggested that an inanimate subject in certain contexts leads children to suppose that the subject and main verb are not thematically related, and thus that the verb is a raising verb. Here I address two alternative possibilities. One possibility is that children lack the adult-like restriction that subject and verb must match in animacy, which I counter with evidence from the developmental literature. The other possibility, addressed by the experiment, is that children's control verbs are thematically related to their subject but do not require the subject to be animate. I will argue, instead, that the presence of an expletive/inanimate subject coerces a raising analysis of the verb, and concomitant ``bleached'' semantics of the verb in that context.},
	Author = {Becker, Misha},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:27:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:27:57 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {283--296},
	Title = {The Role of {NP} Animacy and Expletives in Verb Learning},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Notley:2009,
	Abstract = {Children often produce nonadult responses to sentences with the focus operator only, such as Only the cat is holding a flag. For example, children often accept this sentence as a description of a situation in which a cat holds a flag and a duck holds both a flag and a balloon. One proposed analysis, by Paterson, Liversedge, Rowland & Filik (2003), contends that children disregard only in such sentences, yielding The cat is holding a flag. An alternative proposal by Crain, Ni & Conway (1994) maintains that children misassign only to the VP, yielding The cat is only holding a flag. The findings of experimental studies with two typologically distinct languages, English and Mandarin Chinese, support Crain et al.'s (1994) analysis. We propose, further, that children pass through a stage at which only is analyzed as a sentential adverb taking scope over both the subject NP and the VP. We address the questions of why children initially adopt this analysis, and how they converge on the adult grammars of these languages.},
	Author = {Notley, Anna and Zhou, Peng and Crain, Stephen and Thornton, Rosalind},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:24:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:26:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {240--282},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of Focus Expressions in {E}nglish and {M}andarin},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{De-Cat:2009,
	Abstract = {This study investigates the acquisition of the discourse/pragmatic notion of topic, based on an experimental task eliciting topic vs. focus subjects. In spoken French, these are obligatorily realized as dislocated vs. nondislocated noun phrases. The results provide overwhelming evidence for the early mastery of topic, even by the youngest children (2;6). The only difficulty was in the evaluation of fine-grained salience distinctions, leading to the underuse of full noun phrases in ambiguous contexts. A theory of mind test revealed that the ability to assess their listener's knowledge state is not sufficient to explain this underuse. Instead, children's overreliance on the situational context as a source of complementary information to disambiguate their utterances is argued to have a major impact on how explicit they are.},
	Author = {De Cat, C{\'e}cile},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:22:41 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:23:54 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {224--239},
	Title = {Experimental Evidence for Preschoolers' Mastery of ``Topic''},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Sichel:2009,
	Author = {Sichel, Ivy},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:17:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:19:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {712--723},
	Title = {New Evidence for the Structural Realization of the Implicit External Argument in Nominalizations},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kornai:2009,
	Author = {Kornai, Andr{\'a}s},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:16:11 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:17:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {701--712},
	Title = {The Complexity of Phonology},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Williams:2009,
	Abstract = {According to Kratzer (2003), the thematic relation Theme, construed very generally, is not a ``natural relation.'' She says that the ``natural relations'' are ``cumulative'' and argues that Theme is not cumulative, in contrast to Agent. It is therefore best, she concludes, to remove Theme from the palette of semantic analysis. Here I oppose the premises of Kratzer's argument and then introduce a new challenge to her conclusion, based on the resultative construction in Mandarin. The facts show that Theme and Agent are on equal footing, insofar as neither has the property that Kratzer's conjecture requires of a natural relation.},
	Author = {Williams, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:14:11 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:15:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {686--700},
	Title = {Themes, Cumulativity, and Resultatives: comments on Kratzer 2003},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Boersma:2009,
	Abstract = {This article shows that Error-Driven Constraint Demotion (EDCD), an error-driven learning algorithm proposed by Tesar (1995) for Prince and Smolensky's (1993/2004) version of Optimality Theory, can fail to converge to a correct totally ranked hierarchy of constraints, unlike the earlier non-error-driven learning algorithms proposed by Tesar and Smolensky (1993). The cause of the problem is found in Tesar's use of ``mark-pooling ties,'' indicating that EDCD can be repaired by assuming Anttila's (1997) ``permuting ties'' instead. Proofs show, and simulations confirm, that totally ranked hierarchies can indeed be found by both this repaired version of EDCD and Boersma's (1998) Minimal Gradual Learning Algorithm.},
	Author = {Boersma, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:12:12 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:13:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {667--686},
	Title = {Some Correct Error-Driven Versions of the Constraint Demotion Algorithm},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Preminger:2009,
	Abstract = {In this article, I propose a novel way to distinguish between agreement and clitic doubling. The innovation lies in examining what happens when the relation between the relevant agreement morphology and the full noun phrase fails to obtain: whether the agreement morpheme still shows up, bearing default phi-features, or disappears altogether.
The workings of the proposed diagnostic are demonstrated using a family of constructions in ``substandard'' Basque (Etxepare 2006). Besides supporting the proposed diagnostic, the analysis of Basque provides a new perspective on the typological status of the Basque agreement system, as well as evidence against the traditional analysis of unergatives in Basque as being underlyingly transitive.},
	Author = {Preminger, Omer},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:10:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:11:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {619--666},
	Title = {Breaking Agreements: Distinguishing Agreement and Clitic Doubling by Their Failures},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kim:2009b,
	Abstract = {This article examines glottalization and lenition in Nuu-chah-nulth. These processes involve features introduced via affixation, features that are sometimes compatible with the final segment of the stem and sometimes incompatible. An understanding of the intricacies of these patterns requires a focus on featural representations, with lexical representations involving floating features and variable specifications for features. Both of these properties follow from the postulation of a rich base, with features freely combining in inputs. The analysis argues for covert features, for constraints holding more strongly in small domains than large domains, and for the importance of a markedness scale on glottalizability.},
	Author = {Kim, Eun-Sook and Pulleyblank, Douglas},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:08:25 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:10:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {567--617},
	Title = {Glottalization and Lenition in {N}uu-chah-nulth},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hicks:2009,
	Abstract = {This article addresses the syntax of the notorious tough(-movement) construction (TC) in English. TCs exhibit a range of apparently contra- dictory empirical properties suggesting that their derivation involves the application of both A-movement and A'-movement operations. Within previous principles-and-parameters models, TCs have remained ``unexplained and in principle unexplainable'' (Holmberg 2000:839) because of incompatibility with constraints on theta-role assignment, locality, and Case. This article argues that the phase-based implementation of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 2000, 2001, 2004) permits a reanalysis of null wh-operators capable of circumventing the previous theoretical difficulties. Essentially, tough-movement consists of A-moving a constituent out of a ``complex'' null operator that has already undergone A'-movement, a ``smuggling'' construction in the terms proposed by Collins (2005a,b).},
	Author = {Hicks, Glyn},
	Date-Added = {2009-11-05 08:05:07 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-11-05 08:08:11 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {535--566},
	Title = {Tough-Constructions and Their Derivation},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Ott:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper presents a novel analysis of the phenomenon of stylistic fronting in Icelandic. It is argued that stylistic fronting is not a head-movement operation, but rather phrasal movement to subject position In many cases, however, independent factors deterine evacuation of the phrase prior to raising, i.e., the fronted phrase can be a remnant. It is shown that this approach can account for a variety of otherwise puzzling properties of stylistic fronting.},
	Author = {Ott, Dennis},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:51:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:52:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {141--178},
	Title = {Styistic fronting as remnant movement},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Hroarsdottir:2009a,
	Author = {Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:50:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:51:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {103--140},
	Title = {Notes on language change and grammar change},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Engels:2009,
	Abstract = {In the Scandinavian langauge, sentential negation must be licensed outside VP, necessitating leftward movement of negative objects, ``Negative Shift'' (NegS). While string-vacuous NegS is possibel in all Scandinavian varieties, there is a fair amount of cross-linguistic variation as to non-string vacuous NegS. In particlar, the varieties contrast in which constituents can be corssed by NegS and whether or not crossing of a certain constituent requires the presence of an intervening verb.
	The paper discusses which difficulties for syntactic analysis arise from the variation as to the applicability of NegS and why other movement operatios do not display such a range of variation.},
	Author = {Engels, Eva},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:47:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:47:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {83--102},
	Title = {Microvaration in object positions: {N}egative {S}hift in {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Hroarsdottir:2009,
	Abstract = {Older Icelandic had several OV word order patterns. This article focuses on the derivaiton of word order patterns with `split' orders. The principal aim is to argue for how the parameter loss (loss ov OV) must be seen as a loss of `weak' (defective) T, leading to the loss ov FP/PredP moving to SpecCP. This accounts for the diachronic aspect in terms of one parameter change, resulting in the loss of all the various OV word order patterns at the same time in the history of Icelandic.},
	Author = {Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:39:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:46:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {37--82},
	Title = {Restructuring and {OV}order},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Wiklund:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper is a brief extensio of recent work on embedded verb second and is a contribution to research on the relation between V2 and illocutionary force. It presents a problem for the hypothesis that there is an illocutionary motivation for the verb second word order in Mainland Scandinavian declaratives. The relevant force, to the extent that we can identify it, appears to be available also in the absence of V2 word order.},
	Author = {Wiklund, Anna-Lena},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:38:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:39:36 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {27--36},
	Title = {In search of the force of dependent {V2}: A note on {S}wedish},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@periodical{Stroh-Wollin:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with the development of three different definiteness markers in Old Scandinavian: the definite suffice -inn and the pre-adjectival articles (h)inn and s{\'a}{\th}en. It is argued that only the development of the definite suffix followed the normal path of grammaticalization of definite articles. Fromt eh earliest Scandinavian texts, the runic inscriptions, follows that the future articles (h)inn and s{\a}{\th}en started as formal elements preceding weakly inflected adjectives. They appear in this function very early, and, seemingly, more or less obligatorily so from the beginning. On this ground, earlier analyses of the definite markers and the noun phrase in Old Norse are rejected. Further, the role of the regional variation in Scanidnavia is highlighted in relation to the competition between the two free articles.},
	Author = {Stroh-Wollin, Ulla},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-12 10:37:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-12 10:41:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {1--25},
	Title = {On the development of definiteness markers in {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Wiese:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses varieties of German with respect to noun pluralisation, with a focus on the status of final plural schwa as in Fisch-e `fish, pl.'. By analysing the much-discussed plural morphology of Standard German by means of both prosodic as well as morphological principles, it is argued that final schwa in plural nouns of Standard German is not, as generally assumed, an inflectional suffix. As an alternative, an optimality-theoretic constraint-based analysis of final schwa in plurals leads to the proposal that this segment in noun plurals of Standard German arises as an inserted vowel, which is in turn the result of a specific constraint interaction. In the second part of this paper, related noun plurals are studied in a sample of diverse non-standard dialects of German. Morphological and prosodic constraints, through the well-known mechanism of differences in constraint-ranking in Optimality Theory, derive the (non-)appearance of word-final plural schwas in these dialects which are minimally different from Standard German and from each other. The constraints will include those which refer to properties of whole paradigms of word forms, not just to phonological properties of individual words. As an overall descriptive result, a micro-typology of plural formation in varieties of German emerges, and the prosodic phonology of German is demonstrated to play a crucial role in the formation of word forms.},
	Author = {Wiese, Richard},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:47:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:48:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {137--173},
	Title = {The grammar and typology of plural noun inflection in varieties of {G}erman},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Meinunger:2009,
	Abstract = {In this contribution, I investigate the leftmost periphery of German CPs and DPs and try to give a unified account for some grammatical phenomena concerning the (non-) integration of orphan-like elements. It will be shown that in both cases, certain speaker-oriented adverbials or adjectives pattern much alike. They may be placed in a quasi-external position, in which they can be considered syntactic orphans. In particular, the adjectival construction has not really been discussed in the literature. Both---the investigated adverbials and adjectives---can also appear inside a clause (prefield) or within the noun phrase (i.e., between article and noun). The two relevant positions are associated with specific restrictions on the available readings. A possible explanation of these restrictions will be proposed. The results of the given analysis have some consequences for the architecture of the so-called interfaces, that is, the bridge character of the branch from core syntax to the morpho-phonological component on the one hand (PF in the broad sense), and the one between syntax proper and meaning (LF in a larger view) on the other.},
	Author = {Meinunger, Andr{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:44:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:46:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {115--135},
	Title = {Leftmost peripheral adverbs and adjectives in {G}erman},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Breitbarth:2009,
	Abstract = {The goal of this paper is to propose an alternative interpretation of the diachronic development of the expression of negation known as Jespersen's cycle as it is found in the West Germanic languages. Research to date has focussed mainly on the conditions behind the rise of the secondary negator. Much less attention has been paid to the fate of the original marker. The present paper focuses on the development of the original negation particle in the West Germanic languages English, Dutch, and High and Low German and argues that at least in these languages, its weakening and reinforcement are related in a more complex way than is usually assumed and that functional redundancy due to the presence of two negation elements is not likely to be the reason for its loss. Rather, a shift in the licensing conditions of n-indefinites created a potential ambiguity of the original marker which fed into its reanalysis as a polarity marker at exactly the point when a new marker became available, by reanalysis of a previously and independently grammaticalised reinforcer. It is argued that the two reanalyses have to occur simultaneously, resulting in a hybrid approach to Jespersen's cycle in West Germanic, as opposed to previous approaches under which one of the changes conditions the other.},
	Author = {Breitbarth, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:41:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:43:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {81--114},
	Title = {A hybrid approach to {J}espersen's cycle in {W}est {G}ermanic},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Soh:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper addresses the connection between the ``change of state'' and the ``contrary to expectation'' interpretations through a study of Mandarin sentence-final particle -le (sentential -le), which along with English already and German schon are associated with these two interpretations. Making use of the notion of speaker presupposition and common ground (Stalnaker 1998, 1999, 2002), I propose an analysis of sentential -le whereby the ``change of state'' interpretation is associated with a change expressed by propositions within a common ground, while the ``contrary to expectation'' interpretation is associated with a change expressed by propositions across common grounds. Contrary to what is sometimes assumed, both the ``change of state'' and the ``contrary to expectation'' interpretations involve changes across a temporal domain. The proposal is supported by a restriction in the occurrence of sentential -le with downward-entailing quantifiers. The analysis supports L{\"o}bner's (1989) insight that already/schon is associated with a presupposition about a prior ``negative state'', and clarifies how the ``change of state'' associated with sentential -le is different from the one entailed by the occurrence of a telic situation.},
	Author = {Soh, Hooi Ling},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:07:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:09:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {623--657},
	Title = {Speaker presupposition and {M}andarin {C}hinese sentence-final \emph{-le}: a unified analysis of ``change of state'' and the ``contrary to expectation'' reading},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gecseg:2009,
	Abstract = {It is a commonly accepted view in the Hungarian linguistic literature that sentence structure is determined by information structure, viewed as a phrase structure theoretic interpretation of the topic--comment articulation of the sentence. There is a designated topic position at the left edge of the sentence, namely SpecTopP, hosting constituents that are claimed to be in a predicative relation with the rest of the sentence. On this view, topic--comment and logical subject--logical predicate are con- sidered to be synonymous notions. We argue that the notion of topic as used in the Hungarian literature poses some serious problems, which can only be eliminated if the pragmatic aspects of topichood are separated from its semantic function entailing the development of a two-level approach to information structure. Topic and logical subject belong to two different levels with topic being an essentially pragmatic no- tion and logical subject being a syntactico-semantic notion. On this analysis the basic syntactic structure of the Hungarian sentence is determined by the articulation ``logical subject--logical predicate'' rather than by the articulation ``topic-comment''. The proposed analysis has important typological consequences.},
	Author = {G{\'e}cseg, Zsuzsanna and Kiefer, Ferenc},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:04:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:06:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {583--622},
	Title = {A new look at information structure in {H}ungarian},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gallagher:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that long-distance assimilations between consonants come in two varieties: Total identity, which arises via a non-local relation between the interacting segments; and partial identity, which results from local articulatory spreading through intervening segments (Flemming 1995; Gafos 1999). Our proposal differs from previous analyses (Hansson 2001; Rose and Walker 2004) in that only total identity is a non-local phenomenon. While non-adjacent consonants may interact via a relation we call linking, the only requirement which may be placed on linked consonants is total identity. All single feature identities are the result of local spreading. The interaction of a total identity requirement on ejectives and stri- dents with anteriority harmony in Chol (Mayan) highlights the distinction between these two types of long-distance phenomena. We show that theories that allow non- local, single-feature agreement make undesirable predictions, and that the more restrictive typology predicted by our framework is supported by the vast majority of long-distance assimilation cases.},
	Author = {Gallagher, Gillian and Coon, Jessica},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:02:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:04:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {545--582},
	Title = {Distinguishing total and partial identity: Evidence from {C}hol},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Ernst:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper presents an analysis of the ordering of speaker-oriented adverbs (SpOAs) with respect to each other and negation, arguing that SpOAs are positive polarity items, and therefore normally cannot follow negation. The adverbs represent a speaker's subjective commitment to the truth of the proposition represented by the adverb, which is incompatible with the falsity of the same proposition required by nega- tion. This also accounts for the usual unacceptability of SpOAs in other contexts, such as questions and conditionals. The analysis extends to other contexts where SpOAs are acceptable, such as negative questions and negative counterfactual conditionals, in such a way as to contribute support for Giannakidou's (non)veridical theory of polarity over ``strengthening'' theories based on scalar implicatures. It is also shown that SpOAs' underlying semantic property of being subjective also helps predict their linear order with respect to each other.},
	Author = {Ernst, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 09:00:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 09:01:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {497--544},
	Title = {Speaker-oriented adverbs},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Boskovic:2009,
	Abstract = {The paper investigates first and last conjunct agreement in Serbo-Croatian, the latter being a rather rare phenomenon for head initial languages. The paper gives a uniform account of first and last conjunct agreement based on the operation Agree (Chomsky 2000). The account captures both the contexts where first and last conjunct agreement exhibit parallel behavior and the contexts where the parallelism between the two breaks down. The analysis also captures interaction between gender and num- ber agreement. Given the complexity of the first/last conjunct agreement paradigm in Serbo-Croatian, to the extent that it is successful the analysis presented in the paper provides strong evidence in favor of the operation Agree in general, as well as the particular approach to Agree adopted in the paper. The system developed in the paper allows one instance of uninterpretable features, namely valued uninterpretable fea- tures, not to undergo feature checking and does not require uninterpretable features in general to undergo feature checking with interpretable features, differing in these respects from Chomsky (2000, 2001a) and Pesetsky and Torrego (2007).},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2009-10-01 08:57:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-10-01 08:58:15 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {455--496},
	Title = {Unifying first and last conjunct agreement},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Beghelli:1997,
	Author = {Beghelli, Filippo and Stowell, Timothy},
	Booktitle = {Ways of Taking Scope},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-30 21:52:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-30 21:53:29 -0400},
	Editor = {Szabolcsi, Anna},
	Pages = {71--107},
	Publisher = {Kluwer},
	Title = {Distributivity and Negation: The Syntax of \emph{each} and \emph{every}},
	Year = {1997}}

@phdthesis{Tunstall:1998,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Tunstall, Susanne},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-30 21:50:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-30 21:51:20 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {The Interpretation of Quantifiers: Semantics and Processing},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Swart:1992,
	Author = {de Swart, Helen},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {SALT II}},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-24 10:22:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-24 10:24:06 -0400},
	Pages = {387--402},
	Title = {Intervention Effects. Monotonicity and Scope},
	Year = {1992}}

@incollection{Stechow:1996a,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {von Stechow, Arnim},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the {K}onstanz Workshop ``Reference and Anaphorical Relations''},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-17 08:39:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-17 08:44:02 -0400},
	Editor = {von Heusinger, Klaus and Egli, Urs},
	Pages = {193--228},
	Publisher = {Kluwer Publications},
	Title = {Some remarks on choice functions and {LF}-movement},
	Year = {2000}}

@unpublished{Takahashi:2007,
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 12:30:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 12:33:40 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {On Traces and Copies},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Takahashi:2009a,
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 12:28:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 12:29:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Title = {The Hidden Side of Clausal Complements},
	Year = {to appear}}

@phdthesis{Cable:2007,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Cable, Seth},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 11:18:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 11:19:53 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {The Grammar of {Q}: {Q}-Particles and the Nature of Wh-Fronting, as Revealed by the Wh-Questions of {T}lingit},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Heck:2008,
	Author = {Heck, Fabian},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 11:16:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 11:16:37 -0400},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {A Theory of Pied-Piping},
	Year = {2008}}

@unpublished{Cable:2008,
	Author = {Cable, Seth},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 11:08:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 11:09:29 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished paper, University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {There is No Such Thing as Pied-Piping},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Rett:2006,
	Author = {Rett, Jessica},
	Booktitle = {Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 6},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 10:25:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 10:26:28 -0400},
	Editor = {Bonami, Olivier and Hofherr, P. Cabredo},
	Pages = {355--374},
	Publisher = {CNRS},
	Title = {Pronominal vs. determiner \emph{wh}-words: evidence from the copy construction},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Liptak:2007a,
	Author = {Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o} and Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 10:21:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 10:21:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Title = {Pronominal doubling under predicate topicalization},
	Year = {2007}}

@incollection{Kuno:2004,
	Author = {Kuno, Susumu},
	Booktitle = {The Handbook of Pragmatics},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 09:32:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 09:35:19 -0400},
	Editor = {Horn, Laurence R. and Ward, Gregory},
	Pages = {315--343},
	Publisher = {Blackwell Publishing},
	Title = {Empathy and Direct Discourse Perspectives},
	Year = {2004}}

@phdthesis{Moulton:2009,
	Author = {Moulton, Keir},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 09:24:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 09:25:08 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {Natural Selection and the Syntax of Clausal Complementation},
	Year = {2009}}

@inproceedings{Kluck:2007,
	Author = {Kluck, Marlies},
	Booktitle = {CamLing 2007},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 08:51:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 08:53:00 -0400},
	Pages = {130--137},
	Title = {The perspective of external remerge on {R}ight {N}ode {R}aising},
	Year = {2007}}

@phdthesis{Yuksek:2007,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Yuksek, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 08:10:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 08:11:31 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {About Sharing},
	Year = {2007}}

@unpublished{Vries:2006b,
	Author = {de Vries, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-09 08:06:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 08:09:20 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished paper, University of Groeningen},
	Title = {Asymmetric Merge and Parataxis},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Guilliot:2006,
	Address = {Somerville, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Guilliot, Nicolas and Malkawi, Nouman},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the 25th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-08 17:35:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-08 17:37:08 -0400},
	Editor = {Baumer, Donald and Montero, David and Scanlon, Michael},
	Pages = {168--176},
	Publisher = {Cascadilla Press},
	Title = {When Resumption Determines Reconstruction},
	Year = {2006}}

@unpublished{Malkawi:200,
	Author = {Malkawi, Nouman and Guilliot, Nicolas},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-08 17:32:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-08 17:43:58 -0400},
	Note = {paper presented at ALS20},
	Title = {Reconstruction and Islandhood in {J}ordanian {Ar}abic},
	Year = {200x}}

@unpublished{Abels:2007,
	Author = {Abels, Klaus and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2009-09-08 14:14:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-08 14:15:35 -0400},
	Month = {September},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, University College London},
	Title = {Linear asymmetries and the {LCA}},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Lutz:2000,
	Date-Added = {2009-09-07 17:28:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-07 17:29:45 -0400},
	Editor = {Lutz, Uli and M{\"u}ller, Gereon and von Stechow, Arnim},
	Publisher = {Linguistik Aktuell},
	Title = {Wh-Scope Marking},
	Year = {2000}}

@incollection{Carnie:2006,
	Author = {Carnie, Andrew and Cash Cash, Phillip},
	Booktitle = {Ergativity},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-31 13:26:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-31 13:52:34 -0400},
	Editor = {Johns, Alana and Massam, Diane and Ndayiragije, Juv{\'e}nal},
	Pages = {229--244},
	Publisher = {Springer},
	Title = {Tree-geometric relational hierarchies and {N}uumiipuut{\'\i}mt ({Nez Perce}) Case},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Hinterholzl:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes a novel phase-based approach to directionality parameters in Germanic. Basic OV and basic VO order are argued to follow from two interacting types of mapping constraints at the interfaces. The properties of event-related adjuncts are shown not to follow from a dual structure involving cascades, but are derived by (silent) scrambling of arguments and adjuncts plus vP intraposition, which serves to license event-related adjuncts as (superimposed) predicates.},
	Author = {Hinterh{\"o}lzl, Roland},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-28 08:29:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-28 08:30:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {242--284},
	Title = {A Phase-Based Comparative Approach to Modification and Word Order in {G}ermanic},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gruter:2009,
	Abstract = {It has traditionally been assumed that French is a non-null-object language on a par with English. Yet the analysis of adult French corpora has shown the consistent occurrence of referential null objects in speech and writing. These constructions, although clearly marked, put into question a major premise of syntactic analyses of object-clitic constructions---namely, that sentences referring to a specific, referential object but lacking both a clitic and a postverbal object are necessarily ungrammatical. The goal of this paper is to present a revised analysis of object-clitic constructions that is capable of integrating referential null objects. It is proposed that the zero morpheme constitutes the default realization of the accusative clitic head and is inserted if this head is underspecified for Case. The analysis extends naturally to account for predicate le, as well as to errors observed in child language development, in particular the overuse of masculine singular le as well as object (-clitic) omission. It is proposed that the syntactic representation underlying clitic drop in child and adult French is identical, yet child and adult French differ with regard to the reason for the underspecification of the clitic head.},
	Author = {Gr{\"u}ter, Theres},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-28 08:26:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-28 08:27:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {215--241},
	Title = {A Unified Account of Object Clitics and Referential Null Objects in {F}rench},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Beck:2009f,
	Abstract = {The central claim of this paper is that the use of the adverb again has changed between 19th-century English and present-day English. In particular, restitutive uses were more easily and generally available in the 19th century than they are now. This diachronic change provides evidence for a lexical parameter governing the behavior of adverbs at the syntax/semantics interface. The parameter relates surface form to possible interpretations and thus introduces an interesting notion of visibility into linguistic theory.},
	Author = {Beck, Sigrid and Berezovskaya, Polina and Pflugfelder, Katja},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-28 08:22:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-28 08:25:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {193--214},
	Title = {The Use of {\emph{Again}} in 19th-Century {E}nglish versus Presen-Day {E}nglish},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Truswell:2009,
	Author = {Truswell, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 14:02:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 14:03:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {525--533},
	Title = {Attributive Adjectives and Nominal Templates},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Neeleman:2009,
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Titov, Elena},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 14:01:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 14:02:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {514--524},
	Title = {Focus, Contrast, and Stress in {R}ussian},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Haugen:2009,
	Author = {Haugen, Jason D.},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:59:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 14:00:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {505--514},
	Title = {What is the Base for Reduplication?},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Wu:2009,
	Abstract = {Cheng and Sybesma (1999, 2005) argue that classifiers in Chinese are equivalent to a definite article. We argue against this position on empirical grounds, drawing attention to the fact that semantically, syntactically, and functionally, Chinese classifiers are not on the same footing as definite determiners. We also show that compared with Cheng and Sybesma's ClP analysis of Chinese NPs (in particular, Cantonese NPs, on which their proposal crucially relies), a consistent DP analysis is not only fully justified but strongly supported.},
	Author = {Wu, Yicheng and Bodomo, Adams},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:55:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 13:58:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {487--503},
	Title = {Classifiers $\neq$ Determiners},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Conroy:2009a,
	Abstract = {Children have repeatedly been found to exhibit Principle B violations, with some reports that these violations occur only with nonquantified antecedents. This quantificational asymmetry (QA) in the delay of Principle B effect (DPBE) has been taken as support for a theory that restricts the scope of binding theory to bound variable anaphora (Reinhart 1983). However, the QA has been challenged, on the basis of discrepant findings and methodological concerns (Elbourne 2005). Here, we resolve the status of the QA with 3 studies and a review of over 30 previous studies. Using improved experimental materials, we show that children disallow local pronoun binding with both referential and quantificational antecedents when Principle B is at issue (Experiment 1), but not when Principle B is neutralized (Experiment 2). When methodological flaws are reintroduced, we replicate the QA (Experiment 3). Drawing on evidence from adult language processing, we suggest that the role of Principle B as a filter on representations during sentence understanding, in concert with pragmatic infelicities in the tasks used, accounts for the wide variability in the DPBE in the literature.},
	Author = {Conroy, Anastasia and Takahashi, Eri and Lidz, Jeffrey and Phillips, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:52:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 13:54:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {446--486},
	Title = {Equal Treatment for All Antecedents: How Children Succeed with Principle {B}},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Bruening:2009,
	Abstract = {Ritter and Rosen (2005) claim that Algonquian languages lack A-movement and A-binding, and they theorize that all agreement in Algonquian is agreement with A' -positions. I show that this proposal cannot be maintained, given facts of quantifier scope in Passamaquoddy. These facts require recognizing a step of A-movement to a derived A-position, comparable to Spec,TP in languages like English. I further contrast this movement with the movement involved in crossclausal agreement (Branigan and MacKenzie 2002) and show that the two differ in exactly the ways that A-movement and A'-movement differ. Algonquian languages clearly have A-movement as distinct from A -movement.},
	Author = {Bruening, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:50:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 13:52:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {427--445},
	Title = {Algonquin Languages Have A-Movement and A-Agreement},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Takahashi:2009,
	Abstract = {In this article, we develop a substantially expanded theory of late merger. Adopting related insights by Fox (2002), we argue that late merger is permitted whenever an output representation can be interpreted
in the semantic component. A consequence of our approach is that late merger is available not only for the well-known case of adjuncts, but also for restrictors of determiners (wholesale late merger).
We demonstrate that this theory can explain the different reconstruction possibilities of A-movement and A'-movement, as well as various otherwise puzzling facts about movement and ellipsis, while still maintaining the copy theory of movement.},
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi and Hulsey, Sarah},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:46:44 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-09-09 09:08:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {387--426},
	Title = {Wholesale Late Merger: Beyond the {A}/{A}$'$ Distinction},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kripke:2009,
	Abstract = {Writers on presupposition, and on the ``projection problem'' of determining
the presuppositions of compound sentences from their component
clauses, traditionally assign presuppositions to each clause in
isolation. I argue that many presuppositional elements are anaphoric
to previous discourse or contextual elements. In compound sentences,
these can be other clauses of the sentence. We thus need a theory of
presuppositional anaphora, analogous to the corresponding pronominal
theory.},
	Author = {Kripke, Saul},
	Date-Added = {2009-08-02 13:43:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-08-02 13:45:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {367--386},
	Title = {Presupposition and Anaphora: Remarks on the Formulation of the Projection Principle},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Bhatt:2006a,
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-29 12:10:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-29 17:43:34 -0400},
	Publisher = {Walter de Gruyter},
	Title = {Covert Modality in Non-Finite Contexts},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Bresnan:2008,
	Address = {Stanford University},
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan and Nikitina, Tatiana},
	Booktitle = {Reality Exploration and Discovery: Pattern Interaction in Language and Life},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-21 12:43:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-21 12:44:39 -0400},
	Publisher = {{CSLI} Publications},
	Title = {The gradience of the dative alternation},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bresnan:2007a,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan},
	Booktitle = {Roots: Linguistics in Search of its Evidential Base},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-21 12:39:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-21 12:41:18 -0400},
	Editor = {Featherston, Sam and Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Pages = {75--96},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Is syntactic knowledge pobabilistic? Experiments with the {E}nglish dative alternation},
	Year = {2007}}

@incollection{Bresnan:2007,
	Address = {Amsterdam},
	Author = {Bresnan, Joan and Cueni, Anna and Nikitina, Tatiana and Baayen, Harald},
	Booktitle = {Cognitive Foundations of Interpretation},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-21 12:35:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-21 12:42:20 -0400},
	Editor = {Boume, Gerlof and Kr{\"a}mer, Irene and Zwarts, Joost},
	Publisher = {Royal Netherlands Academy of Science},
	Title = {Predicting the dative alternation},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Landau:2008a,
	Abstract = {The unpronounced subject of infinitives, PRO, bears standard case, which is reflected on agreeing predicative elements in languages like Russian, Icelandic, Ancient Greek, etc. This case can be independent from the case of the controller DP, or identical to it (`case transmission'). We report the findings of a novel study of case transmission in Russian, based on data collected from 30 speakers. The findings contradict some key generalizations that have gone unchallenged in the field for decades; specifically, case transmission is much more prevalent than previously assumed, often co-occurring with the option of independent case. The pattern of case transmission is determined by the interaction of a complex set of factors---the grammatical function of the controller, the shape of the complementizer, the type of control relation (exhaustive or partial), and more. The proposed analysis builds on ``The Agreement Model of Obligatory Control (OC)'' (Landau 2000, 2004, 2006) and strongly supports the claim that OC exploits two routes---either a direct Agree relation with PRO, or one mediated by the infinitival C. It is derivationally local and free of the ``look-ahead'' properties inherent to earlier accounts. Finally, we provide a description of the documented crosslinguistic variation in this domain, and situate it within a tight typological model.},
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:51:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:51:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {877--924},
	Title = {Two routes of control: evidence from case transmission in {R}ussian},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Labelle:2008,
	Abstract = {It is argued that the reflexive clitic se does not operate in the lexicon in French reflexive and reciprocal constructions (excluding middles and anticausatives). The widely held approaches to reflexives, in which the reflexive clitic creates a one-place reflexive verb and/or absorbs a case feature on the verb, is both semantically inadequate and syntactically too local. The reflexive clitic appears with verbs and predicates that are independently semantically reflexive; French reflexive/reciprocal constructions are semantically transitive; and case absorption does not account for causative and applicative constructions. To account for the facts, it is proposed that se is a Voice head introducing in syntax the external argument of the verb, and stating that the referent of the object is determined on the basis of that of the subject.},
	Author = {Labelle, Marie},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:50:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:50:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {833--876},
	Title = {The {F}rench reflexive and reciprocal \emph{se}},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hiraiwa:2008,
	Abstract = {D{\`a}g{\'a}{\'a}r{\`e} (a Gur language) allows various patterns of predicate clefting together with object pied-piping. This article investigates interactions of Predicate Cleft Constructions (PCCs) and object-sharing Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) in D{\`a}g{\'a}{\'a}r{\`e} and argues that the object in object-sharing SVCs is symmetrically shared. Namely, we argue, building on Citko (2005), that it is an instance of Parallel Merge. Thus we present support for Baker's (1989) insight of the Double-Headedness and against Collins' (1997) VP-shell structure with a pro. This kind of empirical evidence is not available in other languages (cf. Baker 1989, Collins 1997 among others) and hence D{\`a}g{\'a}{\'a}r{\`e} provides a novel argument for a permissible structure of object-sharing SVCs and the availability of symmetric structure in UG.},
	Author = {Hiraiwa, Ken and Bodomo, Adams},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:48:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:49:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {795--832},
	Title = {Object-sharing as {S}ymmetric {S}haring: predicate clefting and serial verbs in {D}{\`a}g{\'a}{\'a}r{\`e}},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Carstairs-McCarthy:2008,
	Abstract = {Among the patterns of declension exhibited by German nouns and adjectives, there are some that are traditionally labelled `weak'. It is argued here that the behaviour of `weak' noun and adjective forms can be best understood if their inflectional suffixes are regarded not as expressing morphosyntactic properties such as gender and case but rather as the outcome of conflicting ranked constraints governing what an optimal noun or adjective should look like in different contexts. For example, an attributive adjective should carry a suffix; a nominative singular form should carry no suffix; and the default inflectional affix is -en. These language-particular constraints reflect some of the `system-defining structural properties' attributed to German by the late Wolfgang Ullrich Wurzel.},
	Author = {Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:46:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:47:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {775--793},
	Title = {System-congruity and violable constraints in {G}erman weak declension},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Basilico:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper analyzes verbs that can enter into a transitive (The students wrote a lab report), benefactive double object (The students wrote their professor a lab report) and particle verb (The students wrote up a lab report) construction. The analysis is situated within the Distributed Morphology framework. It argues for the presence of a small clause structure only in the particle verb construction and not in the benefactive construction; the particle merges directly with the Root while the benefactive possessive element merges with an already categorized verb. The benefactive differs from the better researched dative in that the dative does involve a caused possession small clause structure. Particle verbs can occur in double object constructions, but they involve a benefactive-like syntax and not a caused possession small clause analysis. Furthermore, I argue that the Roots that underlie these verbs are relationless and underspecified with respect to meaning, supporting the idea that the functional vocabulary introduces arguments and fully specifies the meaning of the Roots. However, rather than adopting the position that an object is introduced at only one point in the derivation, this analysis shows that an object can be introduced at several different points within the derivation. Finally, this paper shows that argument merger is sensitive to the phase structure of the clause.},
	Author = {Basilico, David},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:45:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:46:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {731--773},
	Title = {Particle verbs and benefactive double objects in {E}nglish: high and low attachments},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Anttila:2008,
	Abstract = {Lexical items can be more or less well-formed depending on the phoneme combinations they contain. This phenomenon is called gradient phonotactics. We propose an approach to gradient phonotactics based on Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). At the heart of the proposal is the Complexity Hypothesis that attributes the relative well-formedness of a lexical item to its relative grammatical complexity measured in terms of ranking information: the more complex the lexical item, the less well-formed it is. The theory orders linguistic structures in an implicational hierarchy that reflects their relative well-formedness. Some implications are universal; others depend on language-specific rankings. The Complexity Hypothesis is supported by phonotactic data from Muna (Austronesian) as recently analyzed by Coetzee and Pater (2008).},
	Author = {Anttila, Arto},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:43:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:44:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {695--729},
	Title = {Gradient phonotactics and the {C}omplexity {H}ypothesis},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Wiltschko:2008,
	Abstract = {Plural marking is not universally inflectional. This paper examines the formal properties of non-inflectional plural marking on the basis of a detailed case study of Halkomelem Salish. The plural marker in this language displays neither inflectional nor derivational properties. I argue that its distributional properties derive from its syntax: it is a modifier adjoined to category-neutral  roots. The analysis implies that plural marking is not universally merged as a syntactic (functional) head and that it does not universally merge with nouns. This leads to the postulation of a new typology of plural marking which goes beyond the distinction between inflectional and non-inflectional plural marking. Several diagnostics to distinguish among distinct types of plural markers are established.},
	Author = {Wiltschko, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:42:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:42:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {639--694},
	Title = {The syntax of non-inflectional plural marking},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Stepanov:2008,
	Abstract = {This article has two major foci. The first concerns the `cartography' of structural placement of wh-adjuncts how and why, a somewhat elusive and murky issue in modern syntactic research. The non-trivial character of this issue becomes clear once it is realized that each of these items encodes more than one lexical entry in some languages, and, furthermore, different lexical entries display different syntactic distribution. One goal is then to characterize the syntactic distribution of how and why controlling for their different cross-linguistic varieties. Once the ``cartographical'' issue is clarified, a number of novel questions arise concerning the mode of licensing of different varieties of how and why. This brings us to the second, theoretical, focus of the paper: a proper mechanism for licensing wh-in situ, and, in a broader sense, wh-items lower than CP. On the basis of diverse cross-linguistic material, we provide a number of arguments strengthening the Unselective Binding approach to licensing wh-in situ and show how potential challenges can be met in a revealing and explanatory manner.},
	Author = {Stepanov, Arthur and Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:40:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:41:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {589--638},
	Title = {Cartography and licensing of \emph{wh}-adjuncts: a cross-linguistic perspective},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Ruys:2008,
	Abstract = {The purpose of this paper is to develop a tool for determining the unmarked position of various PP types in the Dutch Mittelfeld. The paper argues that the distribution of stranded prepositions, which obey a Freezing constraint, can be used for this purpose, and that the same holds for prepositions with a weak pronominal complement. Among the results of this twin diagnostic are independent evidence for a case-movement analysis of scrambling, and support for a particular analysis of predicative complement constructions.},
	Author = {Ruys, E. G.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:39:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:40:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {547--587},
	Title = {Stranding, weak pronouns, and the fine structure of the {D}utch {M}ittelfeld},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{McCarthy:2008,
	Abstract = {Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, however. The source of the problem is classic OT's parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are potentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms.},
	Author = {McCarthy, John J.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:37:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:38:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {499--546},
	Title = {The serial interaction of stress and syncope},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Keenan:2008,
	Abstract = {Major syntactic processes in Malagasy (Madagascar) are conditioned by its rich, typically W. Austronesian, voice system. This is true of the formation and interpretation of relative clauses, focus constructions, nominalizations, control structures, imperatives, the distribution of reflexives, and more. Similar claims hold to varying extents in related languages. Limiting ourselves to Malagasy, we derive, and compositionally interpret, nuclear Ss headed by verbs in different voices. Such Ss are directly projected from verbal affixes, not derived by A or A' movement, contra other approaches. We derive relative clauses (RCs) directly from predicates in different voices. No operator movement is needed or used. We compositionally interpret RCs, which only requires interpreting predicates in different voices but not variable binding operators or bound variables. This yields a new analysis of the ``Subjects Only'' constraint in Malagasy. Further, Malagasy's rich voice system suggests a cognitive trigger for the use of variable binding operators in RCs in voice-poor languages such as English.},
	Author = {Keenan, Edward L.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:35:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:37:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {467--497},
	Title = {Voice and relativization without movement in {M}alagasy},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Meier:2008,
	Author = {Meier, Richard P.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:34:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:34:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {451--466},
	Title = {Channeling language},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sigurdhsson:2008a,
	Abstract = {Icelandic case agreement suggests that nominative case is active in PRO infinitives in much the same way as in finite clauses, thus posing a difficult and a long-standing problem for generative (GB and minimalist) case theory and the PRO Theorem. In this article, I examine the Icelandic facts in detail, illustrating that the unmarked and common nominative morphology in Icelandic PRO infinitives is regular structural nominative morphology, suggesting that PRO cannot be reduced to a copy. What went wrong in the GB approach to PRO was not PRO itself but the binding theoretic and `Case' theoretic conception of it. PRO is an empty category that is simultaneously a reference variable (like overt pronouns and anaphors) and a phi-feature variable (unlike overt expressions). Due to this unique combination of variable properties, PRO cannot be deduced from other traits of grammar, such as movement, nor can it possibly be lexicalized. Importantly, also, the facts studied here suggest that case is a post-syntactic category, assigned in morphology. In contrast, Person is evidently a syntactically active category, having some of the properties and effects that have commonly been attributed to 'Case'.},
	Author = {Sigur{\dh}sson, Halld{\'o}r {\'A}rmann},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:32:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:33:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {403--450},
	Title = {The case of {PRO}},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Mezhevich:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper offers an analysis of Tense and Aspect as temporal predicates with complex interpretable content represented as grammatical and abstract semantic features. Building on Klein (1995) and Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria (2000), it is proposed that although Tense and Aspect are distinct grammatical categories they both express a relation that can be characterized as (non)-coincidence. Tense expresses (non)-coincidence of the utterance time and the assertion time, while Aspect expresses (non)-coincidence of the assertion time and the situation time. Tense and Aspect are represented by a set of two features: grammatical features [$\pm$past] and [$\pm$perf], and the abstract feature [$\pm$coin]. Thus, they have different grammatical content but the same abstract semantic content. This fine-grained distinction enables us to capture the similarities and differences between the two categories. The interaction between the two types of features together with the syntactic operation of feature agreement accounts for the temporo-aspectual interpretation of verbal morphology, and it also derives the interaction between Tense and Aspect in languages such as Russian.},
	Author = {Mezhevich, Ilana},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:31:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:32:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {359--401},
	Title = {A feature-theoretic account of tense and aspect in {R}ussian},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Lee:2008,
	Abstract = {This article presents a comparative semantic analysis of the aspectual and focus adverbs already, still and STILL in English and imi/pelsse `already' and acik/yothay `still' in Korean based on their presuppositions and their focus interpretation. I argue that the two contrasting views of aspectual adverbs as logical duals (L{\"o}bner 1989, 1999) and as scalar (focus) particles (Michaelis 1993, 1996; Israel 1995) are both necessary in order to explain the English and Korean data. Aspect concerns the internal structure of events, relating a current state with the onset or the end of the state. These transitions are available for focusing, which triggers an explicit contrast between the asserted state and an alternative state with an opposite polarity. Korean is shown to lexicalize aspectual and focus adverbs differently from what is expressed in English by a single adverb with focus marked prosody. The meaning of aspectual and focus adverbs in both English and Korean is representated in Discourse Representation Theory (Kamp and Reyle 1993; van Eijck and Kamp 1997).},
	Author = {Lee, Eunhee},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:30:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:30:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {339--358},
	Title = {Aspectual and focus adverbs in {E}nglish and {K}orean},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Coetzee:2008a,
	Abstract = {This paper documents a restriction against the co-occurrence of homorganic consonants in the root morphemes of Muna, a western Austronesian language, and compares the Muna pattern with the much-studied similar pattern in Arabic. As in Arabic, the restriction applies gradiently: its force depends on the place of articulation of the consonants involved, and on whether the homorganic consonants are similar in terms of other features. Muna differs from Arabic in the relative strengths of these other features in affecting co-occurrence rates of homorganic consonants. Along with the descriptions of these patterns, this paper presents phonological analyses in terms of weighted constraints, as in Harmonic Grammar. This account uses a gradual learning algorithm that acquires weights that reflect the relative frequency of different sequence types in the two languages. The resulting grammars assign the sequences acceptability scores that correlate with a measure of their attestedness in the lexicon. This application of Harmonic Grammar illustrates its ability to capture both gradient and categorical patterns.},
	Author = {Coetzee, Andries W. and Pater, Joe},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:28:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:29:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {289--337},
	Title = {Weighted constraints and gradient restrictions on place co-occurrence in {M}una and {A}rabic},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Boskovic:2008,
	Abstract = {Based on a number of operations creating operator-variable chains, namely, wh-movement, focalization, topicalization, quantifier raising, and the NPI-licensing movement, the article argues that operators in operator-variable chains cannot undergo further operator movement. It is shown that the generalization in question can be deduced from Chomsky's (2000, 2001a) Activation Condition. The article also discusses the contexts where Bulgarian, a multiple wh-fronting language, allows extraction out of wh-islands. A new generalization is proposed regarding the ability of languages like Bulgarian to violate the Wh-Island Constraint in the contexts in question, which dissociates it from multiple wh-fronting and ties it to a property of D, in particular, availability of affixal articles.},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:26:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:27:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {249--287},
	Title = {On the operator freezing effect},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Zanuttini:2008,
	Abstract = {Imperative subjects in English are puzzling in several respects: null subjects are possible with a definite interpretation, unlike in other clause types; quantificational subjects are often restricted to range over a set containing the addressee and exhibit binding possibilities not readily available to them in declaratives and interrogatives; and third person referential subjects are for most speakers limited to bare noun phrases. On the empirical side, this paper provides a comprehensive discussion of these properties that makes sense of the sometimes contradictory observations found in the literature. On the theoretical side, it argues that the syntactic representation of imperatives contains a functional projection not present in other clause types. This projection plays a role both in preventing the instantiation of a predication relation between the subject and the predicate, and, when sufficiently local, in licensing the special syntactic properties of the subject. This proposal differs from those that view the properties of imperative subjects as deriving uniquely from the semantic or pragmatic component; it can be seen as building on the general intuition of the old performative hypothesis, though recasting it at a level of abstraction that captures more adequately the properties of imperatives.},
	Author = {Zanuttini, Rafaella},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:25:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:25:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {185--218},
	Title = {Encoding the addressee in syntax: evidence from {E}nglish imperative subjects},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Topintzi:2008,
	Abstract = {Moraic theory standardly syllabifies geminates in a coda-onset configuration whereby the coda bears a mora. Initial geminates pose a serious problem for the theory since word-initially no coda exists to host the first half of the geminate. Previous proposals have addressed this issue but have not resolved it satisfactorily, because they have created new difficulties pertaining to prosodification, syllabification or generation of insufficient or incorrect patterns. I propose that treating the geminate as a moraic onset simultaneously resolves all the issues above, provided we dispense with the stipulation that onsets are never moraic. An important prediction emerges from this proposal: onset geminates could also occur word-medially. I claim that such prediction is empirically confirmed in languages like Marshallese and Trique. I also argue that moraic theory is right in claiming that geminates are underlyingly moraic consonants -- rather than simply long -- and demonstrate how in the current model the contrast between geminates and singletons is preserved in all positions in the word.},
	Author = {Topintzi, Nina},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:23:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:24:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {147--184},
	Title = {On the existence of moraic onset geminates},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Thornton:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper examines over 900 why-questions gathered in a longitudinal study of an English-speaking child from 2 to 6 years of age. The child went through a protracted stage in which many why-questions lacked subject-aux inversion, in contrast to other wh-questions. While this asymmetry has been observed in the previous literature, several new observations also emerged. First, the child permitted focus phrases, topic phrases and subordinate clauses to intervene between why and the subject NP in matrix why-questions with no I to C movement. Second, subject-aux inversion was consistently manifested in long-distance questions with tensed embedded clauses, and in utterances with why that were not information-seeking questions. Based on the pattern of data, it is proposed that some children initially permit why to merge high in the left periphery, in SpecIntP, following a proposal for Italian by Rizzi, L. (2001). On the position ``Int(errogative)'' in the left periphery of the clause. In G. Cinque & G. Salvi (Eds.), Current studies in Italian syntax (pp. 287-296). Oxford: Elsevier. The paper considers whether the child data are best explained (i) by a why-parameter that distinguishes languages permitting merge of why from those languages limited to movement (cf. Ko, H. (2005). Syntax of why-in-situ: Merge into [SpecCP] in the overt syntax. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 23, 867-916.), or (ii) as evidence of a universal principle. In the final analysis, the parameter account is preferred, because it explains the individual variation and the sharp transition to the adult grammar that is observed in some children.},
	Author = {Thornton, Rosalind},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:18:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:18:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {107--146},
	Title = {Why continuity},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Rezac:2008a,
	Abstract = {This article explores a syntactic approach to the Person Case Constraint, a ban on 1st and 2nd person agreement casued by a dative. The approach proposes that the constraint is due to the interference in person Agree of a head H and its expected controller A by a dative between the two. This predicts that it is absent if the dative does not intervene, or if A moves past the dative. Both predictions are correct. The latter is developed at length from Basque ``absolutive displacement" and Icelandic ``long raising," which show the predicted repair of the constraint by movement, through anomalous ergative morphology and overt displacement respectively. A further correct consequence is that the constraint is repaired undetectably in the unaccusatives of accusative languages, except when movement past the dative is unavailable. Morphology does not provide the right tools, since it collapses the required structural distinctions, and the saving effect of movement on agreement is unpredicted. Finally, an independent argument is developed to show that the Person Case Constraint is visible to ``narrow syntax."},
	Author = {Rezac, Milan},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:16:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:21:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {61--106},
	Title = {The syntax of eccentric agreement: the {P}erson {C}ase {C}onstraint and absolutive displacement in {B}asque},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Legate:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper examines the placement of aspect and agreement clitics in Warlpiri. A common misconception regarding clitic placement in Warlpiri is cleared up: clitic placement does not depend on syllable count. It is also shown that these clitics do not uniformly appear in second position, syntactically or phonologically, making the standard label of ``second position clitics'' a misnomer. An analysis is developed in terms of syntactic head movement combined with local morphological reordering. The discussion also reveals a genuine morphological first word phenomenon, whereby a preverb may be split from its associated verb.},
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:14:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:15:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--60},
	Title = {Warlpiri and the theory of second position clitics},
	Volume = {26},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{McCloskey:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper examines so-called autonomous forms of the verb in Irish in the context of ongoing work on the syntax and semantics of arbitrary pronominal subjects (on on French; man in German and so on). It argues for the syntactic presence of a phonologically null subject in such constructions and attempts to understand various characteristics of such impersonal constructions (with respect to binding and control especially) in the light of that hypothesis.},
	Author = {McCloskey, James},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:06:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:07:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {825--857},
	Title = {The grammar of autonomy in {I}rish},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Law:2007,
	Abstract = {The pseudo-cleft analysis and the clausal complement analysis for the cleft construction in Malagasy are compared. The two are similar with respect to constituency, placement of negation and adverbials, and yet exhibit a number of differences. Restrictions on the predicate, tense-marking on locatives and PPs, multiple occurrence of adverbs, binding into PPs as well as coordination are shown to be most problematic for the pseudo-cleft account according to which the clefted phrase is the predicate and what follows it is the DP subject with an empty head noun. The obligatory empty head noun, the non-DP distribution of the suggested DP subject, clefting of adjuncts and long-distance dependency are also troublesome for this view. These facts can be straightforwardly accommodated in the clausal complement analysis in which the cleft construction has a structure in which an empty copula verb takes as complement a functional projection headed by the focus particle no, and the clefted phrase is fronted to its surface position. Certain facts concerning discontinuous phrases and the adverb daholo `all' ostensibly support the clefted phrase being the predicate, but turn out to have no specific bearing on the cleft construction.},
	Author = {Law, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:04:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:05:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {765--823},
	Title = {The syntactic structure of the cleft construction in {M}alagasy},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Haddican:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper develops an account of do-support in VP focus constructions in Central and Western Basque (CWB) dialects. In particular, this paper argues that CWB dialects, along with Korean, form a class of do-support languages whose dummy verb insertion mechanism differs slightly from that of English and Monnese. In all four of these languages, the dummy verb occupies a position that is, in marked environments, inaccessible to the verb. However, in Korean and CWB, unlike in English and Monnese, the verb's inability to raise to value this feature is not due to its inflectional poverty, but rather because it must bear a nominalizing infinitival affix for independent reasons; this nominal infinitive may not bear aspectual morphology, and a dummy verb is merged to do so instead.
Moreover, Basque do-support is not a last-resort phenomenon as in Chomsky's classic analysis of English do-support (Chomsky 1957). That is, the unavailability of do-support in non-verb focalization constructions is not due to competition with a more economical alternative, but rather is independently excluded. This approach avoids a violation of the Inclusiveness Condition inherent in economy-based approaches to do-support that generate the dummy verb in the computational component.},
	Author = {Haddican, Bill},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 10:01:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:03:56 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {735--764},
	Title = {On \emph{egin}: \emph{do}-support and {VP} focus in {C}entral and {W}estern {B}asque},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Frascarelli:2007,
	Abstract = {In this paper a novel approach to (a subpart of) the null subject parameter is proposed, in which the interpretation of a thematic pro in subject position is crucially dependent on the syntax and discourse properties of Topic constituents. Based on the analysis of spoken corpora and interface considerations, evidence is provided that preverbal `subjects' sit in an A'-position in a null subject language like Italian and that the interpretation of referential null subjects depends on a matching relation (Agree) with a specific type of Topic. In a cartographic approach to discourse functions, this is identified with the Aboutness-shift Topic (Frascarelli and Hinterh{\"o}lzl 2007) that is merged in the C-domain and is endowed with the edge feature [+aboutness] -- an `extended EPP feature'. A Topic Criterion is thus proposed that correlates core grammar with discourse requirements and accounts for the syntactic identification of a referential pro. The Avoid Pronoun Principle is reinterpreted as a structural condition that implies the existence of silent Topics.},
	Author = {Frascarelli, Mara},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:59:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 10:00:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {691--734},
	Title = {Subjects, topics and the interpretation of referential \emph{pro}},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Belletti:2007,
	Abstract = {This article reports the results of experiments targeting the production and interpretation of postverbal subjects, and null and overt pronominal subjects, by near-native speakers of Italian whose native language is English. The results directly bear on both theoretical issues and developmental acquisition questions. It is argued that properties related to the null-subject parameter are sensitive to discourse factors that determine the use of both postverbal subjects and pronominal subjects. More specifically, it is claimed that the availability of null pronominal subjects and the availability of postverbal subjects do not necessarily correlate. The near-native grammars analyzed here illustrate a special instance of this lack of correlation. Furthermore, near-natives show non-native-like behavior in the use of postverbal subjects, and in the overuse of overt pronominal subjects in tensed clauses. The proposal is put forward that, although resetting of the null-subject parameter has taken place in the speakers' L2 Italian grammar, the relevant L1 computations are preserved and accessed in L2 use, without violating any formal conditions; this is the source of non-target behavior. The analysis proposed exploits cartographic insights on discourse-related computations, and suggests that the principles of economy may be instantiated differently in native and near-native grammars.},
	Author = {Belletti, Adriana and Bennati, Elisa and Sorace, Antonella},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:56:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:58:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {657--689},
	Title = {Theoretical and developmental issues in the syntax of subjects: Evidence from near-native {I}talian},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Yoon:2007,
	Abstract = {The question of whether languages like Korean and Japanese possess genuine instances of Subject-to-Object Raising (SOR) has been a matter of debate since Kuno (1976), as a number of the properties of the putative SOR construction in the languages differ from those found in languages like English, while others are shared between the languages. I argue in this paper that the paradoxical properties begin to fall into place once we posit that what undergoes movement in SOR in these languages is not the embedded subject, but the embedded Major Subject. The Major Subject is the initial Nom-marked DP in a Multiple Nominative Construction. It is shown that if we posit that the Major Subject raises in SOR, the unexpected properties of SOR can be accounted for. Under this analysis, SOR in Korean and Japanese conform to known constraints on A-movement taking place from the highest A-specifier (Major Subject) position of the embedded clause. It is the coindexation of the Major Subject with the predicate-internal position that gives rise to the illusion of non-locality. I then compare the analysis with an alternative base-generation analysis. While the two are roughly equal in terms of coverage, only the Major Subject raising analysis is able to account for properties of the raised nominal that could only have been determined in the embedded clause.},
	Author = {Yoon, James H.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:52:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:53:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {615--653},
	Title = {Raising of major arguments in {K}orean and {J}apanese},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Potsdam:2007,
	Abstract = {Linguistic material cannot be freely deleted in a sentence; rather, elided material must be recoverable via some kind of parallelism with an antecedent. This paper uses sluicing (IP ellipsis) in Malagasy to argue that this parallelism requirement is a semantic restriction and not a syntactic one. An elided constituent must be semantically parallel to its antecedent but need not have parallel syntactic structure (Merchant, 2001). In Malagasy, wh-questions are pseudoclefts. Given that antecedent clauses are not pseudoclefts, sluicing is ruled out if syntactic parallelism is necessary. Sluicing is correctly allowed if there is only a semantic parallelism requirement. The paper considers an alternative that would avoid this conclusion: Malagasy wh-questions are clefts and the construction under investigation is pseudosluicing (Merchant, 1998), which is not subject to a linguistic parallelism requirement. This alternative is shown to be untenable.},
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:50:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:51:37 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {577--613},
	Title = {Malagasy sluicing and its consequences for the identity requirement on ellipsis},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Johns:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that the phenomenon of noun incorporation in Inuktitut derives from the fact that the set of verbs involved are all light verbs in the sense of being functional elements excluding lexical or root material. Verbs found in noun incorporation in Inuktitut are in little v and syntactically Merge with a nominal root complement. A parameter which requires that the first root must syntactically move to the top of the tree results in the leftmost position of the root and its apparent incorporation. Unlike Mohawk, where classical noun incorporation is a result of argument licensing, Inuktitut noun incorporation is a subset of a general syntactic operation which targets roots. The light verb analysis of noun incorporation predicts that the set of verbs found in noun incorporation are a finite class with a restricted and predictable semantic range. It is further proposed that obligatory noun incorporation universally involves light verbs. Data in support of this claim are shown from Wakashan and Chukchi. In contrast to a grammaticalized account of this class of verbs, it is argued that these light verbs are universally available as elementary syntactic components. Thus, the limited range and incorporating nature of this class of verbs is explained by their being light verbs.},
	Author = {Johns, Alana},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:49:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:50:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {535--576},
	Title = {Restricting noun incorporation: root movement},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Cat:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper revisits the classic tests for movement that have been proposed in the literature on dislocated structures, arguing that discourse factors have a significant impact on the outcome of such tests. On this basis, French dislocation is shown to be a syntactically unified phenomenon involving both Left- and Right-Dislocation, irrespective of whether it is resumed by a clitic or a non-clitic element. The epitome of interface phenomena, French dislocation is argued to be the output of the interaction between syntax and the discourse component, requiring only a very limited contribution of narrow syntax: all that is required is that the dislocated element be merged by adjunction to a Discourse Projection (defined as a maximal projection with root properties). No agreement or checking of a designated (e.g. topic) feature is necessary, hence no syntactic movement of any sort need be postulated. The so-called resumptive element is argued to be a full-fledged pronoun rather than a true syntactic resumptive. The relation between the dislocated element and its resumptive is captured in terms of discourse coreference. The core syntactic and interpretive properties of left- and right-dislocation are shown to be identical; differences between the two configurations are shown to derive straightforwardly from the properties of the two sides of the clause periphery.},
	Author = {de Cat, C{\'e}cile},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:47:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:48:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--534},
	Title = {French dislocation without movement},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Bale:2007,
	Abstract = {In this article, I propose that intransitive verbs and stative, transitive verbs are fundamentally different from non-stative, transitive verbs. The latter create verb phrases that contain more than one propositional level whereas the former do not permit any propositional levels within their derived verb phrases. Evidence for this distinction comes from the interaction of again with the different types of verbs. Non-stative, transitive verbs allow again to introduce presuppositions that do not involve the verb's subject. In contrast intransitive verbs and stative, transitive verbs only permit presuppositions that include the verb's subject. Not only does the evidence of propositional complexity and the existence of subjectless presuppositions demonstrate a dichotomy between different types of verb phrases, such evidence and presuppositions also provide a means of testing in which syntactic positions quantifier phrases can be interpreted. As I demonstrate in this article, evidence from the presuppositional content of again suggests that object quantifier phrases normally cannot be interpreted within the verb phrase even when such phrases contain propositional levels. Only resultative verbs allow for quantifier phrases to be interpreted within the verb phrase.},
	Author = {Bale, Alan Clinton},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:45:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:46:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {447--483},
	Title = {Quantifiers and verb phrases: An exploration of propositional complexity},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zuraw:2009,
	Abstract = {The relationship between constraints on surface forms and operations that alter representations is of central interest in phonological theory. This squib presents a case of diverse ``repairs'' in response to a marked structure---labial {\ldots} labial sequences---created by um-infixation in stems beginning with (or, in some cases, merely containing) labial consonants in Austronesian languages. We review several strategies, which for the most part do not cluster according to subfamilies: tolerance, gaps, loss of stem consonant, loss of infix nasality, stem dissimilation, infix dissimilation, prefixation, and non-realization of infix. The evidence indicates that avoidance of these sequences applies only within the root-and-infix domain, and only in derived environments. This diversity of repairs seems unexpected if changes should be perceptually minimal; we suggest possible explanations.},
	Author = {Zuraw, Kie and Yu-An, Lu},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:42:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:43:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {197--224},
	Title = {Diverse repairs for multiple labial consonants},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Rivero:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses Bulgarian and Slovenian constructions with a dispositional reading and no apparent dispositional marker, such as Bulgarian Na Ivan mu se rabote{\v s}e. Such a sentence combines a dative logical subject Ivan with an inflected verb rabote{\v s}e `work', and roughly corresponds to `Ivan was in a working mood', so does not entail that Ivan worked. I argue that such constructions consist of two core ingredients that account both for their syntactic properties, and for their modal flavor as dispositions. One ingredient is an Imperfective Operator in Viewpoint Aspect as the source of modality. Such an Operator resembles in syntactic and semantic properties both the Progressive Operator in so-called English Futurates such as For two weeks, the Red Sox were playing the Yankees today, and the Spanish modal Imperfecto. The other ingredient is a High Applicative Phrase with an oblique subject, which, other than determining syntactic properties, contributes to a difference in modal flavor with English Futurates. English Futurates denote plans, and a hypothesis is that this is due to their nominative subjects being paired to a presupposition giving them control over the intended event. By contrast, the Slavic constructions in this paper denote dispositions, not plans, because their oblique subjects cannot be paired with a similar presupposition.},
	Author = {Rivero, Mar{\'\i}a Luisa},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:40:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:41:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {151--196},
	Title = {Intensionality, high applicatives, and aspect: involuntary state constructions in {B}ulgarian and {S}lovenian},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Meyer:2009,
	Abstract = {B{\"u}ring and Hartmann (2001) and Reis (2005) discuss reconstruction data with focus particles in German which they claim show that German allows adjunction of phonologically integrated focus particles to the root clause. We show that the facts are better explained by independent pragmatic constraints on semantic judgments and conclude therefore that there are no arguments in support of root clause adjunction of such focus particles in German.},
	Author = {Meyer, Marie-Christine and Sauerland, Uli},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:38:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:39:44 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {139--150},
	Title = {A pragmatic constraint on ambiguity detection},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Koontz-Garboden:2009,
	Abstract = {This paper provides a comprehensive review and analysis of the facts of anticausativization, the phenomenon whereby an inchoative verb is morphologically derived from its causative counterpart (e.g., Spanish romper `break (trans)' versus romperse `break (intrans)'). It treats the phenomenon as reflexivization (Chierchia 2004), providing a number of new arguments for this kind of treatment, and showing how it, as opposed to alternatives in the literature, accounts for the wide range of data reviewed. In addition, the facts laid out show that inchoatives derived from causatives retain the CAUSE operator present in the lexical semantic representation of the causative verb from which they are derived, contrary to the widely held view of anticausativization as a process that deletes a CAUSE operator. In this way, it is shown that anticausativization does not provide an argument against the Monotonicity Hypothesis, the idea that word formation operations do not delete operators from lexical semantic representations.},
	Author = {Koontz-Garboden, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:37:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:37:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {77--138},
	Title = {Anticausativization},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Dehe:2009,
	Abstract = {This study tests a syntactic property---namely the availability of N- vs. NP-raising in DPs---through prosodic means. The opposition between N- and NP-raising is central to the ongoing debate about the internal representation of DPs, yet it often eludes testing by syntactic means alone. As we show in this study, the two syntactic hypotheses are instead neatly distinguished by the distinct prosodic phrasing predicted by each operation. In this paper, we present the results of an empirical experiment designed to test the prosodic phrasing of N-A and A-N sequences in Italian and the corresponding syntactic implications. As prosodic cues, we use syllabic and word lengthening effects induced by phonological phrase boundaries. According to our results, A and N share the same phonological phrase in both orders. Regarding the syntactic implications of this finding, we show that under all current models of syntax-prosody mapping the underlying syntactic structure responsible for the attested prosodic phrasing must necessarily rely on N-raising. Finally, we propose an analysis of Italian DPs where the N-raising operation found necessary in light of the attested prosodic phrasing is reconciled with the evidence for DP-internal phrasal movement discussed in Cinque (2005 2006).},
	Author = {Deh{\'e}, Nicole and Samek-Lodovici, Vieri},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:34:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:36:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {45--75},
	Title = {On the prosody and syntax of {DP}s: evidence from {I}talian noun adjective sequences},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Davis:2009,
	Abstract = {Several languages of northwestern North America systematically fail to show obviation (``Condition C'') effects in contexts where an R-expression is c-commanded by a covalued pronoun. This paper examines Condition C-defying dependencies in one such language, St'{\'a}t'imcets (Lillooet Salish). It is shown here that Condition C violations in St'{\'a}t'imcets are not confined to coreference anaphora, since they may involve sloppy identity; however they are limited to cases where the dependency (a) does not contain a quantificational expression and (b) crosses a clause boundary. Employing a version of linking theory, this paper argues that Condition C-defying dependencies are ``upside-down''---rather than involving a name unexpectedly depending on a c-commanding pronoun, they involve a dependent pronoun c-commanding an antecedent name. In order to account for this possibility, a parametrized version of the Independence Principle (Safir 2004b) is invoked, whose domain in St'{\'a}t'imcets is restricted to the minimal clause. The facts here provide a direct challenge to the Universalist Hypothesis on anaphora.},
	Author = {Davis, Henry},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:33:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:37:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--43},
	Title = {Cross-linguistic variation in anaphoric dependencies: evidence from the {P}acific {N}orthwest},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Osborne:2009,
	Abstract = {The paper explores the syntax of comparatives in English and German. The account builds on the insight that the syntax of comparatives is a combination of coordination and subordination. At times a than-expression is coordinate to a string that immediately precedes it, and at other times, it is subordinate to it. Six key observations are the pillars of the account. These observations accomplish three goals: 1) They determine when comparative coordination obtains, as opposed to comparative subordination; 2) they predict the form that a particular than-expression can assume (e.g. phrasal, clausal); and most importantly, 3) they predict to a large extent the distribution of than-expressions. The key concept is functional equivalence. One can predict the distribution of many than-expressions by acknowledging where they can appear with respect to their functional equivalents. The theory-neutral account remains entirely in surface syntax.},
	Author = {Osborne, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:30:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:31:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {427--454},
	Title = {Comparative coordination vs. comparative subordination},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Markman:2009,
	Abstract = {The paper argues that Case and Agreement are subject to parametric variation and explores the consequences of this claim with a particular attention to word order. Departing from much generative work, it is argued that languages can lack abstract Case and/or abstract Agreement. By modifying several Minimalist assumptions, it is demonstrated that languages without Case, but with Agreement will require overt NPs to appear in non-argumental, dislocated positions. These are exemplified by Mohawk and Kinande. In contrast, languages with Case features may allow, but not require NP dislocation. These are exemplified by all of the Indo-European languages and Japanese. Finally, languages that lack both Case and Agreement are predicted to have a rigid word order. Chinese is used as an example of such a language. In addition, the paper addresses a number of phenomena that pose a problem for the view that Case and Agreement are universal and are better understood if these properties are taken to vary parametrically. The phenomena include locative inversion and inverse voice constructions in Bantu languages, the distribution of subject anaphors in Japanese, and the non co-occurrence of overt accusative case with overt object agreement.},
	Author = {Markman, Vita G.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:29:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:30:09 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {379--426},
	Title = {On the parametric variation of case and agreement},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kim:2009a,
	Abstract = {The overarching goal of this article is to account for why the Internally-Headed Relative Clause, the direct perception, and the factive constructions in Korean have an identical form involving the pronominal kes and the relativizer -un, despite the fact that one construction instantiates relativization and the other two instantiate complementation. I solve this puzzle by recasting Kim's (2007) analysis of Internally-Headed relatives in a Kratzerian situation semantic framework (e.g., Kratzer 1989, 1998, 2002). The central claim is that the three kes-constructions have an identical form because they all instantiate situation subordination that is facilitated by an E-type pronoun and a relativization strategy. The proposed analysis shows that E-type pronouns and relativizers can have more flexible semantics than widely assumed. It also sheds new light on the connection between modification and complementation across languages. Furthermore, it provides an argument for Kratzerian situation semantic theory in dealing with the interpretations of complex clauses.},
	Author = {Kim, Min-Joo},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:26:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:28:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {345--377},
	Title = {E-type anaphora and three types of \emph{kes}-construction in {K}orean},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kandybowicz:2009,
	Abstract = {Though well established as grammatical domains within phonology and morphology, edges have recently come to play a central role in both syntactic analysis and explanation within the Minimalist Program. This article adduces further empirical justification for the inclusion of edges in the Minimalist ontology. By way of two case studies, it is demonstrated that reference to edge domains in both the narrow syntax and at the syntax-phonology interface facilitates principled explanations to two unsolved puzzles in Nupe. The first study investigates a peculiar restriction on extraction from perfect domains. The most tenable solution emerges when both phase edges and Edge Features are embraced. New insights into the nature of Edge Features arise as a consequence. The second study concerns the proper characterization of Comp-trace effects in the language. The most tenable characterization emerges when they are viewed through the lens of the syntax-phonology interface. Comp-trace phenomena are shown to exhibit phono-syntactic edge sensitivity. New insights into the syntax-phonology interface arise as a consequence.},
	Author = {Kandybowicz, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:24:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:25:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {305--344},
	Title = {Embracing edges: syntactic and phono-syntactic edge sensitivity in {N}upe},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Harris:2009,
	Abstract = {Although multiple exponence has long been recognized by some, morpheme-based theories predict that it will not exist. To deal with the existence of double exponence in some languages, a variety of ways have been sought around the restrictions imposed by these theories. In Batsbi, a language of the Nakh-Dagestanian family, in principle as many as six markers may occur in a single verb (five gendernumber markers and one person-number marker), each agreeing in many instances with the same argument; in fact, examples presented here have up to four agreement markers. The implications of this for linguistic theory are explored. An analysis is proposed in terms of word-based morphology.},
	Author = {Harris, Alice C.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:22:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:23:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {267--303},
	Title = {Exuberant exponence in {B}atsbi},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Borsley:2009,
	Abstract = {A notable feature of Welsh is a number of agreement phenomena, all of which only occur with pronouns. Finite verbs agree with a following pronominal subject, prepositions agree with a following pronominal complement, and a particle which introduces non-finite clauses agrees with a following pronominal subject. Similarly, nouns have a preceding clitic agreeing with a following pronominal possessor, non-finite verbs have a preceding clitic agreeing with a following pronominal object, and what looks like the non-finite form of bod ``be'', which introduces certain subordinate clauses, has a preceding clitic agreeing with a following pronominal subject. There seems to be a single phenomenon here. Approaches that involve an abstract level face problems and there is no evidence that the phenomenon involves an abstract level. It seems quite plausible to suggest that superficial linear order is crucial, and this idea can be implemented in a straightforward way within linearization-based Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). The properties of agreement also entail that unexpressed noun phrases of various kinds must be represented in the superficial constituent structure and not just at some abstract level, contrary to the view of some frameworks.},
	Author = {Borsley, Robert D.},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-17 09:18:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-17 09:20:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {225--265},
	Title = {On the superficiality of {W}elsh agreement},
	Volume = {27},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Ramchand:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Gillian Catriona Ramchand},
	Date-Added = {2009-06-15 13:53:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-06-15 13:54:47 -0400},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Series = {Cambridge Studies in Linguistics},
	Title = {Verb Meaning and the Lexicon},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Vicente:2009,
	Author = {Vicente, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-26 08:59:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-26 09:01:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {158--191},
	Title = {An Alternative to Remnant Movement for Partial Predicate Fronting},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Fernandez-Soriano:2009,
	Abstract = {In this paper we analyze the behavior of some temporal constructions in two varieties of Spanish: those with the verb llevar 'to carry', used in the standard variety, and those with tener 'to have', which are characteristic of some American dialects. Our purpose is twofold: on the one hand, we try to account for the argument structure of these constructions, and on the other, we seek to give an analysis of the aspectual restrictions they show. These restrictions will be related to the fact that both verbs are light verbs incorporating an abstract preposition, allative in the case of llevar and of central coincidence in the case of tener. The paper constitutes a further application of Hale and Keyser's framework to a new set of data. Some related constructions involving movement verbs will be described and discussed as well.},
	Author = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Soriano, Olga and Rigau, Gemma},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-26 08:57:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-26 08:58:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {135--157},
	Title = {On Certain Light Verbs in {S}panish: The Case of Temporal \emph{Tener} and \emph{Llevar}},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Aoshima:2009,
	Abstract = {This article presents two on-line self-paced reading studies and three off-line acceptability judgment studies on the processing of backward anaphoric dependencies in Japanese in which a pronoun precedes potential antecedent noun phrases. The studies investigate the real-time formation of coreference relations and operator-variable binding relations to determine whether speakers of head-final languages are able to construct grammatically accurate syntactic structures before they encounter a verb. The results of the acceptability rating studies confirm previous claims that backwards anaphoric dependencies in Japanese are more acceptable in configurations where a pronoun has been fronted via scrambling from a position where it would be c-commanded by its antecedent. The results of the on-line studies demonstrate that these acceptability contrasts have an immediate impact on parsing. Reading-time results showed immediate sensitivity to the semantic congruency between an NP and a preceding pronoun in noncanonical (``scrambled") word orders, and no immediate effect of semantic congruency otherwise. This contrast was found both for coreference relations involving the personal pronouns kare/kanojo (experiment 1) and for operator-variable relations involving the demonstrative pronoun soko (experiment 3). These findings go beyond previous evidence for incremental parsing in head-final languages by showing that Japanese speakers build compositional structures (such as anaphoric relations) in a grammatically constrained fashion in advance of encountering a verb in the input.},
	Author = {Aoshima, Sachiko and Yoshida, Masaya and Phillips, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-26 08:53:56 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-26 08:56:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {93--134},
	Title = {Incremental Processing of Coreference and Binding in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Winter:2001,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Winter, Yoad},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-18 08:19:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-18 08:21:14 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Flexibility Principles in {B}oolean Semantics},
	Year = {2001}}

@book{Nunes:2004,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-18 08:18:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-18 08:21:29 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Series = {Linguistic Inquiry Monographs},
	Title = {Linearization of Chains and Sideward Movement},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Potts:2009,
	Author = {Potts, Christopher and Asudeh, Ash and Cable, Seth and Hara, Yurie and McCready, Eric and Alonso-Ovalle, Luis and Bhatt, Rajesh},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:38:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:40:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {356--366},
	Title = {Expressives and Identity Conditions},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Lechner:2009,
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:36:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:38:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {346--356},
	Title = {A Puzzle for Remnant Movement Analyses of Verb-Second},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Landau:2009,
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:35:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:36:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {343--346},
	Title = {This Construction Looks Like a Copy is Optional},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Sprouse:2009,
	Abstract = {This reply revisits the topic of syntactic satiation as first discussed in Snyder 2000. I argue that the satiation effect reported in Snyder 2000 is the result of a response strategy in which participants attempt to equalize the number of yes and no responses, a strategy enabled by the design features of Snyder's original experiment. Four predictions differentiate the response strategy from a true satiation effect. Nine experiments are presented to test these predictions. The results are discussed with respect to the nature of satiation, the stability of acceptability judgments, and the consequences for linguistic methodology.},
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:33:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:34:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {329--341},
	Title = {Revisiting Satiation: Evidence for an Equalization Response Strategy},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Johnson:2009a,
	Abstract = {Pseudogapping is no misnomer. Despite their many tempting similarities, gapping and pseudogapping are distinct constructions. Pseudo-gapping is a special instance of VP-ellipsis, while gapping, I argue, is a special instance of across-the-board movement. Squeezing gapping into across-the-board movement has its own discomforts, however, which I suggest can be remedied by retailoring our syntax to include string-based output constraints. I sketch one such alteration that involves apparent Left Branch Condition violations.},
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:31:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:33:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {289--328},
	Title = {Gapping Is Not ({VP}-) Ellipsis},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Heinz:2009,
	Abstract = {Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) is ``in general computationally intractable" on the basis of a proof adapted from Eisner 1997a. We take issue with this conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability result holds only in cases where the constraint set is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of OT), and second, the result crucially depends on a particular representation of OT grammars. We show that there is an alternative representation of OT grammars that allows for efficient computation of optimal surface forms and provides deeper insight into the sources of complexity of OT. We conclude that it is a mistake to reject OT on the grounds that it is computationally intractable.},
	Author = {Heinz, Jeffrey and Kobele, Gregory M. and Riggle, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:29:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:30:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {277--288},
	Title = {Evaluating the Complexity of {O}ptimality {T}heory},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Lopez:2009,
	Abstract = {The overarching question addressed here is how syntactic structures based on constituency (dominance, c-command) are to be mapped onto linear phonetic strings. I argue that both prosodic principles and narrow-syntactic principles play a role in the linearization of syntactic structures. I take Kayne's (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom as a starting point: (asymmetric) c-command maps onto precedence relations. Two wide-ranging predictions of Kayne's theory are that specifiers precede their heads and that a head can only have one specifier or adjunct. Although abundant evidence supports these predictions, there is nonetheless a well-known class of apparent counterexamples: Romance languages allow both rightward and multiple dislocations. I take the LCA to be a soft constraint, overruled by a constraint of the WRAP family that seeks to combine a verb and its extended projection in one intonational phrase. Apparent rightward movement is the outcome of rightward linearization forced by WRAP. The possibility of multiple dislocations is compatible with the LCA within the assumptions made here.},
	Author = {L{\'o}pez, Luis},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-14 12:27:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:28:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {239--276},
	Title = {Ranking the Linear Correspondence Axiom},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Westergaard:2009,
	Abstract = {Based on spontaneous speech data from adults and children in an acquisition corpus, this paper discusses `optional' verb-second (V2) word order in wh-questions in present-day Norwegian dialects, arguing that hte variation is due to a diachronic change in progress. The argument is based on the nature of the variation and te frequencies with which the different wh-questions are attested in typical child-directed speech. The paper takes a microparametric approach to V2 which assumes the existence of many V2 grammars, differeing from each other with respect to informaiton structure and the status of the various wh-elements. These grammars are learnable because children are sensitive to minor but linguistically relevant distinctions in the acquisition process. Nevertheless, certain distinctions are vulnerable to change if the corresponding cues are expressed in the children's input with a very low frequency. On this perspective, gradual historical development may be considered to be the result of many small I-language changes in succession.},
	Author = {Westergaard, Marit},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 10:41:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 10:41:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {49--79},
	Title = {Microvariation as diachrony: A view from acquisition},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Poletto:2009,
	Abstract = {In this work I analyze a construction containing an additional past participle auxiliary in Romance and German dialects and show that, although apparently similar, they semantic value ofthe additional auxiliary is different in the two sets of dialects: in German it is an index of terminativity, in Romance of anteriority. However, an implicational scale ruling the distribution of the additional auxiliary which goes from unergative to passive verbs (going through unaccusative verbs) is valid across all dialects shows that there is a strict relation between the two auxiliaries \emph{have} and \emph{be} which can be captured in terms of incorporation of a preposition/determiner as proposed by Kayne.},
	Author = {Poletto, Cecilia},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 10:37:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 10:38:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--48},
	Title = {Double auxiliaries, anteriority and terminativity},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Bayer:2009,
	Abstract = {The topic of hte follwing article is an exceptiona use of the negative quantifier \emph{nothing} and its correspondents in German, Dutch and Italian in which this element turns out to act like a negative polarity item (NPI). The circumstance under which this is the case have very briefly been describedin Bayer (2006). \emph{Nothing} is interpreted like an NPI whenever it is not licensed as an argument. Closer inspection reveals that adjunct status alone is too corase a distinciton, and that \emph{nothing} must in fact be associated with the structural object position of the verb. The article is organized as follows. Section 1 presents that key observation using English data. Sections 2, 3, and 4 present constructted as well as attested data from English, German and Dutch respectively. Sectin 5 contains considerations of argument structures which trigger the interpretation of \emph{nothing} as an NPI. Section 6 presents the core account. Section s7 ketches a diachronic scenario. Section 8 turns to negative concord and expandst he account to Italian data. Section 9 contains a conlcusion.},
	Author = {Bayer, Josef},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 10:33:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 10:33:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {5--30},
	Title = {Nominal negative quantifiers as adjuncts},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Conroy:2009,
	Abstract = {We demonstrate a U-shaped developmental trajectory in the interpretation of scopally ambiguous sentences, with 4-year-olds and adults, but not 5-year-olds, accessing inverse scope. These results argue against any view that treats 5-year-olds failures as resulting from immaturity of a single mechanism. Instead, we propose that this developmental pattern derives from the development of (a) parsing mechanisms that generate multiple interpretations in addition to (b) processes involved in selecting or revising among these.},
	Author = {Conroy, Anastasia and Lidz, Jeffrey and Musolino, Julien},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 09:51:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 09:52:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {106--117},
	Title = {The Fleeting Isomorphism Effect},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Valois:2009,
	Abstract = {This article examines noun-drop constructions in French-speaking children. French being intermediate between English (which rarely allows noun-drop) and Spanish (which freely allows it) with respect to the richness of their respective morphological systems, it provides a fertile testing ground for various agreement-based analyses of noun-drop. We conclude, along with Snyder, Senghas, & Inman (2001) that agreement is not a factor in the licensing of these constructions. Moreover, limitations on the occurrence of this phenomenon (i.e., not all adjective types allow it) in French lead us to propose that semantic, rather than syntactic, factors are responsible for noun-drop in French, i.e., partitivity and atomization (in the sense of Bouchard 2002). This in turn assigns the determiner a more important role than had previously been assumed in the licensing of noun-drop. Ultimately, our analysis illustrates how child language can be used to discriminate between competing analyses of a given syntactic process.},
	Author = {Valois, Daniel and Royle, Phaedra},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 09:49:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 09:51:19 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {82--105},
	Title = {Partitivity, Atomization, and Noun-Drop: A Longitudinal Study of {F}rench {C}hild Language},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Syrett:2009,
	Abstract = {We show that 4-year-olds assign the correct interpretation to antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) sentences because they have the correct representation of these structures. This representation involves Quantifier Raising (QR) of a Quantificational Noun Phrase (QNP) that must move out of the site of the verb phrase in which it is contained to resolve a case of verb phrase ellipsis. Furthermore, not only do children provide clear justifications for such sentenceswith ACD, but they treat ACD sentences differently from sentenceswith coordinated conjunction, a plausible alternative if they lacked QR. The findings have implications for the interpretation of experimental results in which children appear to lack this grammatical operation, and instead point to extragrammatical factors as the source of this pattern.},
	Author = {Syrett, Kristen and Lidz, Jeffrey},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 09:45:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 09:48:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {67--81},
	Title = {{QR} in {C}hild {G}rar: Evidence from Antecedent-Contained Deletion},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Repp:2009,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Repp, Sophie},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-11 09:40:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-11 09:42:55 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics},
	Title = {Negation in Gapping},
	Year = {2009}}

@book{Johnson:2008d,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-08 12:20:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-08 12:21:38 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Toics in Ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Ross:1970a,
	Author = {Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:53:06 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:53:43 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {363--366},
	Title = {A Note on Implicit Comparatives},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Culicover:1970,
	Author = {Culicover, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:51:08 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:51:45 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {366--369},
	Title = {One More Can of Beer},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Perlmutter:1970c,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:49:56 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:50:36 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {187--255},
	Title = {Surface Structure Constraints in Syntax},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Lakoff:1970a,
	Author = {Lakoff, George and Ross, John Robert},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:48:41 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:49:22 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {271--272},
	Title = {Two Kinds of And},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Akmajian:1970a,
	Author = {Akmajian, Adrian},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:47:34 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:48:21 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {149--168},
	Title = {On Deriving Cleft Sentences from Pseudo-Cleft Sentences},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Bolinger:1970,
	Author = {Bolinger, Dwight},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:46:17 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:46:56 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {140--144},
	Title = {The Meaning of Do So},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Akmajian:1970,
	Author = {Akmajian, Adrian and Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:44:54 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:45:43 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {124--126},
	Title = {Coreferentiality and Stress},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@article{Postal:1970,
	Author = {Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2009-05-01 20:42:57 -0600},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-01 20:43:56 -0600},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {37--120},
	Title = {On the Surface Verb `Remind'},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1970}}

@phdthesis{Gibson:1991,
	Address = {Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania},
	Author = {Gibson, Edward},
	Date-Added = {2009-04-29 10:57:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-04-29 10:59:12 -0400},
	School = {Carnegie Mellon University},
	Title = {A Computational Theory of Human Linguistic Processing: Memory Limitations and Processing Breakdown},
	Year = {1991}}

@inproceedings{Yoon:2005,
	Author = {Yoon, James Hye Suk and Lee, Wooseung},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2009-04-17 07:46:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-04-17 07:50:57 -0500},
	Editor = {Alderete, John and Han, Chung-hye and Kochetov, Alexei},
	Pages = {379--387},
	Title = {Conjunction Reduction and its Consequences for {N}oun {P}hrase Morphosyntax in {K}orean},
	Volume = {24},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Burge:1973,
	Author = {Burge, Tyler},
	Date-Added = {2009-04-14 17:28:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-04-14 17:29:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Philosophy},
	Pages = {425--439},
	Title = {Reference and proper names},
	Volume = {70},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Kratzer:2009,
	Abstract = {This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies
that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first
type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns,
and PRO, may be born with a ``defective'' feature set. They can acquire
the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional
heads carrying standard  -operators that bind them. Pronouns of the
second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born
fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting
 -operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available
and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under
the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological
spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases
of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need
an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be
and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops
such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referential
and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal
features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology
and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable
pronouns.},
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Date-Added = {2009-04-14 14:54:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-05-14 12:25:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {187--237},
	Title = {Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Johnson:2009,
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of hte 2007 Workshop in {G}reek Syntax and Semantics at {MIT}},
	Date-Added = {2009-04-09 08:31:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-04-09 08:33:07 -0400},
	Editor = {Halpert, Claire and Hartman, Jeremy and Hill, David},
	Pages = {409--424},
	Publisher = {MIT Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Title = {{PEPPER} and {PF} Movement: Reactions to {Y}amashita},
	Volume = {57},
	Year = {2009}}

@incollection{Bjerre:2008,
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Bjerre, Tavs and Engels, Eva and J{\o}rensen, Henrik and Vikner, Sten},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 14:00:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 14:01:48 -0400},
	Pages = {131--166},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {Points of convergence between functional and formal approaches to syntactic analysis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Hrafnbjargarson:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper, the distributin of modals in Icelandic `that'-clauses is explored. It will be shown that the presence of certain modals overturns restrictions on root transformations and extraction. Based on this finding, the paper makes two claims (i) the size of the left periphery is constant irrespectiv of selectional properties of matrix verbs, and (ii) the observed differences between root and non-root environments arise from a differene in how much of hte left periphery of the complement clause is part of the matrix predicate itself. The presence of modals decreases the amount of structure available to the matrix verb.},
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 13:56:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 13:58:12 -0400},
	Pages = {103--130},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {Liberalizaing modals and floating clause boundaries},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Brandtler:2008a,
	Abstract = {This paper is an attempt to solve the somewhat elusive polarity item licensing properties of wh-questions in Swedish. As has been observed by Klima (1964) for English, NPIs are generally not compatible with genuinely information seeking wh-questions, but tend to induce rhetorical interpretations. Distinguishing between thre types of wh-questions and the kind of information they request, I will systematically review the syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties of each wh-type. Based on that overview, I argue that NPI-licensing in wh-questions is dependent on the relation bewteen teh implication of existence associated with the wh-word and the presupposition induced by the expressed proposition. According to my analysis, wh-words shouldnot be regarded as NPI-licensing operators, Being place-holders, wh-words inherit whatever properties are associated with the item they replace. The licensing property of the wh-word is thus dependent on the licensing property of the referent. Thus, only wh-words referring to downward entailing expressions will license NPIs in their scope (e.g. when pointing to an empty set). Such wh-questions tend to be interpreted rhetorically.},
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Brandtler, Johan},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 13:51:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 13:56:37 -0400},
	Pages = {83--102},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {Why we should ever bother about sh-questions. On the {NPI}-licensing properties of wh-questions in {S}wedish},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Hroarsdottir:2008,
	Abstract = {Older Icelandic had various word order patterns with verb particles, including both pre- and postverbal particles. The most frequent patterns in the attested corpus show a preverbal particle and a postverbal direct object, or a preverbal particle and a preverbal direct object. In the earilest texts, dating fom the fourteenth centry, preverbal particles are preferred over postverbal particles, although both pre- and postverbal particles co-exist in the corpus for several centuries. In this paper, we will show how a small clause analysis of verb particles, together with a remnant VP movement framework (Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir 2000) can account for the attested orders of verb particles in the history of Icelandic.},
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Thorbj{\"o}rg Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 13:46:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 13:48:28 -0400},
	Pages = {43--81},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {Verb particles in {OV}/{VO} word order in {O}lder {I}celandic},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Lohndal:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper we investigate how copulas are to be analyzed within a framework assuming a predicaion prhase (PrP). It is discussed in the literature whether copulas move from a verb phrase to the predication phrase, or whether they are directly merged in the predication phrase. We present arguments in favor of both views and conclude that both options have to be allowed by Univesal Grammar. We discuss the claim that copulas have semantic content in relation to our analysis, and we furtehr discuss the consequences for our analysis of an important difference between predication mediated by copulas and `` pure'' non-verbal predication, as to the licensing of argument positions.},
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Lohndal, Terje and Nyg{\aa}rd, Mari and {\AA}farli, Tor A.},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 13:38:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 13:44:06 -0400},
	Pages = {23--41},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {The structure of copular clauses in {N}orwegian},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Gelderen:2008,
	Abstract = {In this paper we present a new way to analyze the development of double definiteness in Norwegian. Instead of analyzing the emergence of double definiteness as a change of the status of the definite marker, we propose that double definiteness emerges due to a different ordering of adjectives in Old Norxe nd Modern NOrwegian respectively. This, we claim, has several advantages, among others because it allows us to account for certain movement differences between Old Norse and Modern Norwegian, whch have proven difficult to handle. It also means that hte change in question can be reconciled with a forma approach to grammaticalization, where this change represents an instance of the Late Merge Principle.},
	Address = {Lund, Sweden},
	Author = {Gelderen, Elly van and Lohndal, Terje},
	Booktitle = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian {S}yntax 82},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-21 13:33:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-21 13:37:08 -0400},
	Pages = {1--22},
	Publisher = {Center of Language and Literature},
	Title = {The position of adjectives and double definiteness},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Toosarvandani:2009,
	Abstract = {In this paper, I introduce a novel ellipsis construction from Farsi, v-stranding VPE, in which part of a complex predicate goes missing, leaving behind the light verb. Under an analysis of complex predicates where the light verb is the overt realization of v, this type of ellipsis can be construed as deletion of the complement of v. I give evidence that this phenomenon patterns with English verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) in a number of important respects. The same licensing conditions that must be satisfied in English VPE, including an inflectional checking requirement and an antecedence condition, must also be satisfied in Farsi v-stranding VPE.},
	Author = {Toosarvandani, Maziar},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-09 16:21:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-09 16:23:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {60--92},
	Title = {Ellipsis in {F}arsi Complex Predicates},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Sobin:2009,
	Abstract = {Case in English is ``dormant''---not valued or resolved in the syntax---unless it is ``activated'' by the EPP feature of T. Case-activated DPs move to Spec,TP for Case
valuation. Further extraction (e.g., wh-movement) of subjects requires ``phase-early'' Case resolution, guaranteeing that the uninterpretable Case feature of a subject is resolved early, in Spec,TP, in compliance with the Earliness Principle. An inability to resolve an active Case feature early results in the C-t effect. The dormant ``object'' case form is determined at PF either by a rule of default case (accusative) or by one of a set of rules assigning a prestige (usually nominative) case. This system correctly predicts a variety of details of the C-t effect and the possible occurrence and distribution of prestige case forms (It is I or between you and I ) where Case is dormant. The C-t effect in Spanish, Russian, and Polish are also briefly considered.},
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-09 16:18:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-09 16:20:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {32--59},
	Title = {Prestige {C}ase Forms and the {C}omp-trace Effect},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Brattico:2009,
	Abstract = {In many languages, case is distributed among many grammatical elements inside of argument DPs. This article shows that case distribution in Finnish is sensitive to certain nontrivial structural properties of those DPs. This makes it possible to use case distribution as a tool to investigate the internal structure of a variety of DPs, including nominalized clauses. It is argued, based on such new evidence, that (i)  there exists a syntactic nominalizer head n within various kinds of nominal phrases, and that (ii) genitive argument DPs of nominalized clauses undergo raising analogous to the EPP-triggered DP raising in finite clauses. Furthermore, these genitive arguments are base-generated below the nominalizer head n. Implications involving recent theories of Agree, valuation, and phrasal movement are discussed.},
	Author = {Brattico, Pauli and Leinonen, Alina},
	Date-Added = {2009-03-09 16:15:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-09 16:17:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--31},
	Title = {Case Distribution and {N}ominalization: Evidence from {F}innish},
	Volume = {12},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Grinstead:2008,
	Abstract = {In this study, we investigate whether specific language impairment (SLI) manifests itself grammatically in the same way in Spanish and English with respect to nominal plural marking. English-speaking children with SLI are very proficient at marking plural on nouns. Spanish has two main nominal plural allomorphs: /s/ and /es/. The /es/ allomorph has received multiple theoretical treatments, including one (e.g., Harris (1991)) which argues that in singular-plural pairs such as flor-flores, the /e/ is epenthetic, while other accounts (e.g., Colina (2003)) argue that synchronically there is an underlying /e/ in the singular form (e.g., flore) which gets deleted by apocope. Child Spanish speakers with SLI in the United States have shown mixed results in their abilities to learn plural marking. They have shown low proficiency on an elicited production task, but have shown high proficiency in spontaneous production data. We show, using a new elicited production task in Mexico with a group of children diagnosed with SLI and two control groups, that performance is close to the high levels previously shown in spontaneous production studies. Further, we show that all children's performance with the epenthetic allomorph /es/ is worse than their performance with the canonical allomorph /s/. Our results suggest that plural marking is not an axis of cross-linguistic variation between Spanish and English among children with SLI. On the basis of the absence of child errors of the flore type and presence of errors of the flors type, our data appear to support the epenthesis account of Harris (1991).},
	Author = {Grinstead, John and Cant{\'u}-S{\'a}nchez, Myriam and Flores-{\'A}valos, Blanca},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:46:25 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:48:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {329--349},
	Title = {Canonical and Epenthetic Plural Marking in {S}panish-Speaking Children with {S}pecific {L}anguage {I}mpairment},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hohle:2009,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the acquisition of the focus particle auch 'also' by German-learning children. We report data from spontaneous and elicited production of utterances with the focus particle auch by 1- to 4-year-olds complementing earlier findings of a delayed production of the unaccented auch compared to the accented one. But in contrast to previous studies showing that children have problems interpreting sentences with accented and unaccented auch, we found indications for adult-like comprehension in an eye-tracking experiment by children from 3 years on. These results reflect early availability of adult-like linguistic competence with respect to both auch-variants which does not always lead to adult-like performance. This variation in children's performance across tasks is considered to be due to additional modality and task specific constraints. Development in this area thus reflects not a change in underlying knowledge, but rather a change in the constraints on its behavioral manifestation.},
	Author = {H{\"o}hle, Barbara and Berger, Frauke and M{\"u}ller, Anja and Schmitz, Michaela},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:38:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:40:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {36--66},
	Title = {Focus Particles in {C}hildren's Language: Production and Comprehension of \emph{Auch} `Also' in {G}erman Learners from 1 Year to 4 Years of Age},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Kim:2009,
	Abstract = {This study investigates the potential incomplete acquisition of binding interpretations in Korean-English bilinguals by asking whether and how the majority language of these bilinguals (English) influences their family or heritage language (Korean), especially when exposure to and use of English starts very early. The experiment tested the long-distance and local interpretations of different Korean anaphors---caki, casin, and caki-casin---by 51 Korean-English bilinguals raised in Korean-speaking families residing in the United States (22 early bilinguals and 29 late bilinguals) together with a control group of 34 Korean monolinguals residing in Korea. Overall results indicated that the bilinguals maintain the distinction between local and long-distance anaphors, though not to the same degree as monolinguals. There was a tendency among early bilinguals to choose more local binding overall compared to the late bilinguals and Korean monolinguals. At the individual level, many early bilinguals failed to differentiate between caki-casin and casin in terms of binding distance, treating both as local anaphors, whereas monolinguals and late bilinguals tended to collapse caki and casin, treating both as long distance anaphors},
	Author = {Kim, Ji-Hye and Silvina, Montrul and Yoon, James},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:35:43 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:37:19 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--35},
	Title = {Binding Interpretations of Anaphors by {K}orean Heritage Speakers},
	Volume = {16},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Mushin:2008,
	Abstract = {Data from dual pronoun systems in Australian languages is used to show the pragmatic basis for a cycle of pronoun creation---reduced pronouns from free forms and free from reduced---and the motivation to maintain both types in a linguistic system. Free pronouns become positionally restricted reduced forms by association of clause-initial position with discourse prominence (Swartz 1988, Choi 1999). The same pragmatic motivations result in the creation of new free pronouns, and the divergence of free and reduced pronouns with respect to ergative case marking. Examples of languages at different stages of the cycle include Garrwa (one set of free pronouns, with a strong preference for second position); Djambarrpuyngu and Gupapuyngu (two sets of pronouns transparently related in form and in complementary distribution); Ritharrngu, Djinang, and Djinba (two sets of pronouns transparently related in form but in which the reduced pronouns are becoming obligatory); Warlpiri (two sets of pronouns, which diverge in form, and the reduced
set is obligatory); and Warumungu (one set of reduced pronouns, indicating how new free pronouns might emerge based on information-packaging principles). The creation of free pronouns from reduced pronouns argues against strict unidirectionality of change.},
	Author = {Mushin, Ilana and Simpson, Jane},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:27:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:29:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {566--596},
	Title = {Free to Bound to Free? Interactions between Pragmatics and Syntax in the Development of {A}ustralian Pronominal Systems},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Brown:2008,
	Abstract = {In Walman, a language in the Torricelli family spoken in Papua New Guinea, there are two words that have the function of conjoining noun phrases but that have the morphology of transitive verbs, exhibiting subject agreement with the first conjunct and object agreement with the second conjunct. We discuss two interrelated issues concerning these words: (i) Do these words behave syntactically like conjunctions in other languages, in combining with two noun phrases to form a single noun phrase, or are they really just verbs in a serial verb construction?, and (ii) Do these words have a meaning that is closer to a coordinative conjunction like and in English, or do they have a comitative meaning like English with? We show that the evidence on the first of these questions is somewhat contradictory, but that even in cases where the syntactic evidence argues that these verbs do not combine with two noun phrases to form a single noun phrase, they still have a meaning closer to that of and than of with.},
	Author = {Brown, Lea and Dryer, Matthew S.},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:25:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:27:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {528--565},
	Title = {The Verbs for `And' in {W}alman, a {T}orricelli Language of {P}apua {N}ew {G}uinea},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{McConnell-Ginet:2008,
	Abstract = {Why do people care about the meaning(s)/significance associated with a word? Does it make sense to advocate or to criticize a certain form-meaning association? This article argues that words do real cognitive and social work as they are deployed in social practice and that it is primarily through words and their histories of use that culture links to language. It is not semantic representations as such that matter but the (mostly extralinguistic) reference and conceptual baggage words acquire in their discursive world travels. Lexical significance shifts and is contested as part of shifting and contested customs, institutions, and ideologies.},
	Author = {McConnell-Ginet, Sally},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:24:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:25:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {497--527},
	Title = {Words in the World: How and Why Meanings Can Matter},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gahl:2008,
	Abstract = {Frequent words tend to shorten. But do homophone pairs, such as time and thyme, shorten equally if one member of the pair is frequent? This study reports an analysis of roughly 90,000 tokens of homophones in the Switchboard corpus of American English telephone conversations, in which it was found that high-frequency words like time are significantly shorter than their lowfrequency homophones like thyme. The effect of lemma frequency persisted when local speaking rate, predictability from neighboring words, position relative to pauses, syntactic category, and orthographic regularity were brought under statistical control. These findings have theoretical implications for the locus of frequency information in linguistic competence and in models of language production, and for the role of articulatory routinization in shortening.},
	Author = {Gahl, Susanne},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:21:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:23:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {474--496},
	Title = {\emph{Time} and \emph{Thyme} are not Homophones: The Effect of Lemma Frequency on Word Durtations in Spontaneous Speech},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Shapiro:2008,
	Author = {Shapiro, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:19:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:20:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {815--819},
	Title = {Is an icon iconic?},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Anderson:2008,
	Abstract = {The object of inquiry in linguistics is the human ability to acquire and use a natural language, and the goal of linguistic theory is an explicit characterization of that ability. Looking at the communicative abilities of other species, it becomes clear that our linguistic ability is specific to our species, undoubtedly a product of our biology. But how do we go about determining the specifics of this Language faculty? There are two primary ways in which we infer the nature of Language from the properties of individual languages: arguments from the POVERTY OF THE STIMULUS, and the search for universals that characterize every natural language. Arguments of the first sort are not easy to construct (though not as difficult as sometimes suggested), and apply only to a tiny part of Language as a whole. Arguments from universals or typological generalizations are also quite problematic. In phonology, morphology, and syntax, factors of historical development, functional underpinnings, and limitations of the learning situation, among others, conspire to compromise the explanatory value of arguments from observed crosslinguistic regularities. Confounding the situation is the likelihood that properties found across languages as a consequence of such external forces have been incorporated into the Language faculty evolutionarily through the BALDWIN EFFECT. The conflict between the biologically based specificity of the human Language faculty and the difficulty of establishing most of its properties in a secure way cannot, however, be avoided by ignoring or denying the reality of either of its poles.},
	Author = {Anderson, Stephen R.},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:16:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:18:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {795--814},
	Title = {The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Plag:2008,
	Abstract = {It is generally assumed that noun-noun compounds in English are stressed on the left-hand member (e.g. courtroom, watchmaker). However, there is a large amount of variation in stress assignment (e.g. silk tie, Madison Avenue, singer-songwriter) whose significance and sources are largely unaccounted for in the literature. This article presents a study in which three kinds of factors held to play a role in compound stress assignment are tested: argument structure, lexicalization, and semantics. The analysis of 4,353 noun-noun compounds extracted from the Boston University Radio Speech Corpus shows that there is indeed a considerable amount of variation in stress assignment. Overall, semantics turns out to have the strongest effect on compound stress assignment, whereas an approach relying on argument structure is much less successful in predicting compound stress. The article presents for the first time large-scale empirical evidence for the assumption that lexicalization has an effect on compound stress assignment. The article also makes a methodological contribution to the debate in showing that (and how) corpus-based studies using acoustic measurements can shed new light on the issue of variable compound stress.},
	Author = {Plag, Ingo and Kunter, Gero and Lappe, Sabine and Braun, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:10:27 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:15:56 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {760--794},
	Title = {The Role of Semantics, Argument Structure, and Lexicalization in Compound Stress Assignment in {E}nglish},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Dunn:2008,
	Abstract = {Using various methods derived from evolutionary biology, including maximum parsimony and Bayesian phylogenetic analysis, we tackle the question of the relationships among a group of Papuan isolate languages that have hitherto resisted accepted attempts at demonstration of interrelatedness. Instead of using existing vocabulary-based methods, which cannot be applied to these languages due to the paucity of shared lexemes, we created a database of STRUCTURAL FEATURES---abstract phonological and grammatical features apart from their form. The methods are first tested on the closely related Oceanic languages spoken in the same region as the Papuan languages in question. We find that using biological methods on  structural features can recapitulate the results of the comparative method tree for the Oceanic languages, thus showing that structural features can be a valid way of extracting linguistic history. Application of the same methods to the otherwise unrelatable Papuan languages is therefore likely to be similarly valid. Because languages that have been in contact for protracted periods may also converge, we outline additional methods for distinguishing convergence from inherited relatedness.},
	Author = {Dunn, Michael and Levinson, Stephen C. and Lindstr{\"o}m, Eva and Reesink, Ger and Terrill, Angela},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:07:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:10:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {710--759},
	Title = {Structural Phylogeny in Historical Linguistics: Methodological Explorations Applied in {I}sland {M}elanesia},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Langendoen:2008,
	Abstract = {Chomsky (1959a) presented an algorithm for constructing a finite transducer that is strongly equivalent to a Chomsky-normal-form context-free grammar for all sentences generated by that grammar with up to any specified finite degree of center embedding. This article presents a new solution using a variety of COORDINATE GRAMMAR to assign nonembedding (paratactic) structures strongly equivalent to those assigned by an embedding grammar, which can in turn be directly computed by a finite transducer. It proposes that the bound on center embedding is really a consequence of a bound on alternation between right and left embedding, called here ZIGZAG EMBEDDING. Coordinate grammars can also be used to assign  on embedding structures equivalent to those with up to any specified finite degree of coordinate embedding (the occurrence of a coordinate structure as a member of a coordinate structure of the same type). It concludes that coordinate grammars or the finite transducers strongly equivalent to them are psychologically real, and that the existence of a finite bound on the degree of zigzag and coordinate embedding is a consequence of the increasing size and complexity of such grammars or transducers as the bound increases.},
	Author = {Langendoen, D. Terence},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 12:03:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 12:06:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {691--709},
	Title = {Coordinate Grammar},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Stepanov:2009,
	Author = {Stepanov, Arthur and Stateva, Penka},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:57:00 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:58:29 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {176--185},
	Title = {When {QR} Disobeys Superiority},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Coon:2009,
	Author = {Coon, Jessica},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:55:07 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:56:31 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {165--175},
	Title = {Interrogative Possessors and the Problem with Pied-Piping in {C}hol},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Caponigro:2009,
	Author = {Caponigro, Ivano and Pearl, Lisa},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:53:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:54:44 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {155--164},
	Title = {The Nominal Nature of Where, When, and How: Evidence from Free Relatives},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Gribanova:2009,
	Abstract = {I point out that the generally accepted theory of single-pair versus
pair-list readings for multiple wh-questions in the Slavic family, as
instantiated in Boskovic 2001a, predicts the wrong result for Russian
multiple wh-questions and for coordinated multiple wh-questions in
several languages. I suggest a reformulation of the connection between
the structure and the interpretation of multiple wh-questions that relies
on the structural adjacency of two or more wh-items at LF, and I
discuss a number of cases in which this reformulation appears to make
the right predictions for multiple wh-questions containing clitics.},
	Author = {Gribanova, Verga},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:51:15 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:52:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {133--154},
	Title = {Structural Adjacency and the Typology of Interrogative Interpretations},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Bobaljik:2009,
	Abstract = {A rich literature on Icelandic syntax has established that infinitival
complements of obligatory control verbs constitute a case assignment
domain independent from the matrix clause, and in this differ systematically
from all types of A-movement, which manifest case dependence/
preservation.As Landau (2003) has observed, these facts provide significant
counterevidence to the movement theory of control (Hornstein
1999 and subsequent work). Boeckx and Hornstein (2006a) attempt to
defend this theory in light of data from Icelandic.Weoffer here a review
of the relevant literature, andweshowthat Boeckx and Hornstein's reply
fails on several counts. We further argue that contrary to their claims,
PRO in Icelandic receives structural rather than default (nominative)
case, leaving the movement theory with no account for the distinction
between PRO and lexical subjects.},
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David and Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:49:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-03-10 14:58:38 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {113--132},
	Title = {Icelandic {C}ontrol is not {A}-Movement: The Case from Case},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Heck:2009,
	Abstract = {In this article, I argue that an approach to pied-piping in terms of
wh-feature percolation is problematic under minimalist assumptions.
I propose an alternative theory based on Agree, arguing that wh-movement
and restrictions on pied-piping follow from the interaction of
the theory of phases and a violable constraint that forces wh-feature
checking under Agree to be as local as possible. I present and derive
three observations about pied-piping that are attested in different languages.},
	Author = {Heck, Fabian},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:46:47 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:48:01 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--111},
	Title = {On Certain Properties of {P}ied-{P}iping},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Bejar:2009,
	Abstract = {We propose that agreement displacement phenomena sensitive to person
hierarchies arise from the mechanism of Agree operating on articulated phi-feature structures in a cyclic syntax. Cyclicity and locality
derive a preference for agreement control by the internal argument.
Articulation of the probe determines (a) when the agreement controller
cyclically displaces to the external argument and (b) differences in
crosslinguistic sensitivity to person hierarchies. The system characterizes
two classes of derivations corresponding empirically to direct
and inverse contexts, and predicts the existence and nature of repair
strategies in the latter. The properties of agreement displacement thus
reduce to properties of syntactic dependency formation by Agree.},
	Author = {B{\'e}jar, Susana and Rezac, Milan},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:44:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:46:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {35--73},
	Title = {Cyclic Agree},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Aboh:2009,
	Abstract = {This article argues that in V1-XP-V2 and V1-V2-XP series, V1 merges
in the functional domain of the lexical verb (V2). V2 introduces the
(internal) argument and is embedded under an AspP whose head is
endowed with an EPP feature. Surface word order variations in Kwa
(and Khoisan) result from the EPP licensing that triggers V2-object
inversion, sometimes followed by V2 movement past the shifted object.},
	Author = {Aboh, Enoch Olad{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2009-02-19 11:41:59 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-19 11:42:57 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--33},
	Title = {Clause Structure and Verb Series},
	Volume = {40},
	Year = {2009}}

@article{Hall:2008,
	Abstract = {The contrast between Middle High German (MHG) [s] and [esh] was consistently neutralized to the latter sound after [r] in many modern German dialects, e.g., MHG 'kirse'> New High German 'Kirsche' (cherry). It will be argued that this sound change was a dissimilation of the distinctive feature [high] and that this dissimilation was triggered by an independently motivated OCP constraint banning adjacent consonants with the same value of [high]. Alternative analyses in which the shift from [rs] to [r-esh] is analyzed as a dissimilation of soem other feature or as the assumilation f some property will be refuted. The present study also addresssed the actuation problem: Why did [rs] shift after [r-esh] in this particular language at this particular time? It will be argued that the structural questions that arise in explaining the [rs]>[r-esh] shift (e.g., Why did [s] shift after [r] but not after other sounds?) as well as specific questions pertaining to the actuation problem derive straightforward answers by considering the phonological system of Middel High German. In particular, one needs to consider the features of Middel High German that were distinctive and which of those distinctive features were active phonologically.},
	Author = {Hall, T. A.},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-30 15:22:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-30 15:27:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {213--248},
	Title = {Middle {H}igh {G}erman [rs] > [r\textipa{S}] as height dissimilation},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gergel:2008,
	Abstract = {By capitalizing on insight gained from the syntax of early English, comparative inversion reveals itself as a simpler process than is standardly assumed, viz. simpler than moving the finite verbal element to the C-domain in conjunction with subject movement to Spec,TP. An archaic option in the grammar allows the subject to stay in a lower position than the canonically assumed specifier of the inflectional domain and n head movement to C is invoked. The proposal complements recent findings regarding the diachrony of V2 in English together with its ditinct derivaiton from classical V2 in Germanic. Together with the core analysis of inversion in comparatives, the article illustrates further areas in which beneficial conseuqences for comparatives are derived form the structure proposed, such as the persistence of certain subjectless comparative structures.},
	Author = {Gergel, Remus},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-30 15:17:32 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-30 15:19:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {191--211},
	Title = {Comparative inversion: a diachronic study},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Rappaport:1992,
	Address = {New York, New York},
	Author = {Rappaport Hovav, Malka and Levin, Beth},
	Booktitle = {Syntax and Semantics 26: Syntax and the Lexicon},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-26 12:17:19 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-26 12:26:08 -0500},
	Editor = {Stowell, Tim and Wehrli, Eric},
	Pages = {127--153},
	Publisher = {Academic Press},
	Title = {\emph{-er} Nominals: Implications for a Theory of Argument Structure},
	Year = {1992}}

@book{Roelofsen:2008,
	Address = {University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam},
	Author = {Roelofsen, Floris},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:19:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:21:05 -0500},
	Publisher = {Institute for Logic, Language and Computation},
	Title = {Anaphora Resolved},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Safir:2008,
	Abstract = {This essay argues that antecedent-anaphor and bound-variable relations (coconstrual realtions) are formed outside narrow syntax by an interpretive component that exploits the structures built by minimalist architecture. It is demonstrated that attempts to reduce coconstrual to the tree-building operations of narrow syntax (Agree, feature theory, Merge and its subcase, Remerge) do not succeed in dispensing with conditions that evaluate constructed trees and thus such accounts offer no conceptual advantage. Instead it is established that syntactically sensitive coconstrual relations must be interpreted from the output of narrow syntax, but are not expressed within narrow syntax at all. This result unburdens narrow syntax of a class of relations that bring theoretical and empirical complications, while providing a more relegant account of coconstrual in a broader conception of the interpretive interface.},
	Author = {Safir, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:09:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:10:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {330--355},
	Title = {Coconstrual and Narrow Syntax},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Quicoli:2008,
	Abstract = {This article provides evidence based on the phenomenon of reconstruction asymmetry in English, and anaphoric clitics in Romance to show that binding conditions -- more specifically condition A -- apply cyclically on the basis of information contained at te level of the syntactic phase. Given that cyclicity is a property of derivations, the facts analyzed here constitute evidence in favor of an essentially ``derivational'' approach to binding relations based on the central concept of syntactic phase. Evidence is also presented against LF analyses, which assume a ``representational'' approach to binding, and against an alternative derivaitonal approach, which assumes that binding principles apply at arbitrary points in the syntactic derivation.},
	Author = {Quicoli, A. Carlos},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 11:05:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:06:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {299--329},
	Title = {Anaphora by Phase},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Lee-Schoenfeld:2008,
	Abstract = {The central issue addressed here is syntactic locality, and the main proposal is that movement and anaphoric relations are governed by a unified concept of locality. The specific phenomena to be investigated are (i) infinitive constructions, in particular ACI complements, (ii) the German Possessor Dative Construction (PDC), with a dative nominal playing the role of both possessor and affectee, and (iii) binding, the conditions under which reflexive and nonreflexive pronouns may occur. The focus is mainly on binding and how to account for instances of noncomplementarity, but also on the PDC, which can be analyzed as possessor raising. Ultimately, it will become clear that the unifying prinicple of locality must be the phase, and that phasehood determines the transparency/opacity of phrases for both movement and anaphoric relations.  },
	Author = {Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 10:27:04 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 11:02:45 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {281--298},
	Title = {Binding, Phases, and Locality},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hicks:2008,
	Abstract = {This article argues that the relegation of the binding theory to the C-I interface (LF) is theoretically undersirable and empirically unwarranted. Recent minimalist research has sought to eliminate the binding theory from UG by reducing its conditions to narrow-syntactic operations (Hornstein 200, 2006; Reuland 2001, 2006; Kayne 2002; Zwart 2002, 2006; Hicks 2006). This approach remains controversial since the canonical minimalist binding theory (Chomsky 1993; Chomsky and Lasnik 1993) views the binding conditions as interpretive reules applying at LF, supported by evidence that condition A interacts with other interpretive phenomena assumed to be determined at LF (Lebeaux 1998; Fox and Nissenbaum 2004). While the interaction of anaphor binding and scope relations in particular is not disputed, I show that it is attributable to factors outside the binding theory, namely the requirement that variables (including anaphors) must be c-commanded by their binders at LF. Deprived of its strongest empirical argument, the LF binding theory can then be picked apart.},
	Author = {Hicks, Glyn},
	Date-Added = {2008-12-16 10:21:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-12-16 10:22:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {255--280},
	Title = {Why the Binding Theory Doesn't Apply at {LF}},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Unsworth:2008,
	Abstract = {Previous research suggests that children's behavior with respect to the interpretation of indefinite objects in negative sentences may differ depending on the target langauge: whereas young English-speaking children tend to select a surface scope interpretation (e.g. Musolino (1998)), young Dutch-speaking children consistently prefer an inverse scope interpretation (e.g. Kramer (2000)). In this article, we suggest that these data arenot as puzzling as they first appear. Extending a proposal put foward by Hulsey, Hacquard, Fox, and Gualmini (2004), we show that both English- and Dutch-speaking children's behavior can be explained in the same way: children selct the interpretation that answers the contextually relevant question.},
	Author = {Unsworth, Sharon and Gualmini, Andrea and Helder, Christina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:49:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:51:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {315--328},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of Indefinites in Sentences Containing Negation: A Reassessment of the Cross-linguistic Picture},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Rothman:2008,
	Abstract = {Coupling a review of previous studies on the acquisition of grammatical aspects undertaken from contrasting paradigmatic views of second langauge acquisition (SLA) with new experimental data from L2 Portuguese, the present study contributes to theis specific literature as well as general debates in L2 epistemology. We tested 31 adult English learners of L2 Portuguese across three experiments, examining the extent to which they ahd acquired the syntax and semantics of gramamtical aspect. Demonstrating that many individuals acquired target knowledge of what we contend is a poverty-of-the-Stimulus semantic entailment related to the checking of aspectual features encoded in Portuguese preterit and imperfect morphology (see also Goodin-Mayeda and Rothman (2007), Montrul and Slabakova (2003), Slabakova and Montrul (2003)), namly an +-accidental distinction that obtains in a restricted subset of contexts,w e conclude that UG-based approaches to SLA are in a better position to tap and guage underlying morphosyntactic competence, since based on independent theoretical linguistic descriptions, they make falsifiable predictions that are amenable to empirical scrutiny, seek to describe and explian beyond performance,and canaccount for L2 convergence on poverty-of-the-stimulus knowledge as well as L2 variability/optionality .},
	Author = {Rothman, Jason and Iverson, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:43:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:48:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {270--314},
	Title = {Poverty-of-the-Stimulus and {SLA} Epistemology: Considering {L2} Knowledge of Aspectual Phrasal Semantics},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Duffield:2008,
	Abstract = {This article is concerned with the proper characterization of subject omission at a particular stage in German child language. It focuses on post-verbal null subjects in finite clauses, here termed Rogues. It is argued that hte statistically significant presence of Rogues, in conjunciton with their distinct developmental profile, speaks against a Strong Continuity approach to the acquisition of null subject knowledge in German, and urges a reconsidertaiton of the notion of Optionality in early grammars. The signifcance of the Rogues stage is considered in teh context of specific theoretical proposals about argument omission: those of Rizzi (1992; 1994; 200), and of Wexler (1994; 1998), are contrased with the Weak Continuity approach proposed by Clahsen and his associates (e.g., Slahsen (1990/1991), Clahsen and Penke (1992), Clahsen, Eisenbeiss, and Penke (1996)). The data presented here, which complement related work by Hamann (1996), provide additional empirical support for these latter hypotheses.},
	Author = {Duffield, Nigel},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:39:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:39:51 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {225--269},
	Title = {Roots and Rogues in {G}erman Child Language},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Paterson:2005,
	Abstract = {We report 3 studies investigating children's and adults' interpretation of ambiguous focus in sentences containing the focus-sensitive quantifier only. In each experiment, child and adult participants compared sentences with only in a preverbal position and counterpart sentences without only against a series of pictures depicting events that matched or mismatched with the sentence meaning. The sentences with only were ambiguous between an analysis with contrastive focus assigned to the verb phrase (VP) and one with contrastive focus assigned to the direct object. The results indicate that both children and adults interpreted sentences with only as excluding the possibility of events that formed a contrast with VP constituents. Children also appeared to interpret sentences without only as excluding the possibility of these events despite the absence of grammatical cues that might indicate contrastive focus. We consider these results in relation to a processing account of focus interpretation (Crain, Ni, and Conway (1994)).},
	Author = {Paterson, Kevin B. and Liversedge, Simon P. and White, Diane and Filik, Ruth and Jaz, Kristina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:30:37 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:32:55 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {253--284},
	Title = {Children's Interpretation of Ambiguous Focus in Sentences with ``Only''},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006}}

@article{Papafragou:2005,
	Abstract = {On the standard, neo-Gricean view, most is semantically lower bounded but may give rise to the meaning ``not all'' through scalar implicature (Horn (1972)). More recent proposals have claimed that most does not generate a scalar implicature but is semantically both lower and upper bounded (Ariel (2004; in press)). In this article, we investigate the interpretation of most experimentally to evaluate these competing semantic and pragmatic accounts. We focus on a comparison of most and half because, on the classical view, half and other exact determiners should admit bilateral interpretations more readily than the upward-oriented most (Horn (in press)); however, no such difference should exist if most is both lower and upper bounded. We find that (i) in nonbiasing contexts, adults are more likely to treat most as being compatible with all than half ; (ii) a similar asymmetry emerges in children's interpretations of the two determiners; and (iii) adults adjust the higher boundary of the interpretation of most according to context-driven expectations. Taken together,
these results support the classical, lower bounded, semantic analysis of most over  recent revisions. Our findings also raise important issues about children's initial conjectures about scalar quantifiers and the development of the semantics--pragmatics interface.},
	Author = {Papafragou, Anna},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:25:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:28:35 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {207--251},
	Title = {\emph{Most} Wanted},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006}}

@article{Brooks:2005,
	Abstract = {Errors involving universal quantification are common in contexts depicting sets of individuals in partial, one-to-one correspondence. In this article, we explore whether quantifier-spreading errors are more common with distributive quantifiers each and every than with all. In Experiments 1 and 2, 96 children (5- to 9-year-olds) viewed pairs of pictures and selected one corresponding to a sentence containing a  Universal quantifier (e.g., Every alligator is in a bathtub). Both pictures showed extra objects (e.g., alligators or bathtubs) not in correspondence, with correct sentence interpretation requiring their attention. Children younger than 9 years made numerous errors, with poorer performance in distributive contexts than collective ones. In Experiment 3, 21 native, English-speaking adults, given a similar task with the distributive quantifier every, also made childlike errors. The persistence of quantifier-spreading errors in adults undermines accounts positing immature syntactic structures as the error source. Rather, the errors seemingly reflect inaccurate syntax to semantics mapping, with adults and children alike resorting to processing shortcuts.},
	Author = {Brooks, Patricia J. and Sekerina, Irina},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:23:06 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:24:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {177--206},
	Title = {Shortcuts to Quantifier Intrpretation in {C}hildren and {A}dults},
	Volume = {13},
	Year = {2005/2006}}

@article{Anderson:2007,
	Abstract = {In this article I provide evidence that despite frequently cited differences between child first language (L1) and adult second language (L2) speakers in overt behavior (performance) during grammatical development, the nature, source, and limits of implicit knowledge (competence) in native and second language grammars are equivalent (i.e., they share a common epistemology; Schwartz (1986)). Evidence for this claim comes from the intuitions of L1 English-speaking classroom learners of French with respect to two properties of the French nominal system, both of which are posited to be the surface manifestations of a single parametric option for noun movement within a D(eterminer) P(hrase). These include (i) the distinction between result and process nominals in the licensing of postnominal genitives and (ii) the distinction between prenominal and postnominal adjective position in the context of unique versus nonunique noun referents. An analysis of the results of an acceptability judgment task administered to 100 university-level learners, 27 native French speakers, and 30 native English-speaker controls demonstrated that particular interpretive asymmetries associated with these properties, although underdetermined in the input and not syntactically instantiated in English,  nonetheless appeared in the interlanguage grammars of the study participants. Moreover, changes in learner response patterns by level were highly suggestive of a developmental path involving an initial English-like parse of the test sentences followed by a parametric shift at the 3rd-year level, leading to increasingly more native-like intuitions at later levels wherein both properties cluster together. Such results call into question the need for theories of L2 acquisition positing selective transfer, selective impairment, or both at the level of syntactic representation.},
	Author = {Anderson, Bruce},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 14:14:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:16:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {165--214},
	Title = {Learnability and Parametric Change in the Nominal System of {L2} {F}rench},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Sprouse:2008a,
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:59:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:00:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {686--694},
	Title = {The Differential Sensitivity of Acceptability Judgments to Processing Effects},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Spector:2008,
	Author = {Spector, Benjamin},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:57:30 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:58:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {678--694},
	Title = {An Unnoticed Reading for Wh-Questions: Elided Answers and Weak Islands},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Bouma:2008,
	Author = {Bouma, Gerlof and de Hoop, Helen},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:55:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:57:06 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {669--677},
	Title = {Unscrambled Pronouns in {D}utch},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Romero:2008,
	Abstract = {Montague's analysis of the well-known temperature paradox poses a problem for Gupta's syllogism, whose surface syntax differs from that of the temperature syllogism by the addition of the intensional adverb necessarily. Lasersohn (2005) argues that the puzzle arising from these syllogisms can be solved if one adopts the Fregean presuppositional treatment of definite descriptions, and he concludes that the temperature-Gupta puzzle provides an argument in favor of such treatment. This article shows that the analysis of definite descriptions is in fact orthogonal to the puzzle. Instead, the differences between the two syllogisms turn out to stem from the temporal interpretation of their premises.},
	Author = {Romero, Maribel},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:53:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:55:13 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {655--667},
	Title = {The Temperature Paradox and Temporal Interpretation},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Citko:2008,
	Abstract = {This article offers a critical examination of De Vries's (2006) account of appositive relatives, which treats appositive relatives and nominal appositions alike and assimilates both to coordinate structures. Its main focus is on the following properties of appositive relatives: (a) the category of the appositive head, (b) the case of the appositive head, (c) relative pronoun selection, (d) extraction phenomena, (e) the typology of specifying coordinators, and (f) the lack of prenominal appositives. It examines these properties from both an empirical and a theoretical perspective, contrasting De Vries's account with a version of an adjunction account.},
	Author = {Citko, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:51:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:53:36 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {633--655},
	Title = {An Argument against Assimilating Appositive Relatives to Coordinate Structures},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Baker:2008,
	Abstract = {The Ibibio language displays an antiagreement effect (AAE), in which phi -feature agreement on the verb is suppressed in subject questions, even when the wh-phrase remains in situ. I discuss why this fact is problematic for existing theories of the AAE. I then suggest that the AAE arises when the deletion process that applies to copies in a movement chain removes the  -features of a copy along with its semantic features. This formulation applies equally well to overt and covert whmovement. It also generalizes to explain why quantified subjects do not trigger an AAE in Ibibio, whereas subjects in negative clauses do.},
	Author = {Baker, Mark C.},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:48:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:50:48 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {615--632},
	Title = {On the Nature of the {A}ntiagreement Effect: Evidence from Wh-in-situ in {I}bibio},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kennedy:2008b,
	Abstract = {Morphoprosodic Alignment (MPA) is a nontemplatic model of reduplication designed to account for languages with multiple reduplicative subpatterns. The premise of MPA is that reduplicative morphemes can be stem-internal or stem-external and that this distinction is visible to the phonological component through general constraints on the association of stem-internal and stem-external morphemes to prosodic categories. I illustrate the model with Moronene, Klamath, and Gooniyandi, each of which has several reduplicative morphemes. MPA meets the challenge for an optimality-theoretic model to account for such systems without resorting to morpheme-specific indexed constraints or cophonological constraint hierarchies.},
	Author = {Kennedy, Robert},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:44:51 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:46:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {589--614},
	Title = {Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hoop:2008,
	Abstract = {Two strategies of case marking in natural languages are discussed. These are defined as two violable constraints whose effects are shown to converge in the case of differential object marking but diverge in the case of differential subject marking. The discourse prominence of the case-bearing arguments is shown to be of utmost importance for case-marking and voice alternations. The analysis of the case-marking patterns that are found crosslinguistically is couched in a bidirectional Optimality Theory analysis.},
	Author = {Hoop, Helen De and Malchukov, Andrej L.},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:42:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:47:37 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {565--587},
	Title = {Case-Marking Strategies},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Cardinaletti:2008,
	Abstract = {We argue that preverbal and postverbal subject clitics in northern Italian dialects are the same lexical items. The different forms of proclitics and enclitics can be explained phonologically (i.e., by phonological constraints ranked in a particular order) and by the hypothesis that morphologically neutral vowels may be inserted in final position (what we call morphological epenthesis). The distributional differences in the paradigm derive from a competition between overt clitics and null subjects that is resolved in an intricate way across sentence types and across dialects and that depends on the interaction of clitic and verb movement and on Minimize Structure.},
	Author = {Cardinaletti, Anna and Repetti, Lori},
	Date-Added = {2008-11-09 13:39:52 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 13:41:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {523--563},
	Title = {The Phonology and Syntax of Preverbal and Postverbal Subject Clitics in {N}orthern {I}talian Dialects},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@inproceedings{Johnson:2006,
	Address = {Leiden, The Netherlands},
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of Console {XV}},
	Date-Added = {2008-10-18 16:44:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-10-18 16:49:06 -0400},
	Editor = {Constantinescu, Camelia and Schoorlemmer, Erik},
	Pages = {91--108},
	Title = {Copies},
	Url = {http://www.sole.leidenuniv.nl},
	Year = {2006},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.sole.leidenuniv.nl}}

@unpublished{Peters:1981,
	Author = {Peters, Stanley and Ritchie, Robert W.},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-16 10:08:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-16 10:08:57 -0400},
	Month = {December},
	Note = {unpublished paper, Stanford University},
	Title = {Phrase Linking Grammars: Draft Only},
	Year = {1981}}

@article{Ura:1998,
	Author = {Ura, Hiroyuki},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:28:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:29:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Analysis},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {67--88},
	Title = {Checking, economy, and copy-raising in {I}gbo},
	Volume = {28},
	Year = {1998}}

@inproceedings{Rogers:1971,
	Address = {Chicago},
	Author = {Rogers, Andy},
	Booktitle = {Papers from the Seventh Regional Meeting of the {C}hicago {L}inguistic {S}ociety},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:19:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:21:56 -0400},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {206--222},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago},
	Title = {Three kinds of physical perception verbs},
	Year = {1971}}

@inproceedings{Potsdam:2001,
	Author = {Potsdam, Eric and Runner, Jeffrey T.},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of {CLS}},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 18:07:40 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 18:08:53 -0400},
	Title = {Richard returns: {C}opy {R}aising and its implications},
	Year = {2001}}

@incollection{Riemsdijk:1989,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Riemsdijk, Henk van},
	Booktitle = {Dialectal Variation and the Theory of Grammar},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 16:35:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 16:37:12 -0400},
	Editor = {Beninc{\`a}, Paola},
	Pages = {105--136},
	Publisher = {Foris Publications},
	Title = {Movement and Regeneration},
	Year = {1989}}

@incollection{Maling:1982,
	Address = {Dordrecht, Holland},
	Author = {Maling, Joan and Zaenen, Annie},
	Booktitle = {The Nature of Syntactic Representation},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 14:41:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 14:43:28 -0400},
	Editor = {Jacobson, Pauline and Pullum, Geoffrey K.},
	Pages = {229--282},
	Publisher = {D. Reidel Publishing Company},
	Title = {A Phrase Structure Account of {S}candinavian Extraction Phenomena},
	Year = {1982}}

@inproceedings{Perlmutter:1972,
	Address = {Chicago, Illinois},
	Author = {Perlmutter, David M.},
	Booktitle = {The {C}hicago Which Hunt: Papers from the Relative Clause Festival},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-08 10:02:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 10:06:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Peranteau, Paul M. and Levi, Judith N. and Phrares, Gloria C.},
	Organization = {Chicago Linguistics Society},
	Pages = {73--105},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago},
	Title = {Evidence for Shadow Pronouns in {F}rench Relativization},
	Year = {1972}}

@incollection{Fanselow:2002,
	Author = {Fanselow, Gisbert and {\'C}avar, Damir},
	Booktitle = {Theoretical Approaches to Universals},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-05 12:34:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-08 16:49:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Alexiadou, Artemis},
	Pages = {65--107},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Distributed Deletion},
	Year = {2002}}

@book{Boeckx:2003b,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric},
	Date-Added = {2008-09-05 11:18:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-09-05 11:21:19 -0400},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {Islands and {C}hains: Resumption as Stranding},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Brandtler:2008,
	Author = {Brandtler, Johan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:46:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:47:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {79--97},
	Title = {On the Structure of {S}wedish Subordinate Clauses},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Heinat:2008,
	Author = {Heinat, Fredrik},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:45:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:46:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {65--77},
	Title = {Long object shift and agreement},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Josefsson:2008,
	Author = {Josefsson, Gunl{\"o}g},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:44:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:45:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {29--64},
	Title = {Pancakes and peas --- on apparent disagreement and (null) light verbs in {S}wedish},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sigurdhsson:2008,
	Author = {Sigur{\dh}sson, Halld{\'o}r {\'A}rmann and Maling, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-25 10:42:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-25 10:43:29 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {1--27},
	Title = {Argument drop and the {E}mpty {L}eft {E}dge {C}ondition},
	Volume = {81},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Watanabe:2000,
	Abstract = {This paper claims (a) that the formal features of the goal are copied onto the probe in the Agree operation, contra Chomsky 2000 and more in line with Chomsky 1998, and (b) that formal features copied onto the probe during the Agree operation participate in binding in a selective way, contra Lasnik 1999. These claims are supported by a modification of Zwart's (1993, 1997) analysis of complementizer agreement and a minimalist reworking of Finer's (1984, 1985) theory of switch reference. It will also be shown that formal features deleted during Agree will not be carried anymore when the category containing them undergoes further movement. This assumption plays a key role in providing an account of complementizer agreement more constrained than Zwart's.},
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:42:54 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:43:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {159--181},
	Title = {Feature Copying and Binding: Evidence from Complementizer Agreement and Switch Reference},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Kitahara:2000,
	Abstract = {This paper advances Epstein et al.'s (1998) derivational approach with a new proposal that an NP gets interpreted upon the checking of its Case feature in the course of a derivation. As a consequence of this proposal, an inclusiveness-violating aspect of Chomsky's (1995) system is shown to be eliminable.},
	Author = {Kitahara, Hisatsugu},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:41:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:42:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {151--158},
	Title = {Two (or more) Syntactic Categories vs. Multiple Occurrences of One},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Dayal:2000,
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:40:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:41:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {182--185},
	Title = {Review of ``Economy and Semantic Interpretation''},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Merchant:2000b,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:39:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:39:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {144--150},
	Title = {Antecedent-Contained Deletion in Negative Polarity Items},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Hornstein:2000a,
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:38:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:39:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--143},
	Title = {On {A}-Chains: A Reply to {B}rody},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Carnie:2000b,
	Abstract = { In this article, an underdetermined theory of phrasality is presented, in which bar level plays no role with respect to the rest of the grammar. Evidence for this comes from mismatches in bar level and behavior in Irish and Tagalog nonverbal predication structures, Irish construct state nominals, and Persian nominals. },
	Author = {Carnie, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:36:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:37:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {59--106},
	Title = {On the Definition of \obar{X} and {XP}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Boskovic:2000,
	Abstract = { This paper investigates the status of across-the-board (ATB) dependencies in Logical Form (LF), taking the standard ATB movement analysis as the point of departure. It is argued that, although both overt and covert wh-movement are subject to the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC), only overt ATB movement can save possible CSC violations. This observation implies that there are no LF ATB dependencies at all---an unexpected result under the ATB movement analysis of the ATB construction. The conclusion is further supported by facts of Quantifier Raising and scope, as well as head movement. The paper then examines other approaches to the ATB construction, and argues that the null-operator analysis is able to capture the lack of LF ATB dependencies in a more principled way than alternative analyses. The paper also provides evidence for the existence of QR and LF wh-movement in English and examines the status of VP-coordination. It is argued that VP-level coordination is not possible in nonperiphrastic constructions.},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko and Franks, Steven},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:34:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:35:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {107--128},
	Title = {Across-the-Board Movement and {LF}},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Nunes:2000,
	Abstract = {This paper attempts to provide a minimalist analysis of CED effects (see Huang 1982) in terms of derivational dynamics in a cyclic system. Assuming Uriagereka's (1999) Multiple Spell-out system, we argue that CED effects arise when a syntactic object K that is required at a given derivational step has become inaccessible to the computational system at a previous derivational stage, when the chunk of structure containing K was spelled out. Assuming Nunes's (1995, 1998) analysis of parasitic gaps in terms of sideward movement, we argue that standard parasitic gap constructions do not exhibit CED effects because K manages to move to a different derivaitonal workspace before the structure containing it is spelled out. Finally, we provide an account of the cases where parasitic gap constructions appear to show CED effects by relying on cyclic access to the numeration, along the lines proposed by Chomsky (1998).},
	Author = {Nunes, Jairo and Uriagereka, Juan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:29:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:30:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {20--43},
	Title = {Cyclicity and Extraction Domains},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Kayne:2000b,
	Author = {Kayne, Richard S.},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:27:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:29:23 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {44--51},
	Title = {On the Left Edge in {UG}: A Reply to {M}cCloskey},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Cheng:2000a,
	Abstract = {This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing that wh-in-situ in different languages can in fact have different properties.},
	Author = {Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen and Rooryck, Johan},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:24:29 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:25:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--19},
	Title = {Licensing \emph{Wh}-in-situ},
	Volume = {3},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Sauerland:1999a,
	Abstract = {This paper corroborates the interpretability proposal of Chomsky (1995) with evidence from scrambling in Japanese and German. First it is shown that scrambling in Japanese is semantically vacuous, whereas scrambling in German is semantically contentful. Chomsky's proposal then predicts that the feature driving Japanese scrambling is erased after checking, while the corresponding feature in German remains visible, specifically for the Shortest Attract condition. Looking at patterns of movement that result in overlapping paths, this prediction is seen to be correct.},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:16:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:16:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {161--188},
	Title = {Erasability and Interpretation},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{McCloskey:1999,
	Abstract = {This paper examines rightward positioning phenomena in Irish and looks particularly at their interaction with the focusing particle fe in. It uses that interaction as a probe to distinguish among three theoretical options for explaining such right-edge phenomena.},
	Author = {McCloskey, James},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:14:34 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:16:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {189--209},
	Title = {On the Right Edge in {I}rish},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Brody:1999,
	Abstract = {There are two main arguments in ``Movement and chains'' (Hornstein 1998) against chains --- one based on the correlation of quantifier scope and binding, the other on the correlation between quantifier scope and thematic properties. Both rest on highly dubious background assumpti ons. Addi tionally, even grant i ng these assumptions, both arguments are flawed in similar ways. There are numerous additional problems both with H's account of quantifier scope and control and with his arguments against chains. If we take chains to be interpretively constructed, then multiple copies in chains may not differ from other multiple occurrences of lexical items (or structures constructed from lexical items) with respect to their origin. In all cases, multiple occurrences are due to a (set of) element(s) being selected from the lexicon more than once. Multiple occurrences can then be interpreted as chains when they are in the (thematically) appropriate type of identity relation. This approach not only dispenses with syntax-internal chains, as H justifiably desires, but also eliminates the additional unmotivated, arbitrary, and redundant syntactic mechanism of movement that he (and the minimalist framework in general) assumes.},
	Author = {Brody, Michael},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:12:55 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:13:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {210--226},
	Title = {Relating Syntactic Elements. Remarks on {N}orbert {H}ornstein's ``Movement and Chains''},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Progovac:1999,
	Abstract = {I argue that reinforcement of the conjunction and with the correlative both has a precise and consistent semantic effect on the event structure: assignment of two separate (theta-) roles to the conjuncts, which gives rise to the interpretation of two  grammatically encoded events/states. This effect is argued not to be the property of  the meaning of the lexical item both itself but a computational property of the number  of overt heads associated with coordination. Roughly put, multiplicity of events is encoded syntactically, in fact iconically, by an increased number of conjunction markers. I argue that the effect eventually follows from Economy of Pronunciation, a principle independently needed in the grammar. These event considerations are argued to be encoded in the structural representation of coordination.},
	Author = {Progovac, Ljiljana},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:10:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:11:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {141--159},
	Title = {Events and Economy of Coordination},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Fernandez-Soriano:1999,
	Abstract = {This paper gives further support for the claim that the EPP feature in T and phi-features agreement/nominative Case assignment can be fulfilled by different elements. Some Spanish impersonal sentences will be analyzed that contain predicates  selecting for a locative or dative as an external argument. The predicates under study are of two types: stative and eventive. The existential verb haber (which incorporates a locative clitic in the present tense verbal morphology) belongs to the first type. The verbs suceder, ocurrir, `to happen', as well as meteorological verbs, belong to the second class. Data regarding word order, idiom formation, existential interpretation, raising, extraction from coordinate structures, and nominalization show that with these impersonal predicates the locative/dative PPs behave as real subjects, and contrast with those which appear in locative-inversion constructions, which involve anteposition of an internal argument. It will be shown that these arguments bear quirky Case and are generated in the highest node in the extended VP projection. },
	Author = {Fern{\'a}ndez-Soriano, Olga},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:07:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:09:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {101--140},
	Title = {Two Types of Impersonal Sentences in {S}panish: Locative and Dative Subjects},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Christie:1999,
	Abstract = {This paper introduces two techniques, CD analysis and Monte Carlo simulation, for the graphical representation and statistical analysis of linguistic data. These techniques were developed in the context of L2 Universal Grammar (UG) research on the acquisition of reflexives in order to address two problems: the difficulty of applying traditional correlation measures to more than two data groups, and the limitations of statistical techniques when faced with small sample sizes. These previously unused tools within the research arena of applied linguistics were found to be flexible as well as easy to use and interpret. They also take advantage of recent advances in data-visualization software for the PC. By visualizing and analyzing the emergence of two or more linguistic properties in the interlanguage grammar, these techniques enable the researcher to address the question of whether or not multiple properties associated with one UG parameter or principle emerge in the interlanguage grammar in a manner or sequence consistent with those principles and parameters.},
	Author = {Christie, Katrien N. and Christie, Phillip},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:05:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:06:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {80--100},
	Title = {Gambling on {UG}: The Application of {M}onte {C}arlo Computer Simulation to the Analysis of {L2} Reflexives},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Bejar:1999,
	Abstract = {This paper exami nes Multiple Case Checking (MCC) in raising constructions in light of minimalist Case theory and an interpretive view of vocabulary insertion. In general, Case theory excludes the option of a chain receiving more than one Case. However, certain constructions arguably demonstrate that this is possible. We present a range of MCC phenomena, showing that they are incompatible with early insertion models. Inherent Case examples, such as in Icelandic, are accounted for by markedness. For structural Case examples we present an analysis in which both Case assignment and Case checking are utilized. We account for aspects of English, Norwegian, and Niuean MCC using two parameters: whether or not Case features move along with NPs, and whether or not PF accesses whole chains.},
	Author = {Bejar, Susana and Massam, Diane},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-09 10:03:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-09 10:03:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {65--79},
	Title = {Multiple Case Checking},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1999}}

@article{Takahashi:2008a,
	Abstract = {In Haitian Creole the lexical item 'ki' shows up when a subject (but not an object) undergoes operator movement in wh-qustions, clefts, and relative clauses. We argue that 'ki' is a phonological reflex of agreement between the complementizer and a wh-phrase. More specifically, the complementizer is spelled out as 'ki' if all its features are checked off by a single goal. We demonstrate that this accomplished only when the operator is a subject.},
	Author = {Takahashi, Shoichi and Gra{\v{c}}anin-Yuksek, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:59:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 13:00:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {223--250},
	Title = {Morphosyntax of Movement Dependencies in {H}aitian {C}reole},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hornstein:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper discusses perception and causative verbs in English and European Portuguese within Chomsky's (2000, 20001) Agree famework and provides an answer for the old riddle of why these verbs appear to select for different infinitival complements in their active and passive forms. Assuming that infinitival clauses are Case-bearing projections (Raposo 1987, Nunes 1995), the paper proposes that in active structures, the infinitival head and the embedded subject can both agree with the matrix light verb and so ``share" the accusative Case it licenses. In passive tructures, on the other hand, the interveneing phi-features of the participial head block the agreeemnt between the finite T and the infinitival head, which will then be licensed only if preposition insertion is sanctioned as a Last Resort repair strategy.},
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert and Martins, Ana Maria and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:55:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:56:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {198--222},
	Title = {Perception and Causative Structures in {E}nglish and {E}uropean {P}ortuguese: $\phi$-Feature Agreement and the Distribution of Bare and Prepositional Infinitives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Cole:2008,
	Abstract = {Toba Batak displays a variety of properties that typologically rare: (1) the predominant word order is V-O-S-IO and V-O-S-Adv. (2) Extraction of direct objects/ passive agents (by relativization, etc.) is ungrammatical, but subjects, IOs, and adverbials can be extracted. (3) In Toba Batak anaphoric binding, the active subject can bind a passive subject. We argue that these facts are explained by an analysis in which V-O-S-IO order is derived by VP-raising and in which the passive agent is an argument, generated as the specifier of vP rather than as an adjunct. Furthermore, the passive subject undergoes optional reconstruction to its base-generated position in VP. We also argue that, although c-command relations among elements of vP are critical, linear order plays no role whatsoever in the base structure. That is, the output of Merge can be unordered lineraly, and it can be shown that all surface word orders in Toba Batak can be derived from various movement rules out of an unordered base. Linear order comes into play only when constituents move out of hte vP to higher functional projections, linear order being simply a by-product of Move.},
	Author = {Cole, Peter and Hermon, Gabriella},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:49:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:50:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {144--197},
	Title = {{VP} Raising in a {VOS} Language},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Bowers:2008,
	Abstract = {Hornstein (1999, 2001) proposes a version of the movement theory of control (MTC) in which movement of a DP is driven by the need to ''receive'' a theta-feature of the verb/predicate it merges with. I argue against the use of theta-feaures in sytax on the grounds that they are fundamentally semantic, hence properly belong to the bare output conditions of hte C-I interface. I propose instead a version of the MTC closer in spirit to Bowers (1973/1986, 1981) in which Merge is driven by interpretable or uninterpretable c-selection features of hte standard sort. I then show that, given standard minimalist assumptions, the MTC is not only possible but necessary. I conclude by arguing that the MTC thus formulated supports a purely derivational theory of syntax and interpretation that contains no level of LF.},
	Author = {Bowers, John},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:46:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:46:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {125--143},
	Title = {On Reducing Control to Movement},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Neeleman:2008,
	Abstract = {The so-called cartographic approach to discourse-related word-order variation is based on the idea that particular interpretations---say, contrastive focus--- are licensed in the specifier of particular functional projections---say, a focus phrase. In this paper we present arguments against this view based on scrambling in Dutch. We discuss a range of implementations of the cartographic approach and show that they are either too weak, in that they cannot generate all the word orders found in Dutch, or too strong, in that they fail to capture restrictions on scrambling. The alternative we present dispenses with discourse-related functional projections and instead relies on mapping rules that associate syntactic representations with representations in information structure. On this view, scrambling operations derive a syntactic configuration that matches the structural description of a mapping rule that could otherwise not apply. We suggest that it is this interface effect that licenses the marked structures created by scrambling.},
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Koot, Hans van de},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:24:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:25:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {137--189},
	Title = {Dutch scrambling and the nature of discourse templates},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kallulli:2008,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the syntax and semantics of a construction attested in several varieties of German, in which an indefinite determiner occurs twice (e.g., ein so ein Kerl `a such a guy'). It is argued that this phenomenon, which we refer to as indefinite determiner doubling, is restricted to structures containing a quantificational element, i.e., the elements appearing between the two determiners are quantifiers, providing additional evidence for Matthewson's (Natural Language Semantics, 9: 145--189, 2001) analysis of quantification, according to which a generalized quantifier is created in two steps, crucially involving a DP complement. The top, or `doubling,' determiner operates on this quantificational structure, functioning as a cardinality element. The analysis is extended to indefinite determiner doubling constructions in varieties of English (e.g., a such a man) and to constructions with definite determiner doubling in (some varieties of) German. The micro-variation observed across  German (and English) dialects with respect to the presence versus absence of the doubling determiner is confined to the PF-component, whose different properties across the two systems impose a preference, or a choice, for one or the other spell-out form (phonetically overt or phonetically silent). The variation observed with respect to the elements between the two determiners within and across different varieties of German is due to the (re-)analysis of these closed-class elements within different (functional) layers of DP-structure.},
	Author = {Kallulli, Dalina and Rothmayr, Antonia},
	Date-Added = {2008-08-08 12:21:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-08-08 12:22:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {95--136},
	Title = {The syntax and semantics of indefinite determiner doubling constructions in varieties of {G}erman},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Yang:1998,
	Abstract = {In the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995), Merge is a set operation that imposes no intrinsic ordering among its members. However, syntactic structures are linearized into strings of words at PF. This paper proposes that in order for a Merger set to be linearized, its members must be either hierarchically displaced or morphologically fused into a single terminal node.
     The empirical study focuses on the structure of DP and its linearization in various constructions. It is shown that the Definiteness Effect (DE) can be attributed to the failure to linearize the DP in unaccusatives. The systematic lack of the DE in some languages (Arabic, Hebrew, and Romanian), unexpected in previous analyses, is due to the morphological N-to-D raising (fusion), therefore satisfying the linearization condition. Furthermore, cross-linguistic evidence is given to show that D can be attracted out of DP for feature checking, rendering transitive DP arguments well-formed.},
	Author = {Yang, Charles D.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:14:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:15:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {38--64},
	Title = {Unordered {M}erge and its {L}inearization},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Satterfield:1998,
	Abstract = {This paper articulates a formal solution to the puzzle of child language learnability within the Principles and Parameters-based framework. The language learning (parameter setting) task requires, in principle, that the selection of syntactic knowledge be sufficienlty constrained for the child to arrive at the appropriate target grammar, expending a minimum of computational effort and time. Since previous L1 analyses impose very strict requirements on the learner, solutions are achieved only at a very high cost. Further, not only do the standard accounts frequently contradict fundamental empirical facts of child linguistic development, such as the degree of variability observed in the production of early grammatical structures regardless of input; the accounts also fail to consider a crucial aspect which impacts selection: the young child's innate potential to efficiently acquire multiple languages simultaneously. The primary aim of the current paper is to provide a computational model that demonstrates a ``bilingual universals'' (in the spirit of Roeper 1996) stage of development based on real world data. The proposed model actually reflects a more precise UG-based representation within early monolingual grammars, as well as plausibly accounting for variability found in child L1 grammars},
	Author = {Satterfield, Teresa},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:06:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:10:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {28--37},
	Title = {The `{S}hell {G}ame': Why Children Never Lose},
	Volume = {2},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Torrego:1998a,
	Abstract = {In this article I discuss pro and its licensing strategies. I argue that the D-feature postulated by Chomsky (1995) for Tense and v can be realized in a separate head, namely, on a D, which then licenses pro (along the lines of Torrego (1998)). Focusing on nominative subjects in certain infinitival clauses of Catalan, Italian, and Spanish, I propose that their nominative subjects are licensed by a D with ``weak'' agreement features in association with Tense. Expletive pro and argumental pro are discussed and it is proposed that the D that licenses the former has no agreement features, whereas the D that licenses the latter has ``rich'' agreement. A parallel is established between the licensing strategy of ``clitic-doubling'' and the licensing of argumental pro in infinitival clauses.},
	Author = {Torrego, Esther},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:02:33 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:03:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {206--219},
	Title = {Nominative Subjects and {PRO}-Drop {INFL}},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Niyogi:1998a,
	Abstract = {In this article we present new results of a novel computational approach to the interaction of two important cognitive-linguistic phenomena: (1) language learning; and (2) language change over time (diachronic linguistics). We exploit the insight that while language learning takes place at the individual level, language change is more properly regarded as an ensemble property that takes place at the level of populations of language learners. We show by analytical and computer simulation methods that language learning can be regarded as the driving force behind a dynamical systems account of language change. We apply this model to the specific case of historical change from Classical Portuguese to European Portuguese, demonstrating how a particular language learning model coupled with data on the differences between Classical and European Portuguese leads to specific predictions for possible language-change envelopes. The main investigative message of this paper is to show how this methodology can be applied to a specific case, that of  ortuguese. The main moral underscores the individual/population difference; we show that simply because an individual will choose a particular grammar does not mean that all other grammars will be eliminated.},
	Author = {Niyogi, Partha and Berwick, Robert C.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 09:00:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 09:01:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {192--205},
	Title = {The Logical Problem of Language Change: A Case Study of {E}uropean {P}ortuguese},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998}}

@article{Hornstein:1998,
	Abstract = {A line of thought within the Minimalist Program proceeds as follows: the objects interpreted at the interface determine the units of syntactic manipulation. This paper argues that chains are not proper units for determining relative quantifier scope and so should not be thought of as proper syntactic objects. This conclusion is buttressed by the claim that once theta-features are allowed into the theory, a conclusion independently required once control is considered, then chains are redundant objects that can be seen as violating the Inclusiveness Condition. The paper presents a theory that dispenses with chains. This requires syntactic innovations that are examined.},
	Author = {Hornstein, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-30 08:58:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-30 08:58:54 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {99--127},
	Title = {Movement and {C}hains},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1998}}

@phdthesis{Engdahl:1980,
	Address = {Amherst, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Engdahl, Elisabet},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-28 10:18:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-28 10:19:20 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts},
	Title = {The Syntax and Semantics of Questions in {S}wedish},
	Year = {1980}}

@article{Tonhauser:2008,
	Author = {Tonhauser, Judith},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 10:00:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:20:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {332--342},
	Title = {Defining crosslinguistic categories: The case of nominal tense (Reply to {N}ordlinger and {S}adler)},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Nordlinger:2008,
	Author = {Nordlinger, Rachel and Sadler, Louisa},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:58:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:59:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {325--331},
	Title = {When is a termporal marker not a tense? {R}eply to {T}onhauser 2007},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Dobrin:2008,
	Author = {Dobrin, Lise M.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:56:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:58:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {300--342},
	Title = {From linguistic elicitation to eliciting the linguist: Lessons in community empowerment from {M}elanesia},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kwon:2008,
	Abstract = {The central goal of this article is to propose a systematic description of Differential Funciton Marking (DM) in Korean, a langauge in which both subject and object markers may fail to be spelled out. Taking Aissen's theory of DM (Aissen 2003) as a starting point, we show that althought its predictions seem mostly consisten with the statistical results of corpus-based research on Korean (and Japanese), this model does not accurately account for the Korean data. We argue that subject and object bareness (the lack of a functional particle) regularly correlates with interpretive effects that should be captured in terms of information structure (focus structure). Adapting Erteschik-Shir's (1997, 2007) framework to represent focus-structure, we argue that bare subjects and objects in Korean fail to be visible at this level. Consequently, they may be construed neither as active topics nor as foci, and thus must either be left out of focus-structure or incorporated within larger focus-structure constituents in order to be interpreted. We show that bare objects are never construed as topics or foci and alwas exhibit a form of semantic incorporation, whicle LEUL-marked objects always stand for focus-structre constituents construed as focused at some level. Bare subjects, unlike NEUN-marked topical subjects and GA-marked subjects, can be construed neither as active topics nor as foci, and always occur in tense-deficient clauses construed as thetic and anchored to speech time. We argue that our assumptions correctly predict the results of corpus studies, and we suggest that as regards nominal arguments, F-structure visibility might ultimately stand as the crucial interpretive correlate of Functional positions in syntax.},
	Author = {Kwon, Song-Nim and Zribi-Hertz, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:46:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:14:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {258--299},
	Title = {Differential Function Marking, Case, and Information Structure: Evidence from {K}orean},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Coetzee:2008,
	Abstract = {In this article, I make two theoretical claims. (i) For some form to be grammatical in a language L, it is not necessary that hte form satisfy all constraints that are active in L; that is, even grammatical forms can violate constraints. (ii) There are degrees of ungrammaticality; that is, not all ungrammatical forms are equally ungrammatical. I first show that these claims follow straightforwardly from the basic architecture of an optimality-theoretic grammar. I then show that the surface sound patterns used most widely in formal phonology cannot be used to test the truth of these two claims, but argue that results from speech processing experiments can. Finally, I discuss three experiments on the processing of nonwords of hte form [stVt], [skVk], and [spVp] in English that were designed to test these claims, and show that both claims are confirmed by the results of the experiments.},
	Author = {Coetzee, Andries},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-27 09:42:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 09:55:57 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {218--257},
	Title = {Grammaticality and Ungrammaticality in Phonology},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hyams:2008,
	Abstract = {First written in 1986, prior to the many findings concerning the optionality of finiteness and the root infinitive phenomenon, this article attempts to extend the parameter-setting model of grammatical development to the acquisition of inflectional morphology. I propose that the Stem Parameter, which states that a stem is/is not a well-formed word int he langauge, is set early, and that a positive vs. negative setting directly affects the timing and manner in which children acquire inflectional morphemes. Related to this, I propose that the distinction between core and peripheral grammar (Chomsky 1981) provides a complexity metric for grammatical development.},
	Author = {Hyams, Nina},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:36:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:37:39 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {192--209},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Inflection: A Parameter-Setting Approach},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sugisaki:2008,
	Abstract = {The acquisition of word order has been one of the central issues in the study of child language. One striking finding from the detailed investigation of various child langauges is that from the earliest observable stages, children are highly sensitive to the basic word order of their target language. However, the evidence so far comes mainly from the acquisition of rigid word-order languages. In light of this background, this study presents new evidence that such early sensitivity to basic word order can be observed even in the acquisition of Japanese, a free word-order language.},
	Author = {Sugisaki, Koji},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:32:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:33:46 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--191},
	Title = {Early Acquisition of Basic Word Order in {J}apanese},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Tamburelli:2008,
	Abstract = {This article argues for a theory of lexical acquisition that takes overgeneralization in monolinguals and syntactic transfer effects in bilinguals to be manifestations of the same underlying mechanism. The theory views both overgeneralization and transfer of epiphenomena of an updating system which spreads newly acquired information across paradigms. A consequence of this setup is that both overgeneralization and transfer effects are only expected to affect members of the same lexical paradigm. Experimental evidence, both old and new, is presented in support of this model.},
	Author = {Tamburelli, Marco},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-26 11:29:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-26 11:30:16 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {130--182},
	Title = {The Role of Paradigm Formation in Lexical Acquisition: Towards a Unified Account of Overgeneralization and Transfer Effects},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sybesma:2008,
	Author = {Sybesma, Rint},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:16:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:16:45 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {580--587},
	Title = {Whether We Tense-Agree Overtly or Not},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sprouse:2008,
	Author = {Sprouse, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:14:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:15:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {572--580},
	Title = {Rhetorical Questions and \emph{Wh}-Movement},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Richards:2008,
	Author = {Richards, Marc D.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:13:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:14:24 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {563--572},
	Title = {On Feature Inheritance: An Argument from the PHase Impenetrability Condition},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Meinunger:2008,
	Author = {Meinunger, Andr{\'e}},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:11:36 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:13:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {553--563},
	Title = {About Object \emph{es} in the {G}erman Vorfeld},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hirose:2008,
	Author = {Hirose, Tomio},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:10:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:11:25 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {548--553},
	Title = {Nominal Paths and Head Parameter},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Haddican:2008,
	Author = {Haddican, Bill},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:08:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:09:49 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {539--547},
	Title = {The Structural Deficiency of Verbal Pro-Forms},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Aoun:2008,
	Abstract = {Three different formal devices have been proposed within minimalism to replace Chomsky's (1993) covert movement of phrasal categories to check Case and agreement: expletive-associate relations (Brody 1995), movement of formal features (Chomsky 1995), and the operation Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). We propose that vehicle change effects (in the sense articulated by Fiengo and May (1994)) establish empirical grounds for distinguishing among these alternatives and argue that only the Move F approach can account for the data without enriching the theoretical apparatus.},
	Author = {Aoun, Joseph and Nunes, Jairo},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:06:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:07:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {525--538},
	Title = {Vehicle Change Phenomena as an Argument for {M}ove {F}},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Landau:2008,
	Abstract = {The fact that the specifier of T0 is subject both to the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and to the Empty Category Principle (ECP) has remained an unexplained accident within Government-Binding Theory. I propose a principled account of this correlation. The EPP is a selectional requirement of functional heads (e.g., T, Top, C) that applies at PF---an instance of p-selection for an overt element. Like all selectional requirements, it applies to the head of the selected phrase, explaining why null heads cannot appear in EPP positions (thus deriving certain representational ECP effects). A wide range of empirical results follow, all unified by the exclusion of null-headed phrases from EPP positions: subject-object asymmetries in the distribution of bare nouns in Romance and sentential complements; failure of certain adjuncts to occur in clause-initial position; resistance of indirect objects to A' -movement; and phonological doubling of heads of fronted categories. I argue against the agreement/checking view of the EPP and show that only the selectional construal allows a natural explanation of its puzzling properties.},
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:02:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:04:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--523},
	Title = {{EPP} Extensions},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Aguero-Bautista:2008,
	Abstract = {This article discusses how the remnant wh-phrase in a sluicing structure ends up in the position where it is pronounced. Finding a parallel between universally quantified interrogatives and sluices with universal
quantifiers, with respect to the distribution of pair-list readings, the article shows that quantified interrogatives involving weak islands can have pair-list interpretations that require reconstruction of the
wh-phrase to positions that can only be created by successive-cyclic movement, and that the same is true for structurally similar sluices. The article therefore concludes that the remnant wh-phrase in sluicing gets to its surface position via regular successive-cyclic movement.},
	Author = {Ag{\"u}ero-Bautista, Calixto},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 16:00:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:02:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {413--443},
	Title = {Diagnosing Cyclicity in {S}luicing},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Fintel:2008,
	Abstract = {Languages can express the existence of an easy way of achieving a goal in a construction we call the sufficiency modal construction (SMC), which combines a minimizing/exclusive operator like only or
ne . . . que and a goal-oriented necessity modal like have to or need to, as in To get good cheese, you only have to go to the North End. We show that the morphosyntactic makeup of the SMC is crosslinguistically
stable. We show that the semantics of the construction poses a severe compositionality problem. We solve the problem by giving the negation and the exclusive operator differential scope. For only, this means decomposing it into negation and an exclusive other than component.},
	Author = {von Fintel, Kai and Iatridou, Sabine},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-22 15:58:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-22 16:00:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {445--483},
	Title = {Anatomy of Modal Construction},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Wurmbrand:2008,
	Author = {Wurmbrand, Susi},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:51:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:52:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {511--522},
	Title = {\emph{Nor}: Neither Disjunction nor Paradox},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Sabbagh:2008,
	Author = {Sabbagh, Joseph},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:50:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:51:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {502--511},
	Title = {Right Node Raising and Extraction in {T}agalog},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Madigan:2008,
	Author = {Madigan, Sean},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:49:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:50:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {493--502},
	Title = {Obligatory Split Control into Exhortative Complements in {K}orean},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{DAlessandro:2008,
	Abstract = {In this article, we propose a phase-based alternative to Kayne's (1989) analysis of past participle agreement in Italian. This analysis captures the principal facts without making reference to specifier-head agreement. Instead, the possibility of overt past participle agreement is determined by the Phase Impenetrability Condition and is linked to the surface position of hte past participle. The analysis has interesting crosslinguistic implications, notably in that it predicts a general asymmetry between subject and object agreement.},
	Author = {D'Alessandro, Roberta and Roberts, Ian},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:45:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:48:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {477--491},
	Title = {Movement and Agreement in {I}talian Past Participles and Defective Phases},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kiss:2008,
	Abstract = {The article argues that a particular implementation of phase theory makes it possible to account for seemingly contradictory facts of Hungarian that no other framework has been able to handle. Namely, (a) Hungarian word order is fixed preverbally and free postverbally. The fixed word order of a string is liberated when it is crossed by V-movement, (b) Grammatical phenomena sensitive to c-command provide evidence of both configurationality and nonconfigurationality. The proposal is based on the following assumptions: The derivatin of the Hungarian sentence involves a lexical phase (PredP) and a functional phase (a TP or a FocP), both headed by the raised V. When the functional phase is constructed, the silent lower copies ofhte V and their projections are deleted, which results in the flattening of the phasal domain. Grammatical phenomena indicative of a hierarchical structure are interpreted on the hierarchical domain of the lexical phase, whereas those indicative of a flat sturcture are interpreted on the flattened domain of the functional phase. The sister constituents of the flattened domain of the functional phase can be linearized in a free order in PF.},
	Author = {Kiss, Katalin {\'E}.},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:39:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:45:32 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {441--475},
	Title = {Free Word Order, (Non)configurationality, and Phases},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Hayes:2008,
	Abstract = {The study of phonotactics is a central topic in phonology. We propose a theory of phonotactic grammars and a learning algorithm that constructs such grammars from positive evidence. Our grammars consist of constraitns that are assigned numerical weights according to the principle of maximum entropy. The grammars assess possible words on the basis of the weighted sum of their constraint violations. The learning algorithm yields grammars that can capture both categorical and gradient phonotactic patterns. The algorithm is not provided with constraints in advance, but uses its own resources to form constraints and weight them. A baseline model, in which Universal Grammar is reduced to a feature set and an SPE-style constraint format, suffices to learn many phonotactic phenomena. In order for the model to learn nonlocal phenomena such as stress and vowel harmony, it must be augmented with autosegmental tiers and metrical grids. Our results thus offer novel, learning-theoretic support for such representations. We apply the model in a variety of learning simulations, showing that the learned grammars capture the distributional generalizations of these languages and accurately predict the findings of a phonotactic experiment.},
	Author = {Hayes, Bruce and Wilson, Colin},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:34:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-27 10:13:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {379--440},
	Title = {A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Friedmann:2008,
	Abstract = {According to the Unaccusative Hypothesis, unaccusative subjects are base-generated in object position and move to the subject position. We examined this hypothesis using hte cross-modal lexical priming technique, which tests whether and when an antecedent is reactivated during the online processing of a sentence. We compared sentences containing unergative verbs with sentenes containing unaccusatives, both alternating and non-alternating, and found that subjects of unaccusative reactivate after the verb, while subjects of unergatives do not. Alternating unaccusatives showed a mixed pattern of reativation. The research direclty supports the Unaccusative Hypothesis.},
	Author = {Friedmann, Na'ama and Taranto, Gina and Shapiro, Lewis P. and Swinney, David},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-21 07:13:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-21 07:15:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {355--377},
	Title = {The Leaf Fell (the Leaf): The Online Processing of Unaccusatives},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Taranto:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Taranto, Gina},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:06:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:07:49 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {329--350},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Discourse adjectives},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bonami:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Bonami, Olivier and Godard, Dani{\`e}le},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:05:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:06:23 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {274--304},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Lexical semantics and pragmatics of evaluative adverbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Wyner:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Wyner, Adam Zachary},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:04:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:05:19 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {249--273},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Towards flexible types with constraints for manner and factive adverbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Katz:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Katz, Graham},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:03:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:04:03 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {220--248},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Manner modification of state verbs},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Pinon:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Pi{\~n}{\'o}n, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 12:01:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:02:23 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {183--119},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Aspectual composition with degrees},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Kennedy:2008a,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher and Levin, Beth},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:59:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 12:00:49 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {156--182},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Measure of change: The adjectival core of degree achievements},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Doetjes:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Doetjes, Jenny},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:58:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 11:59:31 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {123--155},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Adjectives and degree modification},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Morzycki:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Morzycki, Marcin},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-18 11:56:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-18 11:58:10 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {101--122},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Nonrestrictive modifers in non-parenthetical positions},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Demonte:2008,
	Author = {Demonte, Violeta},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:38:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:40:45 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {71--100},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Meaning-form correlations and adjective position in {S}panish},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Larson:2008,
	Author = {Larson, Richard and Yamakido, Hiroko},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:36:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:38:02 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {43--70},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Exafe and the deep position of nominal modifiers},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Svenonius:2008,
	Author = {Svenonius, Peter},
	Booktitle = {Adjectives and Adverbs},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-14 09:34:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-14 09:36:05 -0400},
	Editor = {McNally, Louise and Kennedy, Christopher},
	Pages = {16--42},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {The position of adjectives and other phrasal modifiers in the decomposition of {DP}},
	Year = {2008}}

@book{Dayal:1996,
	Address = {Dordrecht},
	Author = {Dayal, Veneeta},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-16 12:38:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-16 12:40:15 -0400},
	Publisher = {Kluwer Academic Press},
	Title = {Locality in {Wh}-Quantification: Questions and Relative Clauses in {H}indi},
	Year = {1996}}

@article{Bhatt:2003,
	Abstract = {Correlativization seems to be an intrinsically non-local strategy, where the Correlative clause can appear discontinuous from the noun phrase it modifies. I show that correlative constructions in the Modem Indo-Aryan languages nevertheless display locality effects. The nature of these locality effects depends upon whether the correlative clause involves a single relativization ('Simple') or mutiple relativizations ('Multi-Head'). The generalization that emerges is that a Correlative clause must be merged as locally as possible to the phrase that it modifies. Simple correlatives modify DPs and so they start adjoined to the DP that they modify and then are fronted to an IP-adjoined position. Such an approach is able to explain the hitherto unexplained sensitivity of the correlative-modified phrase relationship to islands. Multi-Head Correlatives modify IPs and therefore they start adjoined to the smallest IP that contains the variables bound by the Multi-Head Correlative, followed by optional movement to the clause-initial position. My proposal argues that Simple Correlatives and Multi-Head Correlatives involve different derivational histories. This difference in derivational history is then used to account for the many differences in their syntactic behavior. Finally, the 'Condition on Local Merge' from which this analysis follows is shown to have cross-linguistic support},
	Author = {Bhatt, Rajesh},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-09 16:37:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-09 16:38:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {485--541},
	Title = {Locality in {C}orrelatives},
	Volume = {21},
	Year = {2003}}

@webpage{Lechner:2007,
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Date-Added = {2008-07-09 15:45:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-11 06:51:07 -0400},
	Title = {Interpretive Effects of {H}ead {M}ovement},
	Urldate = {2007},
	Year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz}}

@book{Williams:2003,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Williams, Edwin},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-19 05:40:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-07-07 11:59:46 -0400},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {Representation Theory},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Hoekstra:2002,
	Abstract = {This article investigates genitive compounds, a special type of NN compound found
in West Frisian and some other languages/dialects on the North Sea littoral. Genitive compounds
show a number of properties distinguishing them from normal NN compounds, the most striking
of which is the obligatory definiteness/specificity of their first element and, as a consequence,
of the compound as a whole. These properties can be accounted for if genitive compounds are
analyzed as phrases moving towards word status. Historically they derive from the Old Frisian
prenominal genitive construction, and it is shown that they still are a kind of prenominal genitive
construction today, albeit heavily lexicalized, i.e., subject to lexical principles and containing
specifically lexical elements. Since some of the phrasal elements in genitive compounds do not
occur in syntax proper and since their definiteness produces a blocking effect on normal NN
compounds, they seem to provide evidence for the concept of lexical phrases, potentially
productive phrasal patterns in the lexicon.},
	Author = {Hoekstra, Jarich},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:18:09 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:19:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {227--259},
	Title = {Genitive Compounds in {F}risian as Lexical Phrases},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Dikken:2002b,
	Abstract = {Admitting syntactic formation of morphologically complex words is commonly
deemed to be an infringement on the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis. But syntactic word formation,
if understood in terms of the checking of features of subparts of words in designated
syntactic positions, is readily reconciled with strong lexicalism. This paper will argue that a
checking approach to syntactic word formation, in tandem with a novel interpretation of the
Mirror Principle of Baker (1985), yields a straightforward resolution of the otherwise problematic
inflectional morphology of the Athapaskan languages, as well as of `bracketing
paradoxes' of the unhappier and ungrammaticality type. The syntactically complex structure
of unhappier and ungrammaticality that underlies the checking approach to syntactic word
formation is supported on the basis of evidence from polarity item licensing, adverbial modification,
and so-anaphora.},
	Author = {den Dikken, Marcel},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:16:41 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:17:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {169--225},
	Title = {Lexical Intergity, Checking, and the Mirror: A Checking Approach to Syntactic Word Formation},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Bobaljik:2002a,
	Abstract = {This paper examines and evaluates what may be called the ``Rich Agreement
Hypothesis'' (RAH) in the domain of verb movement asymmetries in Germanic. The most prominent
current accounts (e.g., Rohrbacher's 1999 Morphology-Driven Syntax) require inspection
of the internal make-up of paradigms and take overt morphological variation to be the cause of
syntactic variation. A survey of the literature shows that these proposals are empirically untenable
in their strong (bi-conditional) form; there are numerous cases of syntactic variation attested
in the absence of corresponding morphological variation. The strongest sustainable descriptive
generalization is a one-way implication from rich morphology to verb movement. Though this
has been noted before, its implications have not been adequately discussed. While morphologydriven
approaches could have explained a strong RAH, when faced with the weaker, one-way
implication, they can provide no account of why that correlation should hold and are thus at best
incomplete. That is, they provide no insight as to why there are no languages with rich morphology
but in which the finite verb remains in the VP. The particular correlations that are
attested, and in particular the absence of a certain class of languages, do however follow from
a theory which takes morphology to be not the cause but rather a reflection of syntactic structure,
in line with common theorizing in morphology. The inflection-movement correlations that
do exist therefore challenge rather than support morphology-driven approaches to morphosyntax.},
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:15:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:16:08 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {129--167},
	Title = {Realizing {G}ermanic Inflection: Why Morphology does not drive Syntax},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002}}

@article{Ackema:2002a,
	Author = {Ackema, Peter and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-18 12:13:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-18 12:13:48 -0400},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {93--128},
	Title = {Syntactic Atomicity},
	Volume = {6},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Hintikka:1969,
	Author = {Hintikka, Jaako},
	Booktitle = {Philosophical Logic},
	Date-Added = {2008-06-04 20:31:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-06-04 20:43:44 -0400},
	Editor = {Davis, J. W. and Hockney and Wilson},
	Pages = {21--45},
	Publisher = {Reidel},
	Title = {Semantics for Propositional Attitudes},
	Year = {1969}}

@incollection{Tomioka:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Tomioka, Satoshi},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:16:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:17:04 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {210--228},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {A step-by-step guide to ellipsis resolution},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Sauerland:2008a,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:15:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:16:09 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {183--209},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {The silent content of bound variable pronouns},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Lechner:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Lechner, Winfried},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:14:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:14:50 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {154--182},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {On binding scope and ellipsis scope},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Merchant:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:12:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:13:19 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {132--153},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Variable island repair under ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Kennedy:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Kennedy, Christopher},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:11:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:12:12 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {95--131},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Argument Contained Ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Johnson:2008a,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:09:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-07 09:54:45 -0500},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {69--94},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {The view of {QR} from ellipsis},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Jacobson:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Jacobson, Pauline},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:08:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:09:40 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {30--68},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {Direct compositionality and variable-free semantics: the case of {A}ntecedent {C}ontained {D}eletion},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Hardt:2008,
	Address = {Cambridge, United Kingdom},
	Author = {Hardt, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Topics in Ellipsis},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:06:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:08:05 -0400},
	Editor = {Johnson, Kyle},
	Pages = {15--29},
	Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	Title = {{VP} Ellipsis and constraints on interpretation},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Nevins:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 10:00:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:01:35 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {329--368},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Cross-Modular Parallels in the Study of {P}hon and {P}hi},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bobaljik:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan David},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:57:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:58:36 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {295--328},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Where's {P}hi? {A}greement as a Postsyntactic Operation},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Harley:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Harley, Heidi},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:56:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:19 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {251--294},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {When is a Syncretism more than a Syncretism?},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Trommer:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Trommer, Jochen},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:55:28 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:05 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {221--250},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Third {P}erson Marking in {M}enominee},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Harbour:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Harbour, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:54:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:09 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {185--220},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Discontinuous Agreement and the {S}yntax-{M}orphology Interface},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{McGinnis:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {McGinnis, Martha},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:53:11 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {155--184},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Phi-Feature Competition in {M}orphology and {S}yntax},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Bejar:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:52:22 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:16 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {130--154},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Conditions on {P}hi-{A}gree},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Rezac:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Rezac, Milan},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:50:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2010-01-19 07:29:24 -0500},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {83--129},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Phi-{A}gree and {T}heta-Related {C}ase},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Sauerland:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Sauerland, Uli},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:49:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:59 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {57--82},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {On the Semantic Markedness of {P}hi-Features},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Heim:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Heim, Irene},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:48:32 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 09:59:27 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {35--56},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Feature on Bound Pronouns},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Adger:2008,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Adger, David and Harbour, Daniel},
	Booktitle = {Phi Theory},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-28 09:45:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-28 10:00:25 -0400},
	Editor = {Harbour, Daniel and Adger, David and B{\'e}jar, Susana},
	Pages = {1--34},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Why {P}hi?},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Holmberg:2004,
	Abstract = {An intervening dative experiencer argument in an Icelandic raising verb construction blocks 
agreement between the matrix verb (the matrix T) and the embedded subject of the infinitival 
clause, as well as blocking raising of the embedded subject. If the experiencer is wh-moved (or 
relativized or topicalized), it still blocks agreement, but does not block raising. The facts show 
unequivocally that the whP moves directly from specVP to specCP. The facts are explained in 
terms of a theory of spell-out and the EPP: a whP is not spelled out before it enters an Agree 
relation with a C with a matching feature. Spelled-out or not, a whP in specVP blocks Agree 
between T and the embedded subject. A whP not spelled out does not block Stylistic Fronting, 
an EPP-driven movement affecting only spelled-out categories. Raising across a whP is 
claimed to be Stylistic Fronting, not standard A-movement. },
	Author = {Holmberg, Anders and Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-22 17:16:26 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-22 17:19:20 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {5},
	Pages = {651--673},
	Title = {Agreement and movement in {I}celandic raising constructions},
	Volume = {114},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Felser:2004,
	Abstract = {This paper re-examines the wh-copying phenomenon that is attested in a number of
languages including German, Frisian, Afrikaans, and Romani, in the context of Chomsky's
(Chomsky, N., 1998. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. MIT Occasional Papers in
Linguistics 15. MITWPL, Cambridge, MA) phase-based approach to syntactic derivation.
Wh-copying is traditionally thought to provide strong evidence for the successive-cyclic nature
of wh-movement. Besides the more general problem of how intermediate movement steps are
formally triggered, however, the wh-copying phenomenon raises the questions of what grammatical
condition or conditions should permit (or possibly, force) the phonetic realisation of
intermediate wh-copies, why the spelling-out of locally uninterpretable copies of a wh-operator
does not cause the derivation to crash at the phase level, and to what extent their presence
poses a problem for the principle of Full Interpretation and for Kayne's (Kayne, R., 1994.
The Antisymmetry of Syntax. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA) Linear Correspondence Axiom.
It is shown that an analysis of wh-copying in terms of the discontinuous spelling-out of a
wh-expression's `operator' and `core' parts, in conjunction with a convergence-based view of
phases, not only helps provide answers to the above questions, but also accounts for some
otherwise difficult-to-explain restrictions on wh-copying.},
	Author = {Felser, Claudia},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-22 17:12:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-22 17:15:42 -0400},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Number = {5},
	Pages = {543--574},
	Title = {Wh-copying, phases, and successive cyclicity},
	Volume = {114},
	Year = {2004}}

@article{Son:2008,
	Abstract = {A widely held position in the literature on verbal meaning is that the lexical-semantic representation of verbsinvolvescomplex event structureswith semantic primitiveslike CAUSE and BECOME (e.g. Dowty 1979). A growing number of recent workson predicate decomposition have shown that there is a close correlation between the semantics of event structure and the syntax (e.g. Hale & Keyser 1993, Harley 1995, Travis 2000, van Hout 2000, Ramchand 2003, 2007). Thisarticle presentsan additional empirical argument for the view that there isa direct mapping between semantic decomposition of predicates and the (morpho)syntax by developing an explicit analysis of the semantics and syntax of the verbal suffix -kan in Standard Indonesian. We argue that -kan isa morphological reflex of the RESULT head, the semantics of which givesris e to a causative interpretation. By treating -kan as being sensitive to a syntactic configuration involving a result state, the current analysis not only provides important empirical support for the event decomposition of predicates in the syntax but also leads to a unified semantic and syntactic account of -kan, which captures straightforwardly distributional properties of the suffix.},
	Author = {Son, Minjeong and Cole, Peter},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:29:12 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:30:28 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {120--160},
	Title = {An Event-Based Account of \emph{-kan} Constructions in {S}tandard {I}ndonesian},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Mithun:2008,
	Abstract = {This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic domains. Such developments are first illustrated with material from Navajo and Central Alaskan Yup'ik, then surveyed more briefly in several other unrelated languages. In some cases, secondary effects of such changes can reshape basic clause structure. An awareness of these processes can accordingly aid in understandingcertain recurringbut hitherto unexplained arrays of basic morphological and syntactic patterns, exemplified here with cases of homophonous grammatical markers and of ergative/accusative splits. Like developments described by Gildea (1997, 1998) and Evans (2007), they involve the use of dependent clauses as independent sentences, but the processes described here differ from those in both the mechanisms at work and their results.},
	Author = {Mithun, Marianne},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:27:30 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:28:41 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {69--119},
	Title = {The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Collins:2008,
	Abstract = {Spears 1998 discusses a use of the word ass in African American English (AAE) in sentences like They done arrested her stupid ass and I'm gonna sue her ass. We refer to DPs like her stupid ass generically as the ACC (ass CAMOUFLAGE CONSTRUCTION), and we view the ACC as an instance of a universal grammatical phenomenon we call CAMOUFLAGE. The ACC is also attested in non- AAE dialects of American English (Beavers & Koontz-Garboden 2006a).

For certain syntactic properties, the possessor of the ACC behaves as if it were external to the larger DP (e.g. binding, control, selection); for others, it behaves as if it were internal to the larger DP (e.g. finite verb agreement, traditional constituent-structure tests). To account for this dual behavior, we propose that the ACC possessor DP originates in a position external to the ACC, and moves into its possessor position.

We discuss the implications of our analysis for other areas of AAE syntax, including the resumptive-with construction, a previously undocumented grammatical phenomenon, and the use of self in various constructions, which we suggest are illuminated by the notion camouflage. We briefly consider arguable instances of camouflage crosslinguistically in languages such as Georgian, French, the Mayan languages K'ekchi and Tzotzil, and Yoruba. Genuine similarities between the ACC and these other constructions support our perspective on the ACC.},
	Author = {Collins, Chris and Moody, Simanique and Postal, Paul M.},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:26:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:27:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {29--68},
	Title = {An {AAE} Camouflage Construction},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Jackendoff:2008,
	Abstract = {The English NPN construction, exemplified by construction after construction, is productive
with five prepositions---by, for, to, after, and upon---with a variety of meanings, including succession,
juxtaposition, and comparison; it also has numerous idiomatic cases. This mixture of regularity
and idiosyncrasy lends itself to an account in the spirit of construction grammar, in which the
lexicon includes specified syntactic structures matched with meanings. The internal syntactic
structure of NPN violates standard principles of phrase structure, and the required identity of the
two nouns (in most cases) presents descriptive difficulties. Furthermore, when NPN appears in
NP positions, it can take normal NP complements and modifiers, and it has quantificational
semantics despite the absence of a lexical quantifier. These peculiarities collectively present
interesting challenges to linguistic theory. The best hope lies in a theory of grammar that (i)
recognizes meaningful constructions as theoretical entities; (ii) recognizes a continuum of regularity
between words and rules; and (iii) recognizes the autonomy of syntax from semantics and
vice versa.},
	Author = {Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2008-05-06 09:22:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-05-06 09:25:40 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {8--28},
	Title = {\emph{Construction After Construction} and Its Theoretical Challenges},
	Volume = {84},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Vermeulen:2008,
	Author = {Vermeulen, Reiko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:11:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:12:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {345--354},
	Title = {Nonconstituent Coordination in {J}apanese: A Case of Phonological Reordering},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Pater:2008,
	Author = {Pater, Joe},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:09:50 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:12:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {334--345},
	Title = {Gradual Learning and Convergence},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gajewski:2008,
	Author = {Gajewski, Jon},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:08:06 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:09:43 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {327--334},
	Title = {On the Semantics of {H}indi-{U}rdu Multiple Correlatives},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Takahashi:2008,
	Abstract = {This article provides a new argument for the analysis of null arguments
in terms of ellipsis by considering null objects that behave like quantifiers.
It is shown that the presence of quantificational null objects and
their scopal property are difficult to accommodate under the traditional
view of null arguments as pronouns but are best accounted for by the
ellipsis analysis. Among the consequences of the present study are the
need to postulate phonetically invisible/inaudible scrambling and its
obedience to the economy requirement.},
	Author = {Takahashi, Daiko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:07:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:07:59 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {307--326},
	Title = {Quantificational Null Objects and Argument Ellipsis},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kim:2008,
	Author = {Kim, Kwan-sup},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:04:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:06:34 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {295--307},
	Title = {English {C} Moves Downward as well as Upward: An Extension of {B}o\v{s}kovi{\`c} and {L}asnik's (2003) Approach},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Gracanin-Yuksek:2008,
	Abstract = {The article argues for the Comp account (e.g., Groos and Van Riemsdijk
1981) over the head account (e.g., Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978)
of free relatives (FRs), on the basis of several converging arguments
from Croatian. Evidence from reconstruction effects shows that the
wh-phrase introducing a free relative (WHFR) originates inside the
relative clause and wh-moves to its surface position. In addition, arguments
from clitic placement show that the derived position of the
WHFR is no higher than Spec,CP of the FR.},
	Author = {Gra{\v{c}}anin-Yuksek, Martina},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:02:48 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:04:18 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {275--294},
	Title = {Free Relatives in {C}roatian: An Argument for the Comp Account},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Copley:2008,
	Abstract = {A futurate is a sentence with no obvious means of future reference,
which conveys that a future-oriented eventuality is planned or scheduled.
I argue that the component of planning found in the meaning of
futurates should be derived from the more familiar modal concepts
of abilities and desires. A futurate statement presupposes that some
contextually salient entity d, the director, has the ability to bring it
about that p, and asserts that d is committed to bringing it about that p.},
	Author = {Copley, Bridget},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 17:01:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:02:26 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {261--274},
	Title = {The Plan's the Thing: Deconstructing Futurate Meanings},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Idrissi:2008,
	Abstract = {In Prunet, Beland, and Idrissi 2000, we presented evidence from an
aphasic subject that argued for the morphemic status of Arabic consonantal
roots. We predicted that inaudible glides in weak roots should
resurface in metathesis and template selection errors, but at the time
the relevant data were unattested. Here, we present such data, obtained
from a new series of experiments with the same aphasic subject. Arabic
hypocoristic formation offers another case of glide resurfacing. Both
sources of data confirm that Arabic consonantal roots are abstract
morphemic units rather than surface phonetic units.},
	Author = {Idrissi, Ali and Prunet, Jean-Francois and B{\'e}land, Ren{\'e}e},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 16:59:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 17:01:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {221--259},
	Title = {On the Mental Representation of {A}rabic Roots},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Elbourne:2008,
	Abstract = {This article analyzes three phenomena that are troublesome for some
theories of ellipsis: the existence of sloppy readings when the relevant
pronouns cannot possibly be bound; cases where the antecedent of
ellipsis does itself contain an ellipsis site, but in resolving the larger
ellipsis the interpretation understood at the ellipsis site in the antecedent
is not used; and cases where an ellipsis site draws upon material
from two or more separate antecedents. These cases are accounted for
by an analysis of silent VPs and NPs that makes them into higherorder
definite descriptions that can be bound into.},
	Author = {Elbourne, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-25 16:55:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-25 16:59:13 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {191--220},
	Title = {Ellipsis Sites as Definite Descriptions},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Paul:2008,
	Abstract = {This paper presents arguments in favor of a pseudocleft analysis of a certain
class of sentences in Malagasy, despite the lack of an overt wh-element. It is shown that
voice morphology on the verb creates an operator-variable relationship much like the
one created by wh-movement in free relatives in English and other languages. The bulk
of the paper argues in favor of an inversion analysis of specificational pseudoclefts in
Malagasy: a predicate DP is fronted to a topic position from within a small clause
constituent. Moreover, it is shown that the same inversion occurs in equative and
specificational sentences in Malagasy, which suggests that these types of sentences
share the same syntactic structure. The proposed analysis also provides support for the
view that specificational pseudoclefts have a topic > focus structure, where the
wh-clause has been overtly topicalized.},
	Author = {Paul, Ileana},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:51:27 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:51:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {91--124},
	Title = {On the Topic of Pseudoclefts},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Matushansky:2008,
	Abstract = {The standard view of superlatives treats them as a subkind of adjectives.
However, in many languages, superlatives require the presence of a determiner, even in
the predicate position. This leads to an apparent contradiction, since it is independently
known that determiners syntactically combine with extended NP projections and are
excluded with APs. This issue is resolved if superlative adjectives always appear in an
attributive (modificational) position. Superlative phrases without an overt noun (e.g., in
the predicative position) modify a null head noun. I show that this hypothesis
immediately explains the restrictions on the distribution of superlatives in languages as
diverse as Russian, French, German, Dutch, Breton, Spanish and Portuguese. I propose
that the modificational nature of superlative adjectives can be derived from their
semantics, and I argue that such a proposal yields a natural explanation of the behavior
of superlatives in Hebrew and Persian. Finally, I discuss the interaction between this
theory and the standard, movement-based analyses of comparatives and superlatives
and provide an explanation for apparent counterexamples.},
	Author = {Matushansky, Ora},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:50:02 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:50:31 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {26--90},
	Title = {On the Attributive Nature of Superlatives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Leu:2008,
	Abstract = {The present paper is concerned with the internal structure of Germanic what
for phrases. A comparative look at what for across Dutch, German, Norwegian,
Swedish, and Swiss German leads to a drastic revision of the traditional view on what
for. The proposal recognizes an (often silent) functional nominal SORT as a constitutive
part of the what for construction. For is analyzed as a prepositional complementizer
whose complement contains the (silent) nominal and the trace of what, to which for
assigns accusative Case. The projection of for, forP, is argued to sit in a specifier
position in the extended projection of the head noun, similar to adjectival modifiers on
a Cinquean view. What moves out of forP into the left periphery of the noun phrase.},
	Author = {Leu, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:48:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:48:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--25},
	Title = {\emph{What for} Internally},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Guasti:2008,
	Abstract = {Article omission is known to be a feature of early grammar, although it does not affect all child languages to the same extent. In this article we analyze the production of articles by 12 children, 4 speakers of Catalan, 4 speakers of Italian, and 4 speakers of Dutch. We consider the results in the light of (i) the adult input to the children are exposed to, (ii) the prosodic properties of articles in the three langauges, and (iii) the properties of hte syntax-semantics mapping of nouns in the languages under consideration. We show that the proportion of bare nouns (grammatical or ungrammatical) in the adult input does not bear any systematic relation to child procuditon/omission of articles and that the full developmental pattern observed can be explained by appealing to the role of the nominal mapping paramter (NMP) in guiding acquisition, in conjunction with prosodic properties of articles and with discourse conditions.},
	Author = {Guasti, Maria Teresa and Gavarr{\'o}, Anna and Lange, Joke de and Caprin, Claudia},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:40:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:41:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {89--119},
	Title = {Article Omission Across Child Languages},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Pirvulescu:2008,
	Abstract = {Much developmental work has been devoted tot he acquisition of object clitics in French. There is a consensus that in early grammar, children omit object clitics in contexs where an adult would not. Several analyses have been put forth, among which, one proposing a close link between the omission of object clitics and the presence of past participle agreement. In this short article we address this hypothesis by examining the acquisition of past participle agreement through two sentence-preference tasks administered to children (3- to 5-year olds divided into three age groups) and adults from the Montr{\'e}al area. The results of the experiments show that past participle agreement is a marginal feature in early grammar and therefore too weak to be considered as a controlling the realization of the direct object clitics in child production. Children and adults display different behavior with respect to past participle agreement (weak and optional) versus subject-verb agreement (consistently strong and obligatory). This result points toward an analysis of past participle agreement in terms of language-specific optional verb movement.},
	Author = {Pirvulescu, Mihaela and Belzil, Isabelle},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-24 08:34:49 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-24 08:36:22 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {75--88},
	Title = {The Acquisition of Past Participle Agreement in {Q}u{\'e}bec {F}rench {L1}},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Corver:2008,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the internal syntax of evaluative vocative
expressions (e.g., You idiot!). This construction superficially consists of a second person pronoun and an epithet noun. It turns out that this construction type has different morphosyntactic manifestations across languages/dialects (abstractly: youNOM idiot!; youACC/OBL idiot!; your idiot!). The paper aims at giving a uniform account for the `underlying' syntax of this construction type. It is argued that this construction has the `underlying' syntax of a possessive noun phrase. More particularly, the second person pronoun starts out as (part of) a PP-predicate and undergoes leftward predicate displacement within the vocative noun phrase. The major dimensions of (morpho)syntactic diversity are related to the following properties: (1) the nature of the predicate displacement operation involved (i.e., predicate inversion and/or predicate fronting); (2) the overtness versus covertness of the small clause head X, which is part of the vocative expression; (3) the case form of the second person pronoun. According to the structural analysis proposed in this article, evaluative vocative expressions form a further illustration of the structural uniformity that is hidden behind superficial diversity.},
	Author = {Corver, Norbert},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-22 13:59:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-22 14:00:08 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {43--93},
	Title = {Uniformity and diversity in the syntax of evaluative vocatives},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Roehrs:2008,
	Abstract = {Pronominal constructions such as something big, often referred to as the
`indefinite pronoun construction', have received different but often homogenous accounts in the literature. In this paper, I document the inner-and cross-linguistic diversity of this construction in German and some other languages. Highlighting respectively different sets of properties, I argue that there are three basic types: one type combines the adjective and the pronoun by complementation, another by adjunction, and a third involves a garden-variety DP. Adjunction is argued to be mediated by a Modifier Phrase (Rubin, E.J., Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, CSLI, Stanford, 429--439, 1996). The latter assumption is shown to have a number of advantages.},
	Author = {Roehrs, Dorian},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-22 13:56:35 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-22 13:57:35 -0400},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--42},
	Title = {Something inner- and cross-linguistically different},
	Volume = {11},
	Year = {2008}}

@phdthesis{Vergnaud:1974,
	Author = {Vergnaud, Jean-Roger},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-10 17:25:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-10 17:26:19 -0400},
	School = {Massachusetts Institute of Technology},
	Title = {French Relative Clauses},
	Year = {1974}}

@article{Schachter:1973,
	Author = {Schachter, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-10 17:22:07 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-10 17:22:58 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {19--46},
	Title = {Focus and Relativization},
	Volume = {49},
	Year = {1973}}

@article{Henderson:2006,
	Abstract = {Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise
through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the theta-features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of theta-complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands theta and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come
from Swahili and Kirundi.},
	Author = {Henderson, Brent},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:12:45 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:13:27 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {275--289},
	Title = {Multiple Agreement and Inversion in {B}antu},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Craenenbroeck:2006a,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with an elliptical construction in Hungarian that to our
knowledge has not received any attention in the theoretical literature so far. It involves the deletion of a relative clause with the exclusion of the relative pronoun and one more remaining constituent. We show that this construction should be analyzed as an instance of sluicing. The theoretical approach we provide for these sentences is an adapted version of Merchant's (2001) implementation of sluicing in terms of an [e]-feature that is responsible for the deletion process. Our extension of this proposal involves the modification of the syntactic subcontent of this [e]-feature. We show that languages where question words are found in the operator domain of the left periphery use a version of the [e]-feature that attaches to heads whose specifier is occupied by an operator. This predicts that sluicing not only occurs with wh-remnants but more widely with operator remnants as well. With this proposal we lay the foundation for a crosslinguistic taxonomy of sluicing constructions, and open new avenues towards explaining root/embedded asymmetries in some as yet ill-understood elliptical phenomena in English.},
	Author = {Craenenbroeck, Jeroen van and Lipt{\'a}k, Anik{\'o}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:10:04 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:11:50 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {248--274},
	Title = {The Crosslinguistic Syntax of {S}luicing: Evidence from {H}ungarian Relatives},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Citko:2006,
	Abstract = {This paper explores the interaction between two independently well studied
wh-movement strategies: across-the-board wh-movement and left-branch extraction. Focusing on Slavic languages, which allow both ATB movement and left-branch extraction in isolation, it shows that ATB left-branch extraction is subject to a rather surprising restriction: the   remnants   inside the second conjunct must be distinct from their   correspondents   inside the first conjunct. The account of this restriction developed in this paper relies on the interaction of two independently motivated principles: the Linear Correspondence Axiom of Kayne 1994 and a structural economy condition formulated within the framework of Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program.},
	Author = {Citko, Barbara},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-08 17:07:05 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-08 17:08:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {225--247},
	Title = {The Interaction between {A}cross-the-{B}oard \emph{wh}-Movement and Left-Branch Extraction},
	Volume = {9},
	Year = {2006}}

@article{Tungseth:2007,
	Author = {Tungseth, Mai},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:44:57 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:45:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {187--228},
	Title = {Benefactives across {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Jensen:2007,
	Author = {Jensen, Britta},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:43:58 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:44:52 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {163--185},
	Title = {In favour of a truncated imperative clause structure: evidence from adverbs},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Julien:2007,
	Author = {Julien, Marit},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:43:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:43:55 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {103--161},
	Title = {Embedded {V2} in {N}orwegian and {S}wedish},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Rosenkvist:2007,
	Author = {Rosenkvist, Henrik},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:42:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:43:05 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {77--102},
	Title = {Subject Doubling in {O}evdalian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hroarsdottir:2007,
	Author = {Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg and Wiklund, Anna-Lena and Bentzen, Kristine and Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:40:42 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:41:53 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {45--75},
	Title = {The afterglow of verb movement},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Abraham:2007,
	Author = {Abraham, Werner and Leiss, Elisabeth},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:39:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:40:17 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {17--44},
	Title = {On the interfaces between (double) definiteness, aspect, and word orderin {O}ld and {M}odern {S}candinavian},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boskovic:2007a,
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:38:16 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:39:03 -0400},
	Journal = {Working Papers in {S}candinavian Syntax},
	Pages = {1--15},
	Title = {Don't feed your movements: Object shift in {I}celandic},
	Volume = {80},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{OGrady:2008,
	Author = {O'Grady, William and Yamashita, Yoshie and Cho, Sookeum},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:36:00 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:37:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {58--68},
	Title = {Object Drop in {J}apanese and {K}orean},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@article{Kehoe:2008,
	Author = {Kehoe, Margaret and Hilaire-Debove, Geraldine and Le{\'o}, Conxita},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 18:31:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 18:35:21 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {5--57},
	Title = {The Structure of Branching Onsets and Rising Diphthongs: Evidence from the Acquisition of {F}rench and {S}panish},
	Volume = {15},
	Year = {2008}}

@incollection{Neidle:2002,
	Author = {Neidle, Carol and MacLaughlin, Dawn},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:54:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:55:37 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {194--224},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Distribution of Functional Projections in {ASL}: Evidence from Overt Expressions of Syntactic Features},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Guasti:2002,
	Author = {Guasti, Maria Teresa and Rizzi, Luigi},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:53:19 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:54:24 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {167--194},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Agreement and Tense as Distinct Syntactic Positions: Evidence from Acquisition},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Cardinaletti:2002,
	Author = {Cardinaletti, Anna and Roberts, Ian},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:52:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:53:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {123--166},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Clause Structure and X-Second},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Scott:2002,
	Author = {Scott, Gary-John},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:51:01 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:52:07 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {91--122},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {Stacked Adjectival Modivication and the Structure of Nominal Phrases},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Giusti:2002,
	Author = {Giusti, Giuliana},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:49:23 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:50:55 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {54--90},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Functional Structure of {N}oun {P}hrases: A Bare Phrase Structure Approach},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@incollection{Bruge:2002,
	Author = {Brug{\'e}, Laura},
	Booktitle = {Functional Structure in {DP} and {IP}},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 13:47:21 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 13:49:15 -0400},
	Editor = {Cinque, Guglielmo},
	Pages = {15--53},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {The Cartography of Syntactic Structures},
	Title = {The Positions of Demonstratives in the Extended Nominal Projection},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {2002}}

@book{Roberts:2005,
	Address = {Oxford},
	Author = {Roberts, Ian G.},
	Date-Added = {2008-04-06 08:41:18 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-04-06 08:42:44 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Series = {Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax},
	Title = {Principles and Parameters in a {VSO} Language: A Case Study in {W}elsh},
	Year = {2005}}

@book{Kathol:2000a,
	Author = {Kathol, Andreas},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-25 14:40:53 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-25 14:41:42 -0400},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Linear Syntax},
	Year = {2000}}

@inproceedings{Lakoff:1986,
	Author = {Lakoff, George},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistic Society 22},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:33:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:35:56 -0400},
	Editor = {Farley, Anne M. and Farley, Peter T. and McCullough, Karl-Erik},
	Pages = {152--167},
	Title = {Frame semantic control of the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Grosu:1973,
	Author = {Grosu, Alexander},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:30:17 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:31:11 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {88--92},
	Title = {On the nonunitary nature of the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Volume = {4},
	Year = {1973}}

@inproceedings{Goldsmith:1985,
	Author = {Goldsmith, John},
	Booktitle = {Proceedings of the Chicago Linguistic Society 21},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 21:27:37 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 21:29:52 -0400},
	Editor = {Eilfort, William H. and Kroeber, Paul D. and Peterson, Karen L.},
	Pages = {133--143},
	Title = {A principled exception to the {C}oordinate {S}tructure {C}onstraint},
	Year = {1985}}

@book{Chomsky:1964a,
	Author = {Chomsky, Noam},
	Date-Added = {2008-03-24 20:01:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-03-24 20:03:55 -0400},
	Publisher = {Mouton \& Company},
	Title = {Current issues in linguistic theory},
	Year = {1964}}

@article{Wurmbrand:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper argues that clause union/restructuring constructions such as verb
clusters in German do not involve head clustering in the form of (lexical or derived)
complex head formation. I provide several arguments showing that clause union
properties are licensed in the absence of complex head formation and that complex
head formation hence cannot be seen as a condition on clause union/restructuring.
Complex head approaches are compared to syntactic complementation approaches---in particular, to an approach where the verbs of a restructuring construction project
independent VPs that include all the internal arguments associated with the particular
verbs. A series of empirical facts are considered (constituency, word order,
modification, event structure properties, and nominalizations) that all point to the
conclusion that these constructions involve regular VPs rather than complex V-V
heads. Although it is not excluded that complex head approaches could be adjusted to
accommodate these facts, the main advantage of the VP-complementation approach is
that the sum of the properties discussed follows without additional assumptions from
the structure suggested and that this approach also correctly predicts which
constructions are excluded.},
	Author = {Wurmbrand, Susi},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-31 10:04:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-31 10:05:16 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {243-288},
	Title = {How Complex are Complex Predicates},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Harbour:2007,
	Abstract = {Emphatic verb doubling, developed as a diagnostic of T-to-C movement in
Classical Hebrew, demonstrates that discontinuous agreement is not a consequence of
movement to between hypothetical Person and Number phrases},
	Author = {Harbour, Daniel},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-31 09:59:53 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-31 10:01:00 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {223--242},
	Title = {Against {PersonP}},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Stjepanovic:2007,
	Author = {Stjepanovi\'{c}, Sandra},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:32:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:33:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1stjepanovic.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {179--190},
	Title = {P-Stranding under {S}luicing in a Non-{P}-Stranding Language?},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Merchant:2007a,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:30:34 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-02-09 14:36:26 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1merchant.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {169--179},
	Title = {An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in {VP}-Ellipsis and {P}seudogapping},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{McNally:2007,
	Author = {McNally, Louise},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:28:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:30:07 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1mcnally.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {161--169},
	Title = {{DP}-Internal \emph{Only}, Amount Relatives, and Relatives Out of Existentials},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Sobin:2007,
	Abstract = {Culicover and Jackendoff (2005) argue that VP structure with adjunct modifiers is ``flat'': both complements and adjuncts are equally sisters of V. Their arguments center around the apparent misbehavior of do so as a replacement for a syntactic VP constituent. However, several of these arguments are inconclusive. The rule that Culicover and Jackendoff offer for do so does not fare better overall than does the hierarchic VP account of do so.},
	Author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:27:44 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:28:23 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1sobin.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {147--160},
	Title = {\emph{Do So} and {VP}},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{MacDonald:2007,
	Abstract = {Thompson (2006) argues for a syntactic account of telicity in which DPs and PPs check a [bounded] feature at an AspP projection above vP to create a telic predicate. I provide evidence for an AspP projection between vP and VP and argue that AspP and everything AspP dominates defines a domain of aspectual interpretation, a syntactic space within which elements must be located in order to affect the telicity of a predicate. I provide data showingthat elements above AspP cannot affect aspectual interpretation. These data pose a serious problem for Thompson's account.},
	Author = {MacDonald, Jonathan E.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:26:18 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:27:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1macdonald.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {128--147},
	Title = {Domain of Aspectual Interpretation},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hazout:2007,
	Abstract = {The relation between expletive there and its associate involves agreement, as suggested in Hazout 2004, and not theta-role assignment, as suggested in Williams 1994, 2006. This difference reflects radically different assumptions about the nature of the subject-predicate relation. The analysis in Hazout 2004 provides a superior account of the empirical facts and affords insights that are missed by the account in Williams 1994.},
	Author = {Hazout, Ilan},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:24:17 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:25:30 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1hazout.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {117--128},
	Title = {On the Rleation between Expletive \emph{There} and Its Associate: A Reply to {W}illiams},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Darzi:2007,
	Abstract = {Ghomeshi (2001) proposes an account of Persian subject control constructions in terms of a reduced vP complement to the control verb, followinga proposal made by Wurmbrand (2001). Faced with the fact that the complement of the control verb is headed by what has been treated in the linguistic literature on Persian as the complementizer ke `that', she suggests that ke, in this construction, is a clitic hosted by the matrix control verb. However, closer examination of the claimed ``restructuring'' construction, the distribution of temporal adverbials, and ke-cliticization in Persian militates against such a proposal.},
	Author = {Darzi, Ali},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:22:58 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:23:41 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1darzi.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {103--116},
	Title = {On the vP Analysis of {P}ersian Finite Control Constructions},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Legate:2007a,
	Abstract = {This article examines the relationship between abstract and morphological case, arguing that morphological case realizes abstract Case features in a postsyntactic morphology, according to the Elsewhere Condition.Aclass of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages is identified wherein intransitive subjects receive abstract nominative Case and transitive objects receive abstract accusative Case; these are realized through a morphological default, which is often mislabeled as absolutive. Further support comes from split ergativity based on a nominal hierarchy, which is shown to have a morphological source. Proposals that case and agreement are purely morphological phenomena are critiqued.},
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:21:35 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:22:20 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1legate.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {55--101},
	Title = {Morphological and Abstract Case},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Embick:2007a,
	Abstract = {We discuss theoretical approaches to blocking effects, with particular emphasis on cases in which words appear to block phrases (and perhaps vice versa). These approaches share at least one intuition: that syntactic and semantic features create possible ``cells'' or slots in which particular items can appear, and that blocking occurs when one such cell is occupied by one form as opposed to another. Accounts of blocking differ along two primary dimensions: the size of the objects that compete with one another (morphemes, words, phrases, sentences); and whether or not ungrammatical forms are taken into consideration in determining the correct output (relatedly, whether otherwise wellformed objects are marked ungrammatical by competition). We argue that blocking in the sense of competition for the expression of syntactic or semantic features is limited to insertion of the phonological exponents of such features (the Vocabulary items of Distributed Morphology) at terminal nodes from the syntax. There is thus no blocking at the word level or above, and no competition between grammatical and ungrammatical structures. The architectural significance of these points is emphasized throughout the discussion.},
	Author = {Embick, David and Marantz, Alec},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:20:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:21:04 -0500},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Linguistic%20Inquiry/39.1embick.pdf},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {1--53},
	Title = {Architecture and Blocking},
	Volume = {39},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Pope:2007,
	Abstract = {This short report presents results from a replication of Labov's study of language variation and language change in progress on Martha's Vineyard (MV). The original paper was revolutionary in many respects: it established that the relationship between social and linguistic variables could be systematically studied, and put forward the construct of apparent time as a means of inferring diachronic change in progress based on synchronic patterns. By drawing on Labov's methods for a restudy of MV forty years later, we establish (i) the validity of apparent-time inferencing, and (ii) the robustness of social indexing for the (ay) and (aw) variables on MV. The results strengthen both methodological and theoretical principles that have become central to (socio)linguistics.},
	Author = {Pope, Jennifer and Meyerhoff, Miriam and Ladd, D. Robert},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:16:02 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:17:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3pope.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {615--627},
	Title = {Forty years of language change on {M}artha's {V}ineyard},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Fleck:2007,
	Abstract = {The Matses language of the Panoan family, spoken in Amazonian Peru and Brazil, has one of the most intricate evidential systems ever described, requiring speakers to precisely and explicitly code their source of information every time they report a past event. In a typologically unique inflectional configuration that I call DOUBLE TENSE the speakers specify both (i) how long ago an inferred event happened and (ii) how long ago the evidence upon which the inference was made was encountered. This article explores in detail the Matses evidential system, focusing on several novel patterns relevant to the typological study of evidentiality and providing social and historical perspectives.},
	Author = {Fleck, David W.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:14:14 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:15:18 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3fleck.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {589--614},
	Title = {Evidentiality and Double Tense in {M}atses},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Sankoff:2007,
	Abstract = {We address the articulation between language change in the historical sense and language change as experienced by individual speakers through a trend and panel study of the change from apical to dorsal /r/ in Montreal French. The community as a whole rapidly advanced its use of dorsal [R]. Most individual speakers followed across time were stable after the critical period, with phonological patterns set by the end of adolescence. A sizeable minority, however, made substantial changes. The window of opportunity for linguistic modification in later life may be expanded with rapid change in progress when linguistic variables take on social significance.},
	Author = {Sankoff, Gillian and Blondeau, H{\'e}l{\`e}ne},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:11:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:13:38 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3sankoff.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {560--588},
	Title = {Language Change Across the Lifespan: /r/ in {M}ontreal {F}rench},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Geurts:2007,
	Abstract = {On the naive account of scalar modifiers like more than and at least, At least three girls snored is synonymous with More than two girls snored, and both sentences mean that the number of snoring girls exceeded two (the same, mutatis mutandis, for sentences with at most and less/fewer than). We show that this is false and propose an alternative theory, according to which superlative modifiers (at least/most) are quite different from comparative ones (more/less/fewer than). Whereas the naive theory is basically right about comparative modifiers, it is wrong about superlative modifiers, which we claim have a MODAL meaning: an utterance of At least three girls snored conveys two things: first, that it is CERTAIN that there was a group ofthree snoring girls, and second, that more than four girls MAY have snored. We argue that this analysis explains various facts that are problematic for the naive view, which have to do with specificity, distributional differences between superlative and comparative modifiers, differential patterns of inference licensed by these expressions, and the way they interact with various operators, like modals and negation.},
	Author = {Geurts, Bart and Nouwen, Rick},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:09:48 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:11:10 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3geurts.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {533--559},
	Title = {\emph{At Least} et al.: The Semantics of Scalar Modifiers},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Bohnemeyer:2007,
	Abstract = {We examine universals and crosslinguistic variation in constraints on event segmentation. Previous typological studies have focused on segmentation into syntactic (Pawley 1987) or intonational units (Giv{\'o}n 1991). We argue that the correlation between such units and semantic/conceptual event representations is language-specific. As an alternative, we introduce the MACRO-EVENT PROPERTY (MEP): a construction has the MEP if it packages event representations such that temporal operators necessarily have scope over all subevents. A case study on the segmentation of motion events into macro-event expressions in eighteen genetically and typologically diverse languages has produced evidence of two types of design principles that impact motion-event segmentation: language-specific lexicalization patterns and universal constraints on form-to-meaning mapping.},
	Author = {Bohnemeyer, J{\"u}rgen and Enfield, Nicholas J. and Essegbey, James and Ebarretxe-Antu{\~n}ano, Iraide and Kita, Sotaro and L{\"u}pke, Friederike and Ameka, Felix K.},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-24 10:05:28 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2008-01-24 10:08:39 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.3bohnemeyer.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {495--532},
	Title = {Principles of Event Segmentation in Language: The Case of Motion Events},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Culicover:2005,
	Author = {Culicover, Peter W. and Jackendoff, Ray},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-30 08:46:49 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-30 08:48:21 -0500},
	Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	Title = {Simpler Syntax},
	Year = {2005}}

@article{Watanabe:1992,
	Author = {Watanabe, Akira},
	Date-Added = {2008-01-21 12:34:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2009-12-29 13:44:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of East Asian Linguistics},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {255--291},
	Title = {Subjacency and {S}-structure movement of \emph{wh}-in-situ},
	Volume = {1},
	Year = {1992}}

@article{Broekhuis:2007,
	Abstract = {Adopting the hypothesis that both NP-movement of subjects and
scrambling of objects are instances of A-movement, this article aims at
accounting for the similarities and differences between these movements within
the so-called derivation-and-evaluation framework, which combines certain
aspects from the minimalist program and optimality theory.},
	Author = {Broekhuis, Hans},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:15:16 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:16:14 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.2Broekhuis.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {109--141},
	Title = {Object shift and subject shift},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Ackema:2007,
	Abstract = {In this paper, we argue that Early Modern Dutch allowed pro
drop, despite the fact that the language has only poor agreement. This
provides a direct counterexample to the standard view that Italian-style pro drop
is subject to a condition of grammatical recoverability (in that the features of pro
must be indexed on the verb). However, pro drop in Early Modern Dutch is
subject to very strict pragmatic conditions, and this, we argue, does follow from
the lack of rich agreement. Basing ourselves on Mira Ariel's Accessibility
Theory, we argue that if fewer features of an omitted subject are grammatically
recoverable, its antecedent must be more salient in discourse. Consequently,
there is an indirect relation between rich agreement and pro drop: rich agreement
facilitates pro drop in more contexts. Since a very limited distribution of
pro drop implies that the rule is vulnerable in diachronic development, the
familiar cross-linguistic generalization can be derived.},
	Author = {Ackema, Peter and Neeleman, Ad},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:13:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:14:58 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.2Ackeman_Neeleman.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {81--107},
	Title = {Restricted pro drop in {E}arly {M}odern {D}utch},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Wiklund:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper reconsiders the distribution of verb movement in Scandinavian
in light of new data from Norwegian and Icelandic. The main claim is that Regional
Northern Norwegian displays optional verb movement to the inflectional domain,
whereas Icelandic has no independent verb movement at all to this domain, contrary
to standard assumptions: All verb movement in Icelandic is to the CP domain of the
clause. A remnant movement approach to verb movement is explored and it is
proposed that movement to the CP domain and movement corresponding to V-to-I
movement differ in amount of material pied-piped. The analysis presented captures
the observed differences between the two movements.},
	Author = {Wiklund, Anna-Lena and Hrafnbjargarson, Gunnar Hrafn and Bentzen, Kristine and Hr{\'o}arsd{\'o}ttir, Thorbj{\"o}rg},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:09:42 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:12:27 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Wiklund_etal.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {203--233},
	Title = {Rethinking {S}candinavian verb movement},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Lodrup:2007,
	Abstract = {This article argues that the complex reflexive in Norwegian has a wider
distribution than is usually assumed in the literature (for example, Hellan 1988).
Both simple and complex reflexives are used in the local domain, which must be
defined as the minimal clause. The simple reflexive is used when the physical aspect
of the referent of the binder is in focus. It is seen as an inalienable denoting the body
of the referent of the binder. Its distribution follows an independently established
binding principle for inalienables, while the complex reflexive is an elsewhere form.},
	Author = {L{\o}drup, Helge},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:06:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:08:49 -0500},
	Journal = {The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Lodrup.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {183--201},
	Title = {A new account of simple and complex reflexives in {N}orwegian},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hoeksema:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper proposes a new treatment of parasitically licensed negative
polarity items, based on the idea that indefinite negative polarity items may
optionally incorporate a negative feature from their licenser, and thus acquire the
necessary features to in turn license a negative polarity item. The process of negative
incorporation is that of Klima (Negation in English. In J.A. Fodor and J.J. Katz
(Eds.), The Structure of Language. Readings in the Philosophy of Language,
Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, pp. 246-323, 1964), but now viewed as a
potentially covert operation and offers an alternative to den Dikken's (J. Comp.
Germ. Linguist., 5:35-66, 2002) seminal account of parasitic licensing. Some
advantages of the covert incorporation proposal are sketched, including two
applications outside the area of polarity licensing: adverbial modification by
approximative adverbs, and emphatic reduplication.},
	Author = {Hoeksema, Jack},
	Date-Added = {2007-12-14 12:04:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-12-14 12:05:53 -0500},
	Journal = {Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*JCGL/10.3Hoeksema.pdf},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {163--182},
	Title = {Parasitic licensing of negative polarity items},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@book{Safir:2004,
	Address = {Cambridge, Massachusetts},
	Author = {Safir, Ken},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-29 17:20:23 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-29 17:22:00 -0500},
	Publisher = {MIT Press},
	Title = {The {S}yntax of {(In)}dependence},
	Year = {2004}}

@book{Gartner:2007,
	Address = {Berlin},
	Author = {G{\"a}rtner, Hans-Martin},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-29 13:41:50 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-29 13:42:48 -0500},
	Publisher = {Akademie-Verlag},
	Title = {Generalized Transformations and Beyond},
	Year = {forthcoming}}

@techreport{Sternefeld:2000,
	Author = {Sternefeld, Wolfgang},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-28 08:32:01 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-28 08:33:51 -0500},
	Institution = {Universit{\"a}t T{\"u}bingen},
	Number = {02--00},
	Title = {Semantic vs. Syntactic Reconstruction},
	Type = {SfS-Report},
	Year = {2000}}

@article{Hay:2007,
	Abstract = {This short report investigates the relationship between population size and phoneme inventory size, and finds a surprisingly robust correlation between the two. The more speakers a language has, the bigger its phoneme inventory is likely to be. We show that this holds for both vowel inventories and consonant inventories. It is not an artifact of language family.},
	Author = {Hay, Jennifer and Bauer, Laurie},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:15:40 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:16:59 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2hay.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {388--400},
	Title = {Phoneme inventory and population size},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Labov:2007,
	Abstract = { The transmission of linguistic change within a speech community is characterized by incrementation within a faithfully reproduced pattern characteristic of the family tree model, while diffusion across communities shows weakening of the original pattern and a loss of structural features. It is proposed that this is the result of the difference between the learning abilities of children and adults. Evidence is drawn from two studies of geographic diffusion. (i) Structural constraints are lost in the diffusion of the New York City pattern of tensing short-a to four other communities: northern New Jersey, Albany, Cincinnati, and New Orleans. (ii) The spread of the Northern Cities Shift from Chicago to St. Louis is found to represent the borrowing of individual sound changes, rather than the diffusion of the structural pattern as a whole. 

},
	Author = {Labov, William},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:13:46 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:15:21 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2labov.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {344--387},
	Title = {Transmission and Diffusion},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Birner:2007,
	Abstract = {We argue for the existence of functionally complex constructions whose elements compositionally impose discourse-functional constraints on the use of the whole. In particular, we examine th-clefts (as in That's John who wrote the book), equatives with epistemic would and demonstrative subjects (as in That would be John), and simple equatives with demonstrative subjects (as in That's John). We show that, contra previous approaches, the latter two constructions need not be analyzed as truncated clefts. Rather, the properties that these constructions share with th-clefts can be straightforwardly accounted for as the sum of the constraints on their shared elements---that is, the equative construction, the demonstrative subject, and the presence of a contextually salient open proposition. The convergence of these elemental properties in each of these three constructions results in the possibility of the demonstrative being used to refer to the instantiation of the variable in the open proposition, which in turn predicts a complex of distributional behaviors shared by precisely the constructions that share these properties. Because these distributional behaviors can be straightforwardly explained in terms of this functional compositionality, the motivation for a truncated-cleft analysis disappears. These results support the view that not all functional properties must be learned on a construction-by-construction basis; instead, the discourse functions of an utterance are built up compositionally from those of its parts.},
	Author = {Birner, Betty J. and Kaplan, Jeffrey P. and Ward, Gregory},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:11:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:13:32 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2birner.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {317--343},
	Title = {Functional Compositionality and the Interaction of Discourse Constraints},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zuraw:2007,
	Abstract = {A current controversy in phonological theory concerns the explanation of crosslinguistic tendencies. It is often assumed that crosslinguistic tendencies are explained by mental bias: a pattern is common because it is favored by learners/speakers. But work by Blevins and colleagues in EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY has argued that many crosslinguistic tendencies can be explained without positing such bias. This would mean that crosslinguistic tendencies cannot be unproblematically used as evidence about the mental machinery that humans bring to learning and using language. In response, many researchers have looked at different types of data, such as processing, learning of real and artificial languages, and literary invention. This article presents another type of data: extension of native-language phonology to words with novel phonological structure, in this case infixation in Tagalog into loanwords with novel initial consonant clusters. The data come from a written corpus and a survey. Tagalog speakers' treatment of these clusters parallels Fleischhacker's crosslinguistic findings of cluster splittability. This article argues that explaining the data requires attributing to Tagalog speakers phonetic knowledge and a bias about how to apply that knowledge.},
	Author = {Zuraw, Kie},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:09:52 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:11:28 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2zuraw.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {277--316},
	Title = {The Role of Phonetic Knowledge in Phonological Patterning: Corpus and Survey Evidence from {T}agalog Infixation},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Beaver:2007,
	Abstract = {A second-occurrence (SO) focus is the semantic focus of a focus-sensitive operator (e.g. only), but is a repeat of anearlier focused occurrence. We report onthe first systematic productionan d perception experiments to show that SO foci occurring after a nuclear accent are, as Rooth (1996b) has claimed, prosodically marked. We find that (i) there is no mean pitch rise on SO foci, (ii) SO foci are marked by longer duration and greater energy, and (iii) listeners are able to detect the difference between SO foci and nonfoci. On the basis of these results, we argue that SO focus is compatible with theories of focus interpretationthat it has beenclaimed to contradict.},
	Author = {Beaver, David and Clark, Brady Zack and Flemming, Edward and Jaeger, T. Florian and Wolters, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:06:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:09:34 -0500},
	Journal = {Language},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Language/83.2beaver.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {245--276},
	Title = {When Semantics Meets Phonetics: Acoustical Studies of Second-Occurrence Focus},
	Volume = {83},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Friedmann:2007,
	Author = {Friedmann, Na'ama},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 09:00:55 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:02:17 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {377--422},
	Title = {Young Children and {A}-chains: The Acquisition of {H}ebrew {U}naccusatives},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Pouscoulous:2007,
	Author = {Pouscoulous, Nausicaa and Noveck, Ira and Politzer, Guy and Bastide, Anne},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-19 08:59:08 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-19 09:00:15 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {347--375},
	Title = {A Developmental Investigation of Processing Costs in Implicature Production},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hernandez:2007,
	Author = {Hern{\'a}ndez, Ana Carrera},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-16 10:06:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-16 10:07:03 -0500},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Lingua/Lingua117(12)_Hernandez.pdf},
	Number = {12},
	Pages = {2106--2133},
	Title = {Gapping as a syntactic dependency},
	Volume = {117},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boersma:2007,
	Abstract = {This article shows that the usual speaker-based account of h-aspire in French can explain at most three of the 
four phonological processes in which it is involved, whereas a listener-oriented account can explain all of them. 
On a descriptive level, the behaviour of h-aspire is accounted for with a grammar model that involves a control 
loop, whose crucial ingredient is listener-oriented faithfulness constraints. These constraints evaluate 
phonological recoverability, which is the extent to which the speaker thinks the listener will be able to 
recover the phonological message. On a more reductionist level, however, the pronunciation of h-aspire and its 
variation is accounted for with a new, very simple, grammar model for bidirectional phonology and phonetics, 
which uses a single constraint set for the four processes of perception, recognition, phonological production, 
and phonetic implementation, and in which phonological and phonetic production are evaluated in parallel. In 
this model, the phenomenon of phonological recoverability is not built in, as in control-loop grammars, but 
emerges from the interaction of four equally simple learning algorithms.},
	Author = {Boersma, Paul},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-16 09:57:57 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-16 10:03:47 -0500},
	Journal = {Lingua},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Lingua/Lingua117(12)_Boersma.pdf},
	Number = {12},
	Pages = {1989--2054},
	Title = {Some listerner-oriented accounts of h-aspir{\'e} in {F}rench},
	Volume = {117},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Legate:2007,
	Author = {Legate, Julie Anne and Yang, Charles},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:37:22 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:38:09 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {315--344},
	Title = {Morphosyntactic Learning and the Development of Tense},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Green:2007,
	Abstract = {This article considers the comprehension of tense-aspect markers remote base BIN and habitual \emph{be} by 3- to 5-year old developing African American English (AAE)-speaking children and their Southwest Louisiana Vernacular English (SwLVE)-speaking peers. Overall both groups of children associated BIN with the distant past; however, the AAE-speaking children were twice as likely to give a distant past response on the ``BIN went'' task. These results are discussed in terms of event realization, the Aspect Hypothesis, and feature agreement. We delineate a path that uses the lexical part ofthe Aspect Hypothesis, teh role of sematnics in defining the end stat of a refined aspectual system, and an interface bweteen syntax and semantics to explain subtel steps involving agreement in the acquisition process. Teh AAE-speaking children scored significantly higher on the habitual \emph{be} tasks than the SwLVE-speaking children, whose scores were not significantly different from chance. The results suggest that the AAE-speaking children have developing native knowledge of habitual `be' and are beginning to associate it with eventualities that recur.},
	Author = {Green, Lisa and Roeper, Thomas},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:32:05 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:33:05 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {269--313},
	Title = {The Acquisition Path for Tense-Aspect: Remote Past and Habitual in Child {A}frican {A}merican {E}nglish},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Hyams:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper focuses on the temporal and modal meanings associated with root infinitives (RIs) and other non-finite clauses in several typologically diverse languages --- English, Russian, Greek and Dutch. I discuss the role that event structure, aspect and modality play in the interpretation of these clauses. The basic hypothesis is that in the absence of a tense specificaiton, the temporal reference of non-finite clauses is determined by the event structure of the predicate, in particular by the property of event closure. General principles of aspectual interpretation, such as the Puctuality Constraint (Giorgi and Pianesi 1997) and the Default Anchoring Requirement (a special case of a broader requirement that all clauses be temporally interpreted) interact with the particular aspectual features of hte target langauge to explain the cross-linguistic differences in the temporal interpretation (past/present/modal) non-finite clauses.},
	Author = {Hyams, Nina},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 09:27:54 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 09:28:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {231--268},
	Title = {Aspectual Effects on Interpretation in Early Grammar},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Pires:2007,
	Abstract = { This paper investigates the syntax of clausal gerunds---a class of gerunds that 
can have either a null subject or an overt DP Case-marked with accusative or 
nominative. First, it addresses the difficulty of accounting for gerunds that allow both 
null and overt subjects in principles and parameters/minimalist approaches to Case and 
control. Second, the paper explores the existence of a common structure for the two 
clausal gerunds, supported by the absence of empirical distinctions in their feature 
specification, especially regarding tense. Third, the paper introduces new observations 
about the distribution of clausal gerunds and argues that the complex alternations and 
restrictions on their distribution results from the interaction between Case and 
Agreement valuation, the limited possibility of A-movement out of a clausal gerund, 
and convergence considerations resulting from the existence of distinct numerations},
	Author = {Pires, Acrisio},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 07:49:10 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 07:50:08 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Pires.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {165--203},
	Title = {The Derivation of Clausal Gerunds},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boeckx:2007,
	Author = {Boeckx, Cedric and Grohmann, Kleanthes K.},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-05 07:46:20 -0500},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-05 07:47:24 -0500},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Boeckx.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {204--222},
	Title = {Remark: Putting Phases in Perspective},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Landau:2007,
	Abstract = {Partial VP-fronting, in which a verb is fronted with one argument, stranding
the other one, is subject to a curious restriction in both Hebrew and English: The fronted
VP-portion must be a potential independent VP in the language. It is shown that both
incremental merger and remnant VP-fronting cannot explain the restriction, whereas an
analysis incorporating late adjunction of the stranded argument can. Late adjunction,
in turn, cannot apply too deeply, which explains why the same set of environments
inaccessible to partial VP-fronting force adjunct reconstruction. The analysis implies
that not only Spell-Out, but also interpretive constraints, like the Theta-Criterion, apply at the
phase level. Furthermore, Condition A is shown to be another such constraint.},
	Author = {Landau, Idan},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 17:16:25 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 17:18:47 -0400},
	Journal = {Syntax},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*Syntax/Syntax10(2)Landau.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {127--164},
	Title = {Constraints on Partial {VP}-Fronting},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Kallulli:2007,
	Author = {Kallulli, Dalina},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:53:10 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:54:12 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {770--780},
	Title = {Rethinking the Passive/Anticausative Distinction},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Gouskova:2007,
	Author = {Gouskova, Maria},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:52:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:53:07 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {759--770},
	Title = {Dep: Beyond Epenthesis},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Flack:2007,
	Author = {Flack, Kathryn},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:50:24 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:51:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {749--758},
	Title = {Templatic Morphology and Indexed Markedness Constraints},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Zonneveld:2007,
	Abstract = {This article examines the arguments for, and rejects, the proposal by Ackema and Neeleman (2003) that the behavior of the Dutch 2nd person singular pronoun `jij' in inverted structures should be explained as morphosyntactic allomorphy, conditioned by ``initial'' prosodic phrasing prior to Spell-Out. First, by neutralizing (under inversion) the distinction between 2sg and 1sg present tense verb forms, the proposal makes an incorrect prediction for a well-known class of ``strong'' verbs. Second, ``initial'' prosody does not appear to condition the process. Benmamoun and Lorimer's (2006) ``overapplication'' data for this phenomenon are shown to result from an incorrect interpretation of ``d-weakening'' verbs.},
	Author = {Zonneveld, Wim},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:46:31 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:47:10 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {737--748},
	Title = {Dutch 2nd Singular Prosodic Weakening: Two Rejoinders},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Mascaro:2007,
	Abstract = {Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same time show a regular phonological distribution. Standard approaches cannot deal with these cases because they must either resort to diacritic features or list regular phonological contexts as idiosyncratic. These problems can be overcome if we assume that allomorphs are lexically organized as a partially ordered set. If no ordering is established, allomorphic choice is determined by the phonology --- in particular, by the emergence of the unmarked (TETU). In other cases, TETU effects are insufficient, and lexical ordering determines the preference for dominant allomorphs.},
	Author = {Mascar{\'o}, Joan},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:43:20 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:44:01 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {715--735},
	Title = {External Allomorphy and Lexical Representation},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Neeleman:2007,
	Abstract = {We propose a new generalization governing the crosslinguistic distribution of radical pro drop (the type of pro drop found in Chinese). It occurs only in langauges whose pronouns are agglutinating for case, number, or some other nominal feature. Other types of languages cannot omit pronouns freely, althought they may have agreement-based pro drop. This generalization can for the most part be derived from three assumptions. (a) Spell-out rules for pronouns may target nonterminal categories. (b) Pro drop is zero spell-out (i.e., deletion) of regular pronouns. (c) Competition between spell-out rules is governed by the Elsewhere Principle. A full derivaiton relies on an acquisitional strategy motivated by the absence of negative evidence. We test our proposal using data from a sample of twenty langauges and ``The World Atlas of Language Structures'' (Haspelmath et al. 2005).},
	Author = {Neeleman, Ad and Kriszta Szendroi},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:38:59 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:43:02 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {671--714},
	Title = {Radical Pro Drop and the Morphology of Pronouns},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Miyagawa:2007,
	Abstract = {We defend the idea that a floating quantifier observes syntactic locality with its associated noun phrase. This idea has given rise to a number of important empirical insights, including the VP-internal subject position, intermediate traces, and NP-traces. Recently, this syntactic locality of floating quantifiers has been questioned in a number of languages. We take up evidence from Japanese that purports to disprove the locality requirements on floating numeral quantifiers and their associated NP, and we demonstrate that the arguments in fact give evidence for syntactic locality, not against it. Our conclusions suggest that evidence agaist the locality of floating quantifiers given in other langauges should be reexamined.},
	Author = {Miyagawa, Shigeru and Koji Arikawa},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:35:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:36:14 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {645--670},
	Title = {Locality in Syntax and Floating Numeral Quantifiers},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Boskovic:2007,
	Abstract = {The article proposes a new theory of successive-cyclic movement that reconciles the early and current minimalist approaches to it. As in the early approach, there is not feature checking in intermediate positions of successive-cyclic movement. However, as in the current approach and unlike in early minimalism, successive-cyclic movement starts before the final target of movement enters the structure, and Form Chain is eliminated. The locality of Move and the locality of Agree are shown to be radically different, Agree being free from several mechanisms that constrain Move, namely, phases and the Activation Condition. However, there is no need to take phases to define locality domains of syntax or to posit the Activation Condition as an independent principle. They still hold empirically for Move as theorems. The Generalized EPP (the ``I need a Spec" property of attracting heads) and the Inverse Case Filter are also dispensable. The traditional Case Filter, stated as a checking requirement, is the sole driving force of A-movement. More generally, Move is always driven by a formal inadequacy (an uninterpretable feature) of the moving element, while Agree is target driven. The system resolves a lookahead problem that arises under the EPP-driven movement approach, where the EPP diacritic indicating that X moves is placed on Y, not X, although X often needs to start moving before Y enters the structure.},
	Author = {Bo{\v{s}}kovi{\'c}, {\v{Z}}eljko},
	Date-Added = {2007-11-02 09:25:08 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-11-02 09:34:35 -0400},
	Journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
	Number = {4},
	Pages = {589--644},
	Title = {On the Locality and Motivation of {M}ove and {A}gree: An Even More Minimal Theory},
	Volume = {38},
	Year = {2007}}

@unpublished{Merchant:2007,
	Author = {Merchant, Jason},
	Date-Added = {2007-10-24 09:59:47 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-10-24 10:00:36 -0400},
	Month = {February},
	Note = {Unpublished manuscript, University of Chicago},
	Title = {Voice and Ellipsis},
	Year = {2007}}

@unpublished{Vries:2007,
	Author = {de Vries, Mark},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-20 15:20:46 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-20 15:21:53 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished manuscript, University of Groningen},
	Title = {Internal and External Remerge: On Movement, Multidominance, and the Linearization of Syntactic Objects},
	Year = {2007}}

@phdthesis{Blevins:1990,
	Author = {Blevins, James},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-20 15:13:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-20 15:14:39 -0400},
	School = {University of Massachusetts at Amherst},
	Title = {Syntactic Complexity: Evidence for Discontinuity and Multidomination},
	Year = {1990}}

@incollection{Kuwabara:1997,
	Address = {Chiba},
	Author = {Kuwabara, Kazuki},
	Booktitle = {Researching and Verifying an Advanced Theory of Human Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-18 20:20:14 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-18 20:21:49 -0400},
	Editor = {Inoue, Kazuo},
	Pages = {61--84},
	Publisher = {Kanda University of International Studies},
	Title = {On the Properties of Truncated Clauses in {J}apanese},
	Year = {1997}}

@unpublished{Kratzer:2006,
	Author = {Kratzer, Angelika},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-18 19:23:39 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-18 19:24:40 -0400},
	Month = {July},
	Note = {talk given at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem},
	Title = {Decomposing Attitude Verbs},
	Year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Nerbonne:1990,
	Author = {Nerbonne, John and Iida, Masayo and Ladusaw, William},
	Booktitle = {The Proceedings of the Ninth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-12 07:12:15 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-12 07:14:34 -0400},
	Editor = {Halpern, Aaron L.},
	Pages = {379--394},
	Title = {Semantics of Common {N}oun {P}hrase Anaphora},
	Year = {1990}}

@unpublished{Taraldsen:1978a,
	Author = {Taraldsen, Knut Tarald},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 22:20:52 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 22:21:47 -0400},
	Note = {unpublished paper, {MIT}},
	Title = {On the {NIC}, vacuous application and the that-trace filter},
	Year = {1978}}

@article{Hockett:1952,
	Author = {Hockett, Charles F.},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 09:55:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 09:56:30 -0400},
	Journal = {Studies in Linguistics},
	Pages = {27--39},
	Title = {A formal statement of morphemic analysis},
	Volume = {10},
	Year = {1952}}

@book{Harris:1951,
	Author = {Harris, Zellig},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-10 09:53:38 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-10 09:54:29 -0400},
	Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	Title = {Methods in Structural Linguistics},
	Year = {1951}}

@inproceedings{Perlmutter:1978,
	Author = {Perlmutter, David},
	Booktitle = {Berkeley Linguistic Society},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-03 14:41:13 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-03 14:42:51 -0400},
	Organization = {University of California, Berkeley},
	Pages = {157--189},
	Title = {Impersonal Passives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis},
	Volume = {{IV}},
	Year = {1978}}

@book{Pires:2006,
	Address = {Amsterdam/Philadelphia},
	Author = {Pires, Acrisio},
	Date-Added = {2007-09-03 12:23:03 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-09-03 12:24:23 -0400},
	Publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	Title = {The {M}inimalist Syntax of {D}efective {D}omains},
	Year = {2006}}

@incollection{Bobaljik:2003,
	Author = {Bobaljik, Jonathan},
	Booktitle = {The Second {Glot} {I}nternational State-of-the-Article Book},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Cheng, Lisa L.-S. and Sybesma, Rint},
	Pages = {107--148},
	Publisher = {Mouton de Gruyter},
	Title = {Floating Quantifiers: Handle with care},
	Year = {2003}}

@article{Blom:2007,
	Abstract = {This article focuses on the meaning of nonfinite clauses (``root infinitives'') in Dutch and English child language. I present experimental and naturalistic data confirming the claim that Dutch root infinitives are more often modal than English root infinitives. This cross-linguistic difference is significatly smaller than previously assumed, however. Explaining the observations, I assume that morphology operates separately from syntax and semantics (Beard (1982; 1995)) and rely on teh notion of underspecification (Halle and Marantz (1993), Harley and Noyer (1999)). It is argued that the Dutch infinitival verb and the English bare verb are both underspecified vocabulary items that can be inserted in various syntactic contexts. Syntactic difference between Dutch and English result in the includion of tensed root infinitives in English, whereas Dutch root infinitives are limited to untensed clauses. This proposal accounts for cross-linguistic differences in the meaning of root infinitives, cross-linguistic differences in type of verbal predicate, variability in the meaning of root infinitives, and patterns in subject selection.},
	Author = {Blom, Elma},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {75--113},
	Title = {Modality, Infinitives, and Finite Bare Verbs in {D}utch and {E}nglish Language},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Bohnacker:2007,
	Abstract = {This article investigates the L2 acquisition of clausal syntax in postpuberty learners of German and Swedish regarding V2, VP headedness, and verb particle constructions. The learner data are tested against L2 theories according to which lower structural projections (VP) are acquired before higher functional projections (IP, CP), VP syntax is unproblematic (`invulnerable'), but where grammatical operations related tot he topmost level of syntactic structure (CP) are acquired late (e.g., Platzacks' (2001) `vulnerable C-domain'). It is shown that such theories do not hold water: Native speakers of Swedish learning German and native speakers of German learning Swedish both master V2 from early on. At the same time, these learners exhibit a nontargetlike syntax at lower structural levels: residual VO int eh case of hte swedish-L2 learners of German, and persistent nontarget transitive verb particle constructions in the German-L1 learners of Swedish. I argue that these findings are best explained by assuming full transfer of L1 syntax (e.g., Schwart an Sprouse (1996)).},
	Author = {Bohnacker, Ute},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2008-11-09 14:11:52 -0500},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {31--73},
	Title = {On the ``Vulnerability'' of Syntactic Domains in {S}wedish and {G}erman},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Matsuo:2007,
	Author = {Matsuo, Ayumi},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language Acquisition},
	Number = {1},
	Pages = {3--29},
	Title = {Differing Interpretations of Empty Categories in {E}nglish and {J}apanese {VP} Ellipsis Contexts},
	Volume = {14},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Schneider-Zioga:2007,
	Abstract = {Anti-agreement is the phenomenon whereby the morphosyntactic form of
subject/verb agreement is sensitive to whether or not an agreeing subject has been
locally extracted. This paper argues that, together with an anti-locality constraint on
movement (Grohmann, 2003) which prohibits overly local movement as elaborated
in (i--v), the occurrence of a canonically left dislocated subject in anti-agreement languages
accounts for all syntax peculiar to the phenomenon in the Bantu language of
Kinande: (i) subjects can extract long-distance even across islands; (ii) subjects are
locally unextractable if the canonical subject/verb agreement occurs; (iii) local subject
extraction requires a change in subject/verb agreement morphology; (iv) objects
cannot locally extract even if they appear to do so; and (v) objects can extract longdistance;
however, they are sensitive to islands. Evidence comes from an analysis of
the distribution of nominal expressions in the language as well as in-depth examination
of two different wh-question formation strategies in the language. This study also
reveals that the last resort strategy in a language is relativized to what is first resort: if
resumption is first resort, movement is last resort, and vice versa.},
	Author = {Schneider-Zioga, Patricia},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Schneider.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {403--446},
	Title = {Anti-agreement, anti-locality and Minimality},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Ormazabal:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with the so-called Person Case Constraint (Bonet, 1991),
a universal constraint blocking accusative clitics and object agreement morphemes
other than third person when a dative is inserted in the same clitic/agreement cluster.
The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we argue that the scope of the PCC is considerably
broader than assumed in previous work, and that neither its formulation in terms
of person (1st/2nd vs. 3rd)-case (accusative vs. dative) restrictions nor its morphological
nature are part of the right descriptive generalization.We present evidence (i) that
the PCC is triggered by the presence of an animacy feature in the object's agreement
set; (ii) that it is not case dependent, also showing up in languages that lack dative case;
and (iii) that it is not morphologically bound. Second, we argue that the PCC, even if
it is modified accordingly, still puts together two different properties of the agreement
system that should be set apart: (i) a cross-linguistic sensitivity of object agreement
to animacy and (ii) a similarly widespread restriction on multiple object agreement
observed crosslinguistically. These properties lead us to propose a new generalization,
the Object Agreement Constraint (OAC): if the verbal complex encodes object
agreement, no other argument can be licensed through verbal agreement.},
	Author = {Ormazabal, Javier and Romero, Juan},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Ormazabal_Romero.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {315--347},
	Title = {The Object Areement Constraint},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Nevins:2007,
	Abstract = {In modeling the effects of the Person-Case Constraint (PCC), a common
claim is that 3rd person ``is not a person''. However, while this claim does work in
the syntax, it creates problems in the morphology. For example, characterizing the
well-known ``spurious se effect'' in Spanish simply cannot be done without reference
to 3rd person. Inspired by alternatives to underspecification that have emerged in
phonology (e.g., Calabrese, 1995), a revised featural system is proposed, whereby
syntactic agreement may be relativized to certain values of a feature, in particular,
the contrastive and marked values. The range of variation in PCC effects is shown
to emerge as a consequence of the parametric options allowed on a Probing head,
whereas the representation of person remains constant across modules of the grammar
and across languages.},
	Author = {Nevins, Andrew},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Nevins.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {273--313},
	Title = {The Representation of Third Person and it Consequences for Person-Case Effects},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@article{Gutierrez-Bravo:2007,
	Abstract = {This paper deals with a number of facts related to the word order of Spanish
declarative clauses and develops an analysis where the unmarked word order of
Spanish clauses with different classes of verbs is not determined by syntactic conditions
such as Case or agreement, but rather by structural conditions that are closely
related to the thematic role of the different arguments of the verb. The analysis is
based on a set of data that point to the conclusion that even though unmarked word
order in Spanish is not determined by Case or agreement considerations, it is still
mostly regulated by the EPP. However, these same data indicate that (a) the EPP
is a requirement operative in some constructions but not in others, and (b) phrases
other than the subject DP can satisfy the EPP. This paper develops an Optimality
Theoretic account of these facts where the core of the analysis consists of introducing
the notion of the Pole of the clause, defined as the highest specifier of the inflectional
layer, and developing a set of markedness constraints whose interaction determines
when and whether this specifier position is occupied. Central to this analysis are the
characterization of the EPP as a violable constraint that requires the Pole specifier to
be filled, and the use of Harmonic Alignment to formalize a hierarchy of markedness
constraints that target the relative markedness of an argument or adjunct when it
occupies the Pole specifier, independently of the grammatical relation it bears.},
	Author = {Guti{\`e}rrez-Bravo, Rodrigo},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory},
	Local-Url = {file://localhost/Users/kyle/Documents/Bookends/Attachments/*NLLT/25.2Gutierrez.pdf},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {235--271},
	Title = {Prominence Scales and Unmarked Word Order in {S}panish},
	Volume = {25},
	Year = {2007}}

@incollection{Klima:1964,
	Author = {Klima, Edward S.},
	Booktitle = {The Structure of Language: Readings in the Philosophy of Language},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Fodor, Jerry A. and Katz, Jerrold J.},
	Pages = {246--323},
	Publisher = {Prentice Hall},
	Title = {Negation in {E}nglish},
	Year = {1964}}

@incollection{Langacker:1969,
	Author = {Langacker, Ronald W.},
	Booktitle = {Modern Studies in {E}nglish},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Reibel, David A. and Schane, Sandford A.},
	Pages = {160--186},
	Publisher = {Prentice Hall},
	Title = {On Pronominalization and the Chain of Command},
	Year = {1969}}

@article{McCawley:1968a,
	Author = {McCawley, James D.},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Journal = {Language},
	Number = {2},
	Pages = {286--299},
	Title = {English as a {VSO} Language},
	Volume = {46},
	Year = {1970}}

@incollection{Fukui:1986a,
	Author = {Fukui, Naoki and Speas, Margaret},
	Booktitle = {{MIT} Working Papers in Linguistics},
	Date-Added = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Date-Modified = {2007-08-29 09:36:51 -0400},
	Editor = {Fukui, Naoki and Rapoport, Tova R. and Sagey, Elizabeth},
	Pages = {128--172},
	Publisher = {Department of Linguistics and Philosophy},
	Title = {Specifiers and Projection},
	Volume = {8},
	Year = {1986}}

@article{Lasnik:1977,
	Author = {Lasnik, Howard and Kupin, J.}